The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 22, 1928, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, MAY 22, 1928 THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Ine. Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Addre SUBSCRIPTION R. By Mail (in New York only) $8.00 per year $4.50 six $2.50 three months. Phone, Orchard 1680 s: “Datwor TE {ail (outside of New York): per year $3.50 six months $2.00 three months. Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. i OURS a Sead Veis's Me ace e's -ROBERT MINOR CS Assistant Editor.......... ...WM. F. DUNNE Kbterea as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥., under the act of March 3, 1579. Kellogg’s Toasted Peace Flakes| Only a few months ago the Union of Socialist Soviet Repub- lics made to all capitalist nations of the world a proposal for com- plete disarmament which had the effect of stirring the imperial- ist diplomats into a certain form of “action.” The “action” of the imperialist states, of course, is not toward peace or disarma- ment, but toward building up again the structure of hypocrisy and deceit about capitalist “peace” which the Soviet diplomacy had broken down before the eyes of millions. Every capitalist natfon in the world is feverishly preparing for war. Every capitalist diplomat knows that his business is to prepare as rapidly for the coming world war for the re-division of the world between imperialist states. From the point of view of each imperialist state the slightest suggestion of weakening its military arm is criminal stupidity—if taken at face value. Im- perialism can live only by ever-increasing military force and| violence ; and thus logically all imperialist nations are increasing, | and must increase, every possible means of force and violence. But one of the most necessary means of war preparation is the ideological preparation of the masses of the given imperialist country. These ma consisting of a large majority of work- ers and farmers, must be made in general to accept the idea that their own government is a peace-loving government, which enters the war only because it is being forced to do so by other govern- ments. Fundamentally throughout all capitalist imperialist coun- tries the illusion must be preserved that peace ig possible in cap- italist society, and that imperialist governments éan and will make efforts for peace. Merely by stating the proposal in clear, straightforward terms, that all nations should immediately disarm, the diplomacy of the Union of the Socialist Soviet Republics compelled every imperialist country on earth to expose itself by rejecting the only possible sincere proposal against imperialist war. Every capitalist nation has since then been scrambling after some sort of hypocritical formula intended to allgy the suspicions of the masses. Every capitalist nation is producing “peace plans” intended to make the masses believe that at least their particular country is sincerely devoted to peace even while working night and day to increase its supply of artillery and bombs. All peace proposals of these imperialists are the same kind of mush. What Briand brews for the French masses, Chamber- lain warms over for the British, and Kellogg toasts up again for , America; and all mean the same thing—war of conquest, pre- pared behind a screen of lies for the masses who do the dying. Kellogg’s proposal is a veritable by-product of the munitions factory. The sense of it is that there shall be absolutely no war of any sort except when there is to be war. Briand’s proposal on behalf of imperialist France is-that at the time of declaring war the governments shall also declare precisely what all governments declared in 1914—that they were /going-towar in self-defense. Now comes the British government, in the midst of preparations for war against the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, with a declaration that it will absolutely accept all of these noble and generous offers to abolish war; it makes no reservations what- ever except that when it joins in the coming world war it will solemnly declare that it does so only because it has so many inter- ests to protect. It is interesting to note the singular unanimity of applause from the capitalist press for all of these sneaking murder-plots bearing the name of “peace proposals.’ In the face of the special interests of particular groups of office-seeking politicians, the common interest is to dope the American masses with the great lie of “peaceful” imperialism. Both democratic and republican national conventions will reek with the hypocrisy of “peace” talk, as a cover to war prepa- | rations. The socialist party convention has done the same thing precisely, except that it speaks as a miserable servant of the war-| makers, where the others speak as masters of war. This week-end will come, the only truth on this subject that the masses of this country will hear from any political party con- vention, when the Workers (Communist) Party national nomi- nating convention tears off the mask of this hypocrisy and lays bare the fundamental fact that imperialism lives by exploitation and conquest with blood and iron and that the only peace that can | be had will be over the ruins of a world-imperialism destroyed by revolution. Never before in this countr, found to show the, working * perialist peace talkj and th the coming conventién wi } | has a greater opportunity been asses the ghastly meaning of im- Jommunist candidates nominated at utilize that opportunity. Hurrah for Nicaragua! What the Associated Press calls “the most severe combat be- tween the United States marines and rebels which has occurred for weeks” does not seem to indicate that the brave Nicaraguan fighters for freedom against United States imperialism are losing their courage. The worker and peasant soldiers fighting in the armies of Sandino and of Jose Leon Diaz, whom the capitalist correspondents like to call “the cattle rustler and contraband runner,” are sure to inspire wider and wider sections of Latin- Americans and of United States workers with their courage. The tropical rains have impeded the invading murder-expedition by land, and the heavy fore have made ineffective many of Wall Street government's plans for murdering the Nicaraguan worker- peasant forces from the air. No illusions should be indulged in, either that smug hypocritical projects iike that of Senator King of Utah (that the marines be withdrawn after the elections) will accomplish anything for the cause of Nicaraguan independence, or that the small forces of that little country can hold out end- lessly against the limitless military resources of the richest and most ruthless imperialist power on earth. ; The consolidation of the forces of the masses of all Latin ' America, to bring about a Latin-American bloc to resist United States imperialism must be encouraged with all effective means. THE COSSACKS AR By JAMES P. CANNON. The death of Haywood was not un- expected. The declining health of the old fighter was known to his friends for a long time. On each visit to Moscow in recent years which cur Party work necessitated we noted the progressive weakening of his physical powers and learned of the repeated attacks of the fatal disease which finally brought him down. Our anxious inquiries during the past month, occasioned by the newspaper reports of his illness, only brought the response that his recovery this time could not be expected. Nevertheless we could not abandon the hope that his fighting spirit and his will to live would pull him through again and the news that death had triumphed in the’ unequal struggle brought a shock of grief. A Soldier to the Last. The death of Haywood is a double blow to those who were at once his comrades in the fight and his personal friends, for his character was such as to invest personal relations with an extraordinary dignity afd impor- tance. His great significance for the American and worldslabor movement was also fully appreciated, I think, both by our Party and the Com- munist International, in the ranks of which he ended his career, a soldier to the last. An. outstanding personality and leader of the pre-war revolutionary labor movement in America and also a member and leader of the modern Communist movement. which grew -up on its foundation, Bill Haywood rep- resented a connecting link which help- ed to establish continuity between the old movement and the new. Grow- ing out of the soil of America, or bet- entered the labor movement as a pioneer unionist of the formative day: thirty years ago. From that start- ing point he bent his course toward the conscious class struggle and marched consistently on that path to the end of his life. He died a Com- munist and a soldier of the Commu- nist International. Wrote Memoirs, It is a great fortune for our Party that he finished his memoirs and that they are soon to be. published. They constitute a record of the class strug- gle and of the labor movement in America of priceless value for the present generation of labor militants. The career of Haywood is bound up with the stormy events which have marked the course of working class By SCOTT NEARING. APAN has served notice that neith- er the armies of the Manchurian armies of the Nationalist Chiang Kai Shek will be allowed to enter Man- churia. If they venture into the ter- ritory the 15,000 Japanese soldiers who are already in Manchuria plus as many more as are necessary to do the job will take care that they go no further. : The Japanese declaration readsi “The Japanese government attaches the utmost importance to the main- tenance of peace and order in Man- thing in order to prevent the occur- rence of any such state of affairs as constitute a probable cause of dis- turbance.” What is Manchuria? A “neutral” section of China. Who made it neutral? With this purpose the workers of this country must support with ll their energy the All-American Anti-Imperialist League, and heroism of the Nicaraguan armies is doing much to inspire n to this. Japan. How? With an army. What does this neutrality signify? ter, hewn out of its rocks, he first | of the Western Federation of Miners | War Lord, Chang Tso-lin, nor the churia, and are prepared to do every- | may disturb that peace and order or E BUSY : development in America for thirty years and out of which the basic nucleus of the modern movement has come, | He grew up in the hardship and} struggle of the mining camps of the west. Gifted with the careless phy-. sical courage of a giant and an elo- quence of speech, Bill soon became a) recognized leader of the metal min-) ers and developed with them through epic struggles toward a militancy of action combined with a socialistic un-| derstanding, even in that early day, which soon placed the Western Fed-) eration of Miners, which Haywood said “twas born in a Bull Pen,” in the vanguard of the American labor| movement. It was the merger of these indus- trial proletarian militants of the west with the socialist political elements represented by Debs and De Leon which brought about. the formation of the I. W. W. in 1905, The fame and outstanding prominence of Hay- wood as-a labor leader even in that day is illustrated by the fact. that he was chosen chairman of the~historic” fitst. convention of the I, W. W. in 1905. First Convention of I. W. W. The brief, simple speech he deliv- ered there, as recorded in the steno- graphic minutes of the convention, stands out in many respects as a charter of labor of that day. His plea for the principle of the class struggle, for industrial unionism, for special emphasis on the unskilled workers, for solidarity of black and white workers and for a revolution- ary goal of the labor struggle antici- |pated many established principles of |the modern revolutionary labor move- ment, The attempt to railibad him to the gallows on framed-up murder charges |in 1906 was thwarted by the colossal | protest movement of the workers who saw in this frame-up against him a tribute to his talent and power as a labor leader and to his incorruptibil- ity. His name became a battle cry of-the socialist and labor moyement and he emerged from the trial a na- tional and international figure. He rose magnificently to the new demands placed upon him by this position and soon became recognized far and wide as the authentic voice of the proletarian militants of America. The schemes of the reformist leaders of the socialist party to use his great name and popularity as a shield for them were frustrated by the bold and resolute course he pursued. Through the maze of intrigue and machina- tions of the reformist imposters in the That a foreign empire (Japan) shall determine what» Chinese shall come and go and what they shall do there. * * * Did Japan learn this game of “neu- tralization” from the American em- pire in itsserecent dealings with Nica- ragua or did the American empire learn the game from the past twen- ty years of Japanese intrigue and aggression in Manchuria? It. does not matter. The-important point is that Jap- ariese. imperialists have dug ~them- selves into Manchuria where they \propose to stay. AS Manchuria is a very rich territory (British Isles; a population nearly as large, and vast quantities of uncul- tivated, fertile land and of unworked natural -resourees. : Czarist. Russia’ grabbed Manchuria from China in 1897. Japan grabbed South Manchuria from Russia in 1905. Britain, Germany and the United tates were around. They did not South ipropose that Japan should hold this ‘with an area greater than that of the | By deeeb Bark TONCLE SAM EXTENDS | socialist party, he shouldered his way | with the doctrine of class struggle }and the tactics of militant action. Headed Left Wing. The proletarian and revolutionary elements gathered around him and formed the powerful “left wing” of ‘the Party which made its bid for pow- er in the convention of 1912. The “Reds” were defedted there and the party took a decisive step along the pathway which has led to its present position of reformist bankruptcy .and open betrayal. The subsequent ex- pulsion of Haywood from the National Executive Committee was at once a proof of the opportunist degeneration of the party and of his own revolu- |tionary integrity, Haywood’s syndicalism was - the outcome of his reaction against the reformist policies and parliamentary eretinism of the middle class leaders of the socialist party—Hillquit, Ber- jger, and Co. But syndicalism, which in its final analysis, is “the twin characterized it, wa theory in Haywood’s career. He passed beyond it and thus escaped that degeneration and sterility which overtook the syndicalist movement throughout the world during and after the war. The World War and the Russian Revolution did not pass by Haywood unnoticed, as they passed by many leaders of the I. W. W. who had encased themselves in a shell of dogma to shut out the realities of life. Becomes a Communist. These world-shaking events com- bined with the hounding and dragoon- ing of the I. W. W. by the United States government—the “Political State” which syndicalism wanted to “ignore”—wrought a profound change in the outlook pf Bill Haywood, He emerged from Leavenworth Peniten- tiary in 1919 in a receptive and stu- dious mood. He was already fifty years old but he conquered the men- tal rigidity which afflicts so many at that age. He began, slowly and pain- fully to assimilate the new and uni- versal lessons of the war and the Russian Revolution, First taking his stand with that group in the I. W. W. which favored adherence to the Red International of Labor Unions, he gradually developed his thought fur- ther and finally came to the point where he proclaimed himself a Com- munist and a disciple of Lenin. He became a member of the Communist Party .of America before his depar- ture for Russia. There he was trans- ferred to the Russian Communist Party and in recognition of his life- rich prize. So they served an ulti- matum on Japan in the interest of “Chinese integrity.” Japan there- fore got out of Manchuria technically. Legally South Manchuria went back to China. Economically its railroads Japanese Imperialist Above is Baron Tanaka, jingoistic premier of Japan, who, on behalf of Japanese capitalists interested to the extent of $200,0000,000, directed the seizure of Manchuria. bi brother of reformism,” as Lenin.has. | RULE OF By LELAND OLDS, (Fed. Press) talist imperialism from Great Britain to the United States is reflected in a U. S. department of commerce survey of foreign lending by American and British capitalists since 1920, Ac- cording to the department’s statistics the Americans have underwritten foreign securities in the 8-year period to the extend of $6,836,000,000 while it quotes the Midland Bank @s placing the British total at $4,121,000,000. Perhaps even more significant evi- dence of the extension of capitalist power oyer the workers of the world is the figure showing total capital issues, domestic as well as foreign. On this Basis the balance in favor of the United States appears overwhelming. New capital issues in the United States: from 1920 to 1927 reached the amazing total of $41,686,000,000, com- pared with a total of $9,023,000,000 underwritten by English bankers. Capitalist Super-Profits A 5 per cent return. on the new securities sold in ‘the United States in these 8 years alone would provide the capitalist class with an annual in- come of more than $2,000,000,000. Foreign securities underwritten in the United States have always repre- sented a relatively small proportion of the total capital issues of any one year, amounting to a little over 16 per cent of the total for the 8-year period. On the other hand from 1921 time_of revolutionary work, he was given the status of “an old party member”—the highest honor anyone can enjoy in the land of Workers’ Triumph. As everyone knows, Haywood in his time had been a prisoner in many jails and, like all men who have smelt iron, he was keenly sensitive to the interests of revolutionaries who suf- fer this crucifixion. He attached the utmost importance to the work of labor defense and was one of the founders of the I. L, D. He con- tributed many ideas to its formation and remained an enthusiastic suppor- ter right up to his death. What is| very probably his last message to the workers of America, written just be- fore he was stricken the last time, is contained in a letter which is being published in the June number of the Labor Defender now. on the press. As a leader of the workers in open struggle Haywood was a fighter the like of which is all too seldom seen. a3 craft or race or nationality. In battle with the class enemies of the workers he was a raging lion, relent- less and irreconcilable, His field was the open fight and in mass strikes his powers unfolded and multiplied themselves. Endowed with a giant’s physique and an absolute disregard of personal hazards, he pulled the striking workers‘to him as to a magnet and imparted to them his own courage and spirit. Akron, Strike. I remember especially his arrival at Akron during the great rubber workers’ strike of 1913 when ten thou- sand strikers met him at the station and marched behind him to the Hall. His speech that morning has always stood out.in my mind as a model of working class oratory. With his com- manding presence and his great mel-| low voice he held the vast crowd in his power from the moment that he rose to speak. He had that gift, all too rare, of using only the necessary words and of compressing his thoughts into short, epigrammatic sentences. He clarified his points with !homely illustrations and pungent wit- ticisms which rocked the audience with understanding laughter. He poured out sarcasm, ridicule and de- nunciation upon the employers and their pretensions and made the work- ers feel with him that they, the work- ers, were the important and neces- sary people. He closed, as he always did, on a note of hope and struggle, with a picture of the final victory of the workers. Every word from be- | and# resource developments remained in the hands of the Japanese. * Again in the Washington Treaty of 1922, Japan promised to respect “the sovereignty, the independence, and the territorial and administrative integrity of China” and to preserve the Open Door in Manchuria—that is, to allow British and American busi-. aess men the same rights in Man- churia as those enjoyed by Japanese business men. : The promise “was a_ diplomatic joke. The Japanese then held and still hold special privileges in Manchuria, such as the South Manchurian rail- road, E Dairen is a Chinese city in Chinese territory. Visitors to the city must secure a Japanese visa. | Japanese capital to the extent of at least $2,000,000,000 is invested in Manchuria. Japanese soldiers and po- lice infest the place. Japanese di- plomacy controls it. Japan is the imperial ruler of Chinese Manchuria. The passing of leadership in capi- | THE DOLLAR' to 1924 foreign capital issues actually exceeded domestic issues floated inj England and for the 8 years they averaged over 45 per cent of thei British total.. English foreign, issues; include investments in British posses=; sions such as Canada, India and thei African colonies. Record of Exploitation. The foreign capital issues offeres in the United States and England for: the years 1920-27 were: Foreign ! investment U. S. United Kingd 1920 .. $585,000,000 — $218,000,00 1921 .. 631,000,000 445,000,000 1922 .. 682,000,000 599,000,000 1923... 414,000,000 622,000,000: 1924 .. 928,000,000 593,000,000 1925 .. 1,085,000,000 424,000,000: 1926 .. 1,185,000,000, 546,000,01 1927 .. 1,376,000,000 674,000,000 Total $6,836,000,000 $4,121,000,0001 The United States has been cutting | in on the English financial hegemony} chiefly in Canada and Latin America. In 1927 the United States invested $268,331,395 in Canada to England’s} $50,638,000. England’s investment in, Canada for the prewar year 1913! totaled $332,664,000. Similarly thei United States in 1927 invested $359,- 229,300 in Latin America while; English investment in Latin America fell from $242,834,000 in 1913 to $118,~: 284,000 in 1927. William D. Haywood --- Soldier to the Last ginning to end, simple, clear and ef- fective. That is Haywood, the prole- tarian orator as I remember him. Thdre was another side to Bill Haywood which was an essential side of his character revealed to those who knew him well as personal friends. He had a warmth of personality that drew men to him like a bonfire on a winter’s day. His considerateness and indulgence toward his friends and his generous impulsiveness in human relations were just as much a part of Bill Haywood as his iron will and intransigeance in battle. “Bill’s Room” in the Lux Hotel at Moscow was'always the central gath- ering place for the English speaking delegates. Bill was “good company” in the best sense of that old-fashioned term. He liked to have people around him and visitors came to his room in a steady stream; many went to pour out their troubles, certain of a sym- pathetic hearing and a word of wise aw vice, Raps. <a paeloned ine Jal masses and was Feared by Ruling Class. markably free from all prejudices The American ruling class hounded Haywood with thd most vindictive hatred. They could not tolerate the idea that he, an American of old rev- olutionary stock, a talented organizer and eloquent speaker, should be on the side of the exploited masses, a champion of the doubly persecuted foreigners and Negroes. With a twenty year prison sentence hanging over him he was compelled to leave America in the closing years of his life and to seek refuge in Workers’ Russia. He died there in the Kremlin, the capitol of his and our Socialist Fatherland with the red flag of his class floating triumphant- ly overhead. Capitalist America made him an outlaw and he died expatriated from his native land. But in the ranks of the militant workers of America, who owe so much to his example, he re- mains a citizen of the first rank, Ha represented in his rugged personal- ity all that was best of the pre-war socialist and labor movement, and by his adhesion to Communism he helped to transmit that inheritance to us. His memory will remain a blazing torch of inspiration for the workers of America ia the great struggles which lie before them. His life was a credit and an honor to our class and to our movement. Those who pick up the battle-flag which has fallen from his lifeless hands will do well to emulate the big- ness and vision, the courage and the devotion which were characteristics of our beoved comrade and friend, Bill Haywood. No Trespassing on Manchuria, the Private Preserves of Japan It is for that reason that she is pro- posing to use her army and navy for “the maintenance of peace and order in Manchuria.” Theoretically Manchuria is a part of China. Japanese diplomats, fol- lowing the precedents set by other imperial freebooters, have occupied the territory with their armies and set up “no trespassing” signs all along the border. A CORRECTION The appeal to American workers: against Japanese imperialism which appeared in yesterday’s issue of The, DAILY WORKER was issued by the New York Branch of the Alliance to Support Chinese Workers-Peasants’ Revolution, The manifesto of the or- ganization printed in an earlier issue only appeared in part because of lim- itation of space. The manifesto de» nounced the Kuomintang as an imper- ialist tool and the murderer of the Chinese masses, : 1. eae nN rete onan ama |