The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 30, 1928, Page 6

THE DAILY THE THE DAILY “WORKER, ‘Published by the Nat by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS’N, Inc. | pon. Except Sunday $8 First Street, New York, aes Rares’ SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New ¥ Per year $4.50 six nicaths $6.50 per year $3.50 six mon £.40 three months. $2.00 three months. Phone, Orchard 1680 “Dalwork” Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. .-ROBERT MINOR ..WM. F. DUNNE *» second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥., under 1879. the act of March 3, The Hope of the Working Class ' We go before the working class in the presidential election | with Communist candidates for the national offices. holding to the aims and the class-struggle policies of our class, enters into the elections of the capitalist “democracy”’—not in| harmony with the purposes of those elections, but with the revo- lutionary purpose of mobilizing the masses of toilers of industry and country against the very capitalist state which seeks, through thoseelections, to support itself by deluding the masses. Necessity compels the capitalist class to put through the pup-| pet-show of elections “by the people” while the Sinclairs, Mellons, Morgans, Ryans and Rockefellers choose a new president. The Communist Party takes advantage of this necessity of the capitalist class. It participates in the election by complete and merciless exposure of the fact that from such election can come no change in the political power which rules the country, and that this power can be overthrown only by the actions of these masses outside of the parliamentary forms. The working class of the United States is deeper in the il- lusions of capitalist so-called “democracy” than the workers of any other country in the world. This is what the capitalist press and politicians mean when they boast that “there are no classes in America.” And this is expressed in the fact that this is the only country in the world where the working class and the most exploited farmers are by habit, by tradition and by present prac- tice inside of the two political parties of the capitalist class. This historical fact is explained in the draft platform adopted by the National Nominating Convention of the Workers (Com- munist) Party: Today the bulk of the workers—even those who economically, in their trade unions, by their strikes, fight the bosses—support the political parties of the same bosses, the republican and democratic parties. This is a fatal mistake, because it means that the workers themselves help the capitalists to hold their grip on the state power. Those workers who still remain in the camps of the republican and democratic parties are helping the capitalists to be the bosses of the courts, to use injunctions and armed forces to crush the trade unions and to paralyze the strike movements of the workers. To bring about the divorce of the masses of exploited work- ers and farmers from this hideous alliance with their worst class enemies, to break*up their habit and tradition of support of their on oppressors, the Communist Party, in connection with its ¢ mpaign for its revolutionary ticket and platform and ticket, ad- vocates the formation of a labor party. Is there any inconsistency between in the Communist Party’s actions in calling for 100 per cent support for the Communist Party, and at the same time calling for the formation of a labor party” Certainly not. But there is danger that many workers may nevertheless misunderstand the demand for the formation of a labor party. Of course it is easy to make the mistake of think- ing that the Communist Party wishes to substitute a labor party | for itself. But nothing could be more absurd or more dangerously misleading. The Communist platform says: The Workers (Communist) Party supports the formation of those laber parties which are based on trade unions and other organ- izations of the working class. It is willing to participate in the formation of such labor parties, because it considers this the first decisive step toward independent political action by the working the first step of the workers to break away from the parties of the bosses, At the same time the Communist Party considers it its duty to tell the workers frankly that a labor party has its limita- tions and that it will not be able to lead the workers in their final struggle to their emancipation. Only a Communist Party can do that, Only under the leadership of the Communist Party can the American working class emancipate itself from the double yoke of capitalist exploitation and oppression. The Workers (Communist) Party fights for the formation of a labor party and against the treacherous policy of the trade union bureaucrats in selling out the working class through the agency of the “friends” among the politicians of the enemy class, and no labor party can lead the working class to victory. Only the Communist Party can do that. But keep a true perspective. No labor party can lead the woorking class to victory. Only the Communist Party can do that. In a Communist election campaign the greatest possible mob- ilization of the working class must be accompanied by the great- est possible building up of the membership of the Communist Party. Votes for Foster and Gitlow must be accompanied, by tens of thousands of new members of the Workers (Communist) Party. That is what we will call success in the coming election campaign. THE MIGHTY SEAT (A seat on the New York Stock Kishange wan was ld for $365,000—News Item) Three hundred thousand dollars for a seat! Is this the jeweled throne that one might meet In fairy tales, or chair with crooked arms Of gold where sits a witch to weave her charms Oh, stranger far this seat of which I tell, For it was built of blood and flesh in hell And set aloft upon this mighty place, And there a puppet sits with twitching face And rakes in profits with a trembling hand. He gambles half a kingdom in a strand Of ticker tape, He paid a paltry sum— Three hundred thousand dollars! Easy come And easy go! While rownd about hint beat The sounds of anguished voices and of feet That race in terror to retrieve their loss, For all their golden stocks have turned to dross At touch of this cruel wizard in his chair A thousand heads ure bent and gray with care. This chair has all the mystic power to make A man more rich than Midas. For the sake Of profits men crouch here before this throne And snarl among themselves over a bone! The symbol of the system and its power, Thies throne shall crash when strikes the workers’ hour! ~HENRY REICH, Jr. a The Com- | munist Party, the sole revolutionary political party, the only party | } | WORKER. “OUR SACRED TRUSTS” DAY, MAY 30, 1928 By HERBERT ZAM. On May 5th and 6th a Labor Youth Conference was held in New York, In spite of deliberate efforts on the part of some elements in the conference to disrupt it, or to doom it to impo- tency, the conference marked pro- gress in the work for the organiza- tion of the young workers. Militant Demands. This progress was due entirely to tha militant demands of the young workers who were present as dele- gates, and their insistence on refus- ing to be sidetracked from their pur- pose. The conference was originally ar- ranged by the.Brookwood Labor Col- lege. Altho this was the second con- ference, the first one having been held in Katonah, N. Y., and altho Tom Tip- pett, in commenting on the second conference remarked that the first one had been “hot air” and the see- ond one must do something, the Brookwood administration from the very first endeavored to confine the conference within the strait-jacket of “educational,” or to quota Mr. Tip- pett, make it another “hot air” con- ference. The young workers, how- ever, refused to permit the Brook- wood administration to act as a brake on their activity, adopted a number of resolutions dealing with their | mittee to carry on the work after the conference, To those acquainted with the first conference, it was very evident that, considering that this was the second conference, that it was in New York, and not in Katonah, etc., the second conference was narrower than the first, altho the number of unions hav- ing. representatives was about the same. Brookwood Tries To Sabotage. This narrowness was due almost entirely to the deliberate efforts of the Brookwood administration to limit the conference. Thus, for example, no effort was made to obtain the en- dorsement of the New. York Central Trades, which had endorsed and par- ticipated in the first one; the com- mittee which the first conference had set up was not permitted to function; no representatives were sent to the trade union to ask for the election of delegates: This narrow policy was a result of the fear which animated Mr. Muste, the head of Brookwood, that a broad: conference would result in him losing control of it. When the conference opened, a still further effort was made to reduce the conference by the exclusion of the delegates representing the Young Workers (Communist) League. The Young Workers (Communist) League had been officially invited to partic- ipate in the conference. After the pressing problems, and elected a com- By SCOTT NEARING. Thirteen New York bank stocks are selling at more than $1,000 a share. The Chemical National stocks sell at an even $1,000; Herriman Na- tional, $1,120; State Bank, $1,170; Bankers Trust, $1,200; Colonial Bank, $1,200; Manufacturers Trust, $1,220; Brooklyn Trust, $1,340; Hanover Na- tional, $1,420; Central Union Trust, $1,725; Fifth Avenue Bank, $2,275; King County Trust, $3,200; United States Trust, $3,400; First National, $4,650. Men who originally paid $100 for First ‘National shares (or who were given $100 shares by the First Na- | WASHINGTON, (FP) May 29.— |Two pamphlets issued by the New York State Committee on Public Util- ity Information and circulated among | high- schools and parochial and pri- | vate schools of high-school grade, in New York State, came into the evi- | dence taken in its power trust propa- ganda probe, by the Federal Trade |Commission. Fred W. Crone, direc- tor of the Committee, testified as to | how the power trust argument had | been put into the hands of teachers jand pupils. Sixty thousand copies of “Know New York State” were first sent out, the power trust publicity bureau cir- cularizing all school principals with sample copies. Smithsonian Like the Rest. Like the “state pride” pamphlets used by the trust in other parts of the country, this one recited the in- dustries, resources and possible de- velopment of New York capital, and emphasized the public utilities as the great triumph of human genius and names of the delegates were sent to tional Bank) and who have held on to their property can now sell the shares for 46 times the original price —an advance of 4,500 per cent! The shares of this particular bank were selling at $1,100 five years ago. Within that five years they have in- creased more than 300 per cent in | price. The original price of bank stock represented the amount of capital subscribed ‘by investors. The market price indfeates the present earning }|power of the bank. The enormous difference between the par value and |the selling value of these bank stocks is the result of the great earning power of a modern banking enter- prise. Banks not only issue money but, far more important, they issue | faith, based upon the right of private | profit. Then another pamphlet was | issued, to follow the first, entitled “Servants of Progress.” This was de- voted to the utilities, and contained the same false statements regarding jthe Ontario Hydro-Electric Comunis- sion’s achievements in government ; ownership and operation of giant power that are found in the S. 8, Weyer report printed by the Smith- {sonian Institution and in the report of Prof. Stewart of the University of Minnesota. Crone’s bulletin for May, 1928, noted that 44,000 copies of this pamphlet had been placed in the hands of classes in 490 high-schools in the state. Organized Propaganda. Beside poisoning the minds of young people toward public owner- ship of the electric industry, Crone’s committee *was busy with adults. Speakers were trained by the use of handbook he prepared. A year and a half ago the task of talking the voters of New York state over to an eager support of the power trust was formally organized in a speakers’ bureau, The state was divided into |Brookwood, a reply. was received, over the signature of Muste, thank- ing the League for its interests and for having elected delegates. But at the last minute, a third letter was re- ceived saying that the League had |been invited. thru a mistake of the “secretary” and would not be permit- ted to participate. Naturally, the Young Workers (Communist) League had no intention “6f'permitting this eamasculation of the conference by eliminating the organization which had been most active in the work for the organization of the young work- ers, and which was the only organiza- tion that really defended the interests of the toiling youth. The delegates therefore came to the conference and presented their credentials with a re- quest for the body itself to act on the matter. Mr. Muste was not present at the opening session, and Mr. Saposs act- ed as chairman, much to the regret of the delegates and undoubtedly of Mr. Saposs himself. Mr. Saposs ruled that the delegates from the Young Workers (Communist) League could not be seated, This evoked such a storm of protest from the delegates, that Mr. Saposs was compelled to withdraw. A motion was unanimous- ly carried to select a credentials com- mittee to pass on the delegates. Mr. Saposs wanted to appoint the creden- tials committee. The delegates voted to elect it. The credentials commit- credit on which they collect regular interest just as though they were loaning money. They also engage in various other forms of business: acti- vity, and, if they are well handled, pile up surplus wealth at a rate which exceeds that of even the most pros- perous manufacturing industries, The last 30 years of the 19th cen- tury were the years of big. business. The first 28 years of the present century have been the years of big banks. Banking profits are eclipsing business profits as bankers rise to their position of supreme power in the economic system. Every important city of the United States carries the record of these huge bank profits in the rapid growth of luxurious bank buildings and fine ten districts, and in each district a} director, who was a utility executive, formed a subcommittee whose duty possible program. Kiwanis clubs, Ro- tary clubs, chambers of commerce, schools, clergymen’s associations, clerks’ picnics, labor union meetings— yall were included ‘in the systematic {canvass for gullible listeners. Millions at Stake. The big idea was—-and is, for the machine is now running at full speed. in very county of the state—to make voters and future voters hate the idea of public competition with the power companies and gas companies. Millions in annual revenue for the power combine are at stake in the game of bluff. So it comes about that Crone issues a speakers’ handbook and keeps a record of the number of speeches made in each of the 10 districts, month by month. Women employes of the companies are given special training as speakers before -vomen’s clubs. Men and women employes are sent. to talk before schools, Executives of the companies direct this school- “We hold a great treasure which must be protected.”—President Coolidge. Organizing the Young Workers tee of threa was elected, it met, and brought in a unanimous report, in which it recommended the seating of all delegates who had come with reg- ular credentials from their organiza- tions, including the delegates repre- senting the Young Workers (Com- munist) League. “piers pel “Democracy.” Being a good liberal, and beljeving in “democracy” in the trade unions, and having regard for the will of the majority, Mr. Saposs promptly ruled the report of the credentials commit- tee out of order! Needless to say, Mr. Saposs brought down a storm upon his own head. The delegates wanted to know why they had elected a credentials committee. Mr. Saposs had no answer. The dele- gates wanted to know whether the delegates to this conference had any- thing to say about the affairs of the conference, or whether the delegates were so many dummies for Mr. Saposs to practice parliamentary procedure on. Mr. Saposs shrugged his shoulders. Like a good democrat, he was impervious to the “ravings of the mob.” Cool, collected, dignified, like the hero in the Western picture, Mr. Saposs pulled out his watch, and in a solemn, strike-me-dead tone, de- clared that he would adjourn the con- ference unless everything became quiet and his dictatorship was adopt- ed before five minutes were up. (To Be Continued.) From Trust to Finance Capitalism office buildings controlled by banks. Bank buildings are today the out- standing monuments to United States business prosperity. They indicate the position of the banking interests in the business world. The present era in the United States is the era of the bankers. It) is no longer necessary to produce’ wealth in order to make money. In fact, it is the producer who stays poor while the banking interests roll up their huge surpluses, After all, it must be so. From competitive capitalism to trust capitalism was one step. From trust capitalism to finance capitalism is another. Business in- terests in the United States have just it was to place speakers upon eyery, taken that step. “" Circulate Power Trust Propaganda in Public Schools speaking campaign, and report the |number of: column-inches of news- paper publicity given these propa- ganda talks. As the papers increase the space devoted to the propaganda, the companies increase steadily their expenditures on paid advertising. Of course they do not wish to influence} the good-will of the press! Movies and Radio. Moving pictures are used as propa- ganda by many of the companies, and series of radio talks are given, under the prétext of household science and cooking hints. This system catches the women who do not read the news- papers, or who would never read newspaper articles dealing directly with the issue of private versus pub- lic ownership. So the network of lines of sugges- tion has been woven over the people of New York in the past few years, until it is so perfect that any dis- covery on their part that they are being robbed of millions of dollars annually through the private power combine will be made only by merest chance or through political earth- quake. HANaO«TS | | A PICTURE of the unbounded gene | erosity with which capitalist offi- | cials spend the public’s money ean be jseen in the admission of Borough | Superintendent Frank C. Gannon of |Brooklyn to Commissioner of Ac- counts Higgins in the street cleaning graft that, for the life of him, he | couldn’ 't just recollect to whom he had | paid $4,5000. This piece of change | had apparently just. been misplaced | somewhere like an umbrella. | * * * | fies is an example of the way science advances under capital- ism: A professor at the Michigan State College stood on the street corners of various cities watching the women go by, according to a newspaper dispatch, The dispatch estimates he “studied the walking habits” of 11,000 women. And now, according to the dispatch, an arti- cle by the professor on “The Walk- ing Habits of the Female of the Species” is going to appear in the next number vf the Journal of Heredity. The socialist campaign managers jare laying great hope, it is reported, in the fact that Norman Thomas is a Presbyterian in good standing. What with Al. Smith being a catholic, they say, Norman should have easy sledding in the solid south and other liberal neighborhoods, * * * The Nation for this week grabbed a few free articles in the form of opinions on the Broun-World rift. Interesting indeed are the comments jof such bourgeois intellectual lead- ers as William Allen White, the paunchy editor from Emporia, Kan- sas, David Lawrence, editor of the United States Daily and H. L. Men- cken of Baltimore, * * * Lawrence, whose “impartial” pa- per has just been exposed as being in extremely unplatonic relationship with the Power Trust, declares that not being a lawyer he has no fervent opinions on Broun getting the gate. * * * “The editor still is boss,” avers White. “The employee still has his royal right to resign or be fired.” ene) acca The crowning contribution is of- fered by Mr. Mencken, intellectual leader of the younger as well as some of the older set. “I ascribe the whole sad affair to prohibition,” he says. “T long for the return of the saloon as it was when I was young and happy.” Public Benefactor Cc. C. PYLE, Chiropodist. The friendly looking fellow in thd picture is Mr. C. C. Pyle, promoter of the cross country foot race which haa just been concluded in New York, Picture shows Mr. Pyle waving good: bye to his wife as the caravan set oui from Los Angeles several weeks ago, The derby is said to have resulted tm thousands of dollars for Employer Pyla and thousands of bunions for the ram and file hoofers, some of whom are said to have corns all the way up to their knees. Promoter Pyle, however, saya he is willing to make the sacrifice of all this pain on the part of his co- workers, for the sake of science. He has invented a bunion eure which, ha says, will be a great boost for human+ ity and his bank account. During the derby. Pyle himself contracted a few bunions but not on his feet. He rode all the way in an-antomobile. * * * ME: KNAPP has finally been cons victed. Afflicted with a fashion- able nervous breakdown, she will now be sent by her corps of pub- licity agents to the usual exclusive sanitariums, where she will be at- tended in columns of newspaper print by the leading nerve special- ists of the country. Despite her critical condition, the story of her lone and heroic battle against un- believable odds will within a short time begin to appear serially in a well-known New York tabloid under the title, “The Heart of a Woman.” After being pardoned by Gov. Smith because she has suffered enough, she will leave for a European pnpeosted in her iver sorrow fi |