The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 10, 1928, Page 6

et Page THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, MAY ‘10, 1928 THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc. | Daily, Except Sunday $3 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address SUBSCRIPT! New York! only): $4.50 six mc 50 three months. Address and ma’ Phone, Orchard 1680 “Dalwork” ION RATES By Mail (outside of New York): $6.50 per year 3.50 six months $2.00 three months. fl out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. ff iterea as second-class mail at the post-office at the act of M: ROBERT MINOR ...WM. F. DUNNE New York, N. ¥,, under 1379, larch 3, | They Want to Murder Bela Kun Not content with the law courts which can always be relied | upon for the legal murder of any representative of working-class | militancy—thé capitalist press is now openly agitating on an in-| ternational scale for the assassination of Bela Kun. World cap- italism cannot give up its lust for the blood of this comrade of our class, this man who was one of the principal figures in the} heroic Soviet Republic of Hunga: ry. An open plea is being made by the capitalist press that Comrade Kun be murdered without | even the forms of the hangman’s law under which the Hungarian | capitalist dictatorship asks to have him extradited for execution. The probable extradition an leader of the international labor worker in the world. Already d legal or illegal murder of this movement is the affair of every | the press dispatches from the Union of Socialist Republics report that the workers of all sections of the Soviet Union are in the midst of a mass movement for this | immediate release from the prison in which he is now held in| Vienna. The workers: of the Uni behind in their equal duty. A mass ted States should not be one day liberation should and must immediately be put into operation the importance of such a move-|! here. Let no one underestimate ment in this country cf Wall Street. Sary if another hideous tragedy murder is to be avoided. Immediate action is neces as CO. lossal as the Sacco-Vanzetti | rotest and demand for his} The role of the social-democratic servants of the Austrian | capitalist class is again strikingly illustrated in this event. The} City of Vienna is under a social-democratic administration. administration could exercise a power if it had the slightest trace of loyalty the social-democratic party is merely to the working class. But one more party of the cap- italists, and will be ruled in this case also by the spirit of Noske— the desire to function as the readies of all executioners of the revolutionary workers for the benefit of the capitalist ruling class. No dependence of any sort, for the saving of the life of Bela Kun, can be placed upon any fo: rce whatever except a powerful world-wide mass movement of the workers. At this particular time in the United States the capitalist | class and its official spokesmen, including mayors, governors, “captains of industry” and including also Calvin Coolidge, are | “peace” notes. This | ul influence in the question | | | | THE MASTER IS RESPONSIBLE FOR HIS DOG By Fred Ellis The imperialist government of Poland, acting as Great Britain’s little dog, attacks the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics while im- perialist Britain poses as a lover of peace. This is an extreme provocation for war. The duty of every worker, Polish, British and American alike, is to defend the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics against the whole~imperialist world. ‘ A.F.L. in South Segregates the ‘Negro Workers | By THOMAS L. DABNEY. JACKSONVILLE, Fla., (FP) May 9.—Although organized labor’s gen- eral policy is to stress the need of labor solidarity regardless of race, color or sex, southern white labor is to a large extent advocating separate unions for white and Negro workers, In this the racial traditions of the south are being followed. A large number of Negro workers also favor separate unions for themselves, more on account of unsatisfactory experi- from deliberate choice. White labor leaders give varying reasons for their preference for separate Negro unions. One very astute labor “leader,” perhaps more astute, asserts that the Negro needs the experience in leadership and direction which separate unions offer to exceptional Negroes in the labor movement. Still others say that the |two races can get along beter if both jhave separate unions. | Mixed locals however are formed (with little hesitation wherever local ‘labor conditions dictate such a policy, tho white labor “leaders” are very cautious in their dealings with Negro labor, lest they be accused of pro- moting social equality between the | races, Co-operative Moves CHICAGO, (FP) May 9.—New quarters making it the largest res- taurant in the neighborhood have been occupied by the Russian Work- ers Cooperative Society on the Chi- cago west side at 1628 W. Division St. The society has a meeting hall on the 2nd floor, with a reading and social room. Membership in the so- ciety costs $25. By SCOTT NEARING, Kellogg and Briand are exchanging Peace conversations engaged in an orgy of propaganda in favor of fascism. The bloodi- | ate proceeding with Great Britain est fascists from Mussolini’s state machine and from Roumania| are being received and slobbered American capitalist rule. The workers of this country should multiply ten-fold their {of it over by these representativ: Congressmen and Senators are talk- ing of outlawing war. Millions of es Of | American workers are hoping, rather anxious that “something will come The war of 1914 is too agitation against fascism—and the central point of the campaign |{'esh for them to relish the idea of should be the demand for the release of one leader of our class, Bela Kun. Workers’ Clubs in the U.S.S.R. By PAUL CROUCH. For years, my dream had been of seeing the Soviet Union and life in al country ruled by the working class. At last, the dream came true and I was able to spend more than three months, seeing with my own eyes the progress being made by the Russian workers and the construction of:a so- cialist society. In Moscow, Nizhni- , I visited factories, schools, Red orossisk, workers’ clubs, private homes, Army barracks, ete. Workers’ Ciubs. In the: Soviet Union, I was often} asked: “What has impressed you most in this country?” My reply was: “The workers’ clubs.” The revolu- tion has given industrial and polit- ical freedom to the workers of the U. S. S. R., has reduced the working day from twelve to seven hours, given the opportunities of education to the young workers ,freed women from their formerly intolerable condition and brought many innumerable bene- the students. To one who knows the struggle of American workers to ob- tain an education, it seems strange to find the young workers in Moscow receiving free quarters and all ex- penses during the time they are in school. | American workers, tee |in many respe | States. | able to |ers. In Rostov, practically a new city is being constructed—of these | workers’ homes. Individual cottages are built for those who do not wish | to live in the apartments. |of the Russian worker compares fits. But to the visitor, the workers’ clubs appear as the concrete expres- sion of the new social life. Among the many clubs I visited Ww that of the railroad workers in Moscow. The building contains more than ninety rooms. A hall for meet- ings, movies and other affairs seats more than 2,000 people. This club has a library of 50,000 books, which are constantly being exchanged with other clubs. Any books desired by workers are purchased for the library. An American would hardly think of a “club” as a school, but in this club there are classes in music, art, Janguages (English and Esperanto), and other cultural and industrial sub- jects. A special department of the club is for young workers. Also, there are Komsomol organizations in this club (as well as all other clubs), which} give special attention to the prob- 1 of the youth in the railroad in- custry and protect their interests. The club has a nursery where the yeung children of workers are taken eave of (free of charge) while the parent attend classes of social affairs daring the evenings and _ holidays. Other nurseries exist in all factories where the children are taken care of during the working hours of the mothers. I visited one of these nurseries in the Central Postoffice of Moscow. , Schools Self-Governed. The schools in the Soviet Union are a great surprise to all visitors. The system of instruction is entirely dif- ferent from that of capitalis’, coun- tries and far more efficient. Schools in the Soviet Union are self governed and are controlled by committees of most favorably with the food in | America. The people are well dressed, but are by no means slaves to fashion. | Theatr are superior to those in |New York. After a careful study of ; Russian life and acquaintance with ;many workers, I was unable to see |the superiority of American life. If permitted to do so, and if it were not for the duty of all American workers to fight against capitalism in their “own” country, I certainly would pre- fer to live in the Soviet Union. But |I must confess that Russian workers do not have the private automobijes all American workers are supposed to possess. Progress Towards Communist Society The Russian workers are making rapid progress on the road to a Com- munist society. The “Nepmen” are ‘of no great importance, and I found practically all stores, restaurants, ete. owned by the government or coopera- tives. Among the peasants, the kulak (the rich peasants) is a greater prob- lem, but the difficulties are being overcome with the aid of the govern- ment to the poorer peasants, and with the rapid develppment of agricultural communes. Near Tambov, there are two very successful American agri- cultural communes. Returning through Poland, Germany and France, | found the capitalists of these countries engaged in a most active propaganda campaign against the Soviet Union in’ their efforts to lead the exploited workers of their countries into a struggle against the Soviet Union, The condition of the workers in these countries is ex- ‘veme'y bad, and the capitalists do not dare let them know the truth about the U. 8. S. R. The food} another futile slaughter. Through this peace talk comes the sound of the big guns. Another war has broken out in China.» Chinese Profiteers vs. Japanese Profiteers Not the war between the armies led by Chiang-Kai-Shek, representa- and the armies led by Chan-Tso-Lin ex-bandit, and war lord in control of Peking. That war has been going | on for weeks, with casualties running into the tens of thousands; with pil- laged homes; smoking village ruins; desolated country-side and unnum- | bered refugees, treking the long road that leads from Shantung into Manchuria. Another war has broken out; the inevitable war between Chinese ex- ploiters.and Japanese imperial plun- | derers. Chinese profiteers are fighting with Japanese profiteers. Both want te make meney in, China. Neither is willing to share the booty with its tive of Nanking business interests | rival. The war has a long history. Japanese began it in 1894: the Jap- anese-Chinese war. China was badly defeated after only a few months of fighting. Japan helped herself to the Island of Formosa (entirely peo- pled by Chinese) and demanded the “independence” of Korea. In 1911 Japan annexed Korea. Imperial Germany: stole a part of Shantung from China in 1897-9, Dur- ing the world war imperial Japan stole this property from imperial Germany. The imperial “peace mad- ness” in 1919, at Paris, agreed that Japan should keep Shantung. Imperial Japan, meanwhile, had de- feated Imperial Russia in the war of 1904-5, thus taking Russia’s place as the exploiter of South Manchuria. The 21 Demands It was these three victories—over China in 1895; over Russia in 1905 and over Germany in 1915 that led Japanese imperialists, in the spring of 1915, to present to China the fa- mous “Twenty-one Demands” under which all of northern China became little better than a Japanese protec- torate. Chinese business interests, fearing a fate like that which had overtaken Korea, began a struggle for “inde- pendence” that led to the boycott of Japanese goods in 1919 and to an intermittent conflict that broke out Japanese Profiteers vs. Chinese Profiteers recently into open warfare in Shan- tung. Was anything else to be expected? What has been the experience of British imperialists in Africa? Of French imperialists in Syria? Of Dutch imperialists in Sumatra? Of American imperialists in Nicaragua? War! War! On every continent, im- perialist war! Kelloggs, Briands, MacDonalds. Borahs: Listen! You cannot get rid of war till you get rid of imperialism. If you really want peace, help us to organize the only possible basis for peace: a co- operative world, organized and di- rected by the workers. Exposes Zaritsky Attempt to Wreck the Cap Union I had read something of these ant (Bprtor’s Note: For issuing a pre- vantages, but I had the impression | vious statement, denouncing the union- that the actual standards of life in| wrecking activities o, Novgorod, Tambov, Rostov and Nov-|the Soviet Union are below those of president of the Int and that some | Hat, |years would be required before they | Union and ivis follswers on the gen- could be compared. However, I found! eral executive board, and which aps | that (excluding some of the unneces-| peared in the DAILY WORKER re- |Sary~American luxuries) the condi-| cently, J. B. Salzburg, formerly leader ns of the workers is much better of the Chicago Capmakers’ strike was s than in the United | removed from the managership of the Few American workers are | Chicago Joint Board. Salzburg is still have such apartments as the| @ member of the G. E. B., though sus- new homes being built for the work- | pended. ; Max Zaritsky, ational Cloth Cap and Mili * By J. B. SALZBURG. The General Executive Board issued a circular letter to all locals of our International Union, dated April 6th, informing them that on April 2nd the G. E. B. held a special meeting and decided: 1, To remove me from the office of mafhager of the Chicago Joint Board and, 2. to suspend me SN | from membership in the General Exe- cutive Board. The General Board in its letter to the locals does not specify the rea- sons for this unprecedented action. They merely state that charges were brought against me for violating Sec- tion 1 of Article X of our constitu- tion and that I “impaired the dignity of our organization.” They also claim that I “undermined and im- paired the dignity of the General Board” by sending out my letter dated March 24 to all locals in which I called the attention of our member- ship to some m@nacing tendencies whieh I thought were serious enough to receive the immediate attention of the entire organization. Before proceeding further, I wish to make clear the technical question concerning the, law and constitution of our organization. Suspended Without Trial. The G. E, B, accuses me of having violated Section 1 of .Article X of the constitution. But the General Executive Board itself is violating all the rules prescribed by that article of our constitution. According to Ar- ticle X, charges should be made in writing only, ‘and a copy of such charges must be. served on the ac- cused, who must be given an oppor- tunity to defend himself at a regu- larly institution trial. 'Only after such procedure, if found guilty, may action be taken against him. These reles apply to every member and as is known to all, has always been the ry Workers| practice and tradition of our organi- zation. I have been elected to the G. E. B. by the convention and to that extent represent the entire mem- bership to the same degree as every other General Board member. Certainly when charges are brought against a General Board member all constitutional safeguards with regard to a fair trial should also be observed. But the G. E. B. instead violated the constitution, disregarded the tradi- tions and practices of- our organiza- tion, found me guilty, and suspended me from membership without a trial. They even failed to present me with a copy of the charges which may have been made against me. Until this very day, I was not. notified~of the date set for trial, if any such date was set at all. The reasons why I was not pre- ;sented with a copy of the written charges and was suspended without a trial, are quite simple, There is noth- ing with which I could possibly be charged that could stand any public trial, Every statement I made in my letter of March 24th is correct and the General Board is aware of this. It is because they know the truth of my statements, that they could not follow the regular procedure pre- scribed by our constitution and adopt- ed instead the dictatorial method of suspending me without the presenta- tion of a copy of the charges and without trial. They limited them- selves. to an announcement of their unconstitutional action which was sent to the locals, using a few general meaningless phrases, insinuations and empty words which they know they \cannot prove, and which have noth ing to do with the charges which they claim were entered against me. In my letter of March 24th I made the following specific charges, which I wish to repeat in this communica- tion. * Zaritsky Against 40-Hour Week. 1. That President Zaritsky con- ‘cealed from the convention the fact that he is against the 40-hour week and that he favors the introduction of the piece-work system. In. fact. he made misleading statements to the delegates when questioned about his stand on these vital problems. 2, That at a meeting of the G. B. B. preceding the last full meeting of March 2-10th, President Zaritsky urged the board to recommend to the New York capmakers the giving up of the 40-hour week. 8. That the Manufacturers’ Asso- ciation was encouraged by the posi- tion of President Zaritsky in making the second lock-out against the New York capmakers. 4, That at the end of Octber, 1927, Zaritsky, at a meeting of the Execu- tive Board of Local 5, proposed the adoption of piece-work. That he took the same position at a conference with the Retail Cap Manufacturers of New York in November; and that the Chicago cap manufacturers, aware of the president’s policy, were encour- aged in fighting their workers to force the piece-work system upon them. 5. That nothwithstanding my re- quest, as a General Board member and against the provision of the consti- tution, the full G. E. B. meeting was delayed for fully four months, while very important problems were facing the organization. 6. ‘’hat the full meeting of the G. E.'B., while discussing the presi- dent’s request for the reintroduction of piece-work, has nevertheless evad- ed the real issue and postponed action until the next meeting which will con- sist of New York members only. The president thus gained time to line up a majority of the New York members to vote for piece-work, although this is definitely against the decisions of our conventions. \ 7. That the convention decision in- structing “the G. E. B. to continue to steer clear of factional fights in the organization and use all their influ- ence with the locals.to do likewise” is being violated by the G. E. B. as exemplified by their decisions affect- ing Locals 7 and 43, ~ I am ready to substantiate the above statements before any impar- tial tribunal or at any public hearing before our membership. The fact is, that the G, E. B. does not deny any of my charges. In their statement of April 6th, dealing with my suspen- sion and removal, they do not deny but evade the contents of my letter. They dismiss the facts contained in my letter with a statement that “they would not lend any dignity to the charges by considering them.” The fact, however, is that they cannot dis- pute the contents of that communica- tion, The official communicatiop of the G. E. B. tries to make insinuations as to my competency and responsi- bility. I would only have to refer our general officers to the printed rec- ords of our own official publications in which they praise my activities in Canada. I merely wish to state that I have enjoyed the fullest confidence and cooperation of the hundreds of members in Toronto and Montreal where I worked as general organizer for nearly three years. I wish to re- mind our president of the protest meeting held in Montreal, in his pres- ence, against transfering me from that city and of similar decisions adopted by our Toronto locals. It was upon my record of nearly three years of leadership in that ter- ritory, that Zaritsky and the General Board chose me for the very import- ant task of organizing the many thou- sands of unorganized millinery work- ers of Chicago. And I need only men- tion the protests and condemnations adopted at the meetings of the Chi- eago Joint Board and millinery locals in the presence of Zaritsky and Rob- erts, against my removal and the ex- pression of confidence adopted by the locals and Joint Board for my work during the eight months that I was with them, Last, but not least, I might men- tion th efact that Zaritsky, facing storms of protest against his ezar- istic removal orders, stated to tens of our members in Chicago that if I were to retract the communication which I sent to all locals, he would see to it that no change take place in the leadership of the Chicago or- ganization. I mention all the above to prove that the insinuations of in- competency are aimed to cover up the unprecedented action of the G. E. B. in their campaign to clean the union of all progressive influence. The General Board claims that be- cause I made the seven above enum- erated facts known to our member- ship I have “impaired the dignity of the organization, violated our tradi- tions and the trust put in me, and undermined the organization.” Now, if the mere announcement of a cer- tain act is so dangerous, isn’t the act itself much more dangerous? If say- ing that the general president is for piece-work undermines the organiza- tion, isn’t the fact that the president is for and advocates piece-work, the real danger for the organization? Or does the General Board think that as long as the great membership does not know it, it isn’t dangerous? I maintain that my suspension from the G. E. B. is without justification. that it has been done in violation of the specific provisions of our consti- tution, that this suspension is there- fore null and void and that I am still a member of the General Executive Board. At least until ,I have been served with a copy of the charges made against me and until after a trial has taken place. I also insist that there is a definite tendency on the part of our highest officers to violate the decisions of our conventions, to sacrifice the most im- portant gains made by our member- ship, and to inaugurate a period of factional fights similar to that which destroyed the furriers’ and cloakmak- ers’ unions. L trust that the membership will demand a. definite statement from the G, E. B. and dur president with regard to every one of the charges made in my communication. Are they true or are they not? The member- ship is entitled to know. Our mem- bers must insist that the gains made by the organization shall be main- |yention be lived up to. If our presi- |dent deceived the convention on the question of week-work and. the 40 hours, he must not be permitted to materialize his secret designs which are contrary to the adopted policies of the organization. From these un- officers I appeal to our entire mem- bership to (1) portest against the un- constitutional suspensions and expul- sions; (2) demand an immediate halt of. the factional fight which our chief. officers are creating in the union; and (3) bring sufficient pressure on the president and the majority of the General Board not to sacrifice any of the great achievements of our organi- zation but carry out instead the de-. cisions and mandates of the conven- tion. Rush Ford Booklet for Soviet Union Readers CHICAGO, (FP) May 9.—The In- ternational Harvester Co. is rushing through the, press a new Russian edition of 5000 copies of Instructions for use of International-McCormick- Deering 10-20 Horsepower Tractors. The manual has about 100 pages with many illustrations. A previous edi- tion was quickly exhausted in the Soviet Union. The Ford Motor Co. is also keeping the presses hot with its Russian edi- tion of The Story of the New Ford, a 12-page booklet with color plates. ence with organized white labor than . tained and the decisions of the con- © constitutional actions of our highest