Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.
Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK. THURSDAY, APRIL 5, 1928 THE DAILY WORKER “1s wsr co: Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Ine. | Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. Phone, Orchard 1680 Cable Address: “Daiwork” SUBSCRIPTION RAT By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months. r year $3.50 six months 2.00 three months. (outside of New York): | $6.5 | | Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. | ...-ROBERT MINOR .WM. F, DUNNE New York, N. ¥., Entered as second-class mail at the post-offi under the act of March 3, When One Dollar is Worth Ten Beginning now is the decisive conflict in the big struggle | of the Miners’ Union, the most important section of the American | trade union movement, and its enemies. Although the miners’ strike began a year ago and has been carried on with extraordi- | nary heroism throughout that time—it is only now, after the | Pittsburgh conference, that the miners’ forces will really be in the | field. Heretofore an enemy of the miners, acting as chief of the general staff of the United Mine Workers, John L. Lewis, has } been able to weaken the workers’ army under his command by| sabotage of the fight and by drawing the strongest -troops out of | the fight at the most critical moment. John L. Lewis will not be able to keep the miners’ forces out of the field after the Pittsburgh conference. Iilinois, Indiana, Kansas, the whole Southwest, the Anthracite —in fact the whole strength of the United Mine Workers’ mem- bership as well as tens of thousands of miners who had been broken away from the Union by Lewis’ policies, will be in this} tremendous struggle reaching its height on April 16. Those directly engaged in the struggle as striking coal | miners will constitute the biggest army of labor that has been | on the field at one time in the United States since 1922. This army can only win if it is fed and clothed enough to| enable the men and women to stand on the mass picket line. | This fight is too big to be called only the miners’ fight. It is the fight of every worker in America against the ene- | mies of every worker in America. | Through the Pennsylvania-Ohio Relief Committee the work: | ers of America have been feeding thousands of the strikers dur- | ing the past several months. But today the fighting line that | must be fed is increasing, and by the middle of the month of April there will be three mouths to be fed where one was to be fed before. The men on strike in the immediate future will be| more than half a million. Their wives and children make the total | mount into several millions. | To help these heroes of the working class to fight is not a job | for tomorrow, but a job of today. To help them a month from} now is not enough. One dollar today in the relief treasury is worth ten dollars a few weeks from now. The miners must eat while they fight for every member of the working class. These Oil Alibis Senator Walsh, Standard Oil servant and chief figure in the senate committee “investigating” the Harding-Coolidge oil-graft administrations, is trying to find alibis for those men higher up | whom it is to the advantage of the Rockefeller interests to pre- serve for further use in politics. Walsh is shielding Calvin Coolidge from his share of guilt which is greater than that of Albert B. Fall just to the extent that the presidency of the United States is bigger than the posi- tion of an ex-cabinet member. The senate committee is likewise protecting from that inves- | tigation the “sacred memory of Harding.” The correspondence of Birch Helms with the white house, which the “investigators” have been trying to suppress for four years, shows that Harding not only knew about the deal, but played the leading role in| swinging the Teapot properties to Sinclair who had paid. Hard-| ing’s way to the presidency. The graft deal would have been pos- sible without Albert B. Fall, but Harding was the indispensable | figure in it. Walsh, Standard Oil senator, and the live Coolidge from inve se the big fir li presidency”’ but want to p “purity” of the federal government than their own central service station. is protecting the dead Harding | tigation in the oil bribery cases | to “besmirch the ch is nothing more or less} | The most recent transparent fraud is the carefully staged alibi of Herbert Hoover, who sat in two cabinets during the past seven years, both cabinets owing their existence to the oil graft. | Previously it had been shown that Hoover went to Chicago with | Coolidge, Weeks and another cabinet member and solicited the funds which came forth from Sinclair in the form of the Teapot | Dome bribe to the heads of the republican party. | The latest evidence is documentary proof that as early as| April, 1922, Herbert Hoover knew the Teapot Dome deal was being called into question. But Hoover remained silent, just as Coolidge remained silent about the graft by which he was put into office. Yet this proof of Hoover's guilty knowledge is actually being heralded in the capitalist press as “vindication” of Hoover, merely | because Hoover’s secretary wrote a letter in 1922, evidently dic- tated in content by Hoover, shying that Hoover “at no time had | any knowledge of any arrangements that were pending...” (1) | * * * Harry Sinclair’s declaration to the press that he will be freed | in his trial for the oil bribery is correct, of course. Sinclair’s name is neither Sacco nor Vanzetti. * A columnist of the Hearst papers yesterday remarked, con- | firming what The DAILY WORKER said some days ago, that} Coolidge’s “don’t choose to run” may be changed into “have to! run.” This means that the entire top stratum of the republican | party (not to speak of the democratic McAdoos who took Doheny | money or the Al Smiths who appointed Harry Sinclair to office) | is involved in the oil graft too clearly for the matter to be kept | from the consciousness of the messes. Therefore it may be nec- essary for the Wall Street interests to agree to brazen the thing out, put Coolidge back i te office, and call it a “vindication.” f * * | Farmer-Labor llusions about the | ss By Fred Ellis | More Women Forced Into Wage Slavery WASHINGTON, April 4 (FP). — American women are in industry to stay, Miss Mary Anderson, director of the Women’s Bureau of the U. 8. department of labor, declared today. She showed, from statistics based on the 1920 census, that 75 per cent of the 2,000,000 married women gain- fully employed in this country are between 20 and 44 years of age. Increasing Permanency. ‘ “It is particularly significant,” she pointed out, “that three-fourths of the married women at work outside their homes should be forced to leave their family responsibilities during the years when they are most needed. Not so long ago, the average life of a woman in industry was about five years. It is evident now, however, from all the information we can ob- tain, that the swing is towards an in- creasing permanency. Women take employment young—when they leave school; and if.they stop work to get married it is only for a short time be- fore circumstances force them back to their jobs again. Two Jobs Carried. Two many people blame the married woman who goes out of the home in this fashion, failing to realize that it is stark necessity that is mak- ing her do it. “Very few women would choose to carry two jobs for the pleasure of doing it—to spend from eight to twelve hours a day over a machine or work-bench or office desk, and then go home to another stretch of labor over home duties that consume time which should be free for rest and recreation.” + © Citizens’ Training Camps Prepare Youth for Slaughter Again the war department is busy. Again the capitalist newspapers carry stories about the rush of young men to the recruiting offices of the Citizens Military Training Camps in order to be able to get the “wonder- ful opportunity of a month’s free vacation.” Again the publicity writers of the war office are trying te lure young workers and students into the Citizens Military Training Camps and into the Reserve Officers Training Camps for the next summer. War Department Conceals Purpose. Expounding the mission of the CMTC, the information bulletin of ihe officer states: “The military side of the camps is by no means the only ene, nor is the developing of soldiers the real objective of Congress or the War Department. They are placed. under the War Department decause it is the only de- partment with the necessary person- jnel and because military training is By JULIUS CODKIND In the summer of 1923, the young Party, already a powerful political factor in the West, was everywhere growing and spread- ing by leaps and bounds. Ever-fresh masses of discontented workers and farmers were turning to it in their quest for a political party that would give expression to their class needs, and the slogan “Independent Political Action of the Workers” was sweep- ing everything before it. patrick-Nockel Betrayal. The forces of reaction, thoroughly alarmed, decided to act. At the June 1923, convention of the Farmer-Labor Party held in Chicago, the movement 1 its first blow through the withdrawal of the Fitzpatrick-Nockels gang of Chicago. The full signifi- cance of this act can only be grasped when it is recalled that these were the elements which had sponsored the convention and issued the original convention cafl. Perhaps it was old Sammy Gompers who pulled the strings and suggested that his little boys in Chicago had strayed far enough, or perhaps the absence of the bureaucracy was the cause of their discouragement. Never- theless, the fact stands that a conven- tion representative of hundreds of thousands of workers and farmers was deserted by the very men who had called it into being. The next blow to the movement came with the Cleveland Conference for Progressive Political Action (C. P. P. A.) which was called to- gether by Johnson of the Metal Workers Union and met shortly after. Here the bureaucracy was well repre- sented. Rank and file delegates were excluded, and the big leaders pro- eseded to demonstrate what they could do—and they did nothing, Movement Checked. The effect of all this was to throw a damper on the movement and to effectually check its growth. The following summer saw the great betrayal. The June 17th con- vention at St. Paul demonstrated that the Farmer-Labor Party was strongly supported by hundreds of thousands «f workers and farmers. Duncan Me- Denald and William Bouck were nom- inated for president and Vice-Presi- dent, but this time the Mahoney- Starkey-Cramer group of Minnesota ra ‘ |the best means of accomplishing the \cbjects of the camps. The purpose is to develop the man- hood of the nation by bringing to- gether young men of high and dif- ferent types, both native and foreign born, from all sections of the country on a common basis of equality and under the most favorable conditions of outdoor life; to teach them the privileges, duties and responsibilities of American citizenship.” Through such and other similar phrases, the War Department is try- ing to cunceal the actual tasks of the CMTC, which are: to prepare soldiers and cannon-fodder for the wars of American imperialists. It is interesting to glance through the application forms of the CMTC, and especially ‘the physical examina- tion blank to understand what sort of “manhood of the nation” these places are building. From the questions on the physical mination blank one may infer that played the role of Fitzpatrick and Nockels at Chicago. Though the convention was spon- sored and called into being by them, they soon indicated that they would « thorough examination of the health of the applicant is keing made. When however, he goes down to take such an examination he finds that the most important part of the exam consists cf testing the eyes, hearing, strength of the feet and mentality. Most of the other questions are simply answered with a rubber stamp “normal.” If the applicant suffers of the most acute stomach trouble. if he suffers of any other inner disease— nothing is said and no questions are asked. The only thing that is needed are good eyes, good hearing, good iunning capabilities and “mestality sufficient to understand orders.” Train Youth for War. It seems a little bit funny. Is good citizenship measured by the vision or hearing of the citizen? Is a citizen with a defective ear or flatfoot worse than a citizen of good ears and healthy feet? Is the manhood of the ration measured by the “taking of orders”? If the CMTC camps are in- refuse support to this ticket, and would swing to LaFollette if the lat- ter were nominated by the C. P. P. A. At their July 4th Convention, the bureaucrats again betrayed the move- tended “to bring together young men of high and different type...under the most favorable conditions of out- door life to teach them the privileges, duties and responsibilities of Ameri- cen citizens” why are citizens having a defective ear, or eye or flat feet rejected? Aren’t they entitled to the same “privileges and knowledge of duties and responsibilities” as the other citizens with good eyes and good feet? Is the lack of a clear vision, or a flat foot dangerous to an outdoor vacation? And why is the war department the “only depart- ment” fitted to have the camps under its jurisdiction? If they are, mainly to teach citizenship, shouldn’t they rather be under the supervision of the educational department? The answer is simple: the purpose of the camps is not to bring together young men “under favorable condi- tions of outdoor life” but to train soldiers for the imperialist wars of Wall Street. Every cent that Con- ment. Turning from the working class, they adopted the champion bf the middle classes as their messiah, and deliberately permitted the workers land farmers to be confused by the By CARL HAESSLER, (Federated Press). CHICAGO, April 4. — Now it must be told. The bombing of United States Senator Deneen’s home in Chicago on the eve of the republican primary has opened many mouths. Bombings in Chicago are a long and well-established section of the) frame-up industry. Used usually to discredit trade unions they are also increasingly useful in political fac- tion fights such as that of the Den- een and Crowe rival republican gangs. Though 62 bombings of all sorts have occurred since last October no lives were lost and practically no damage beyond broken windows and splintered porch rails was inflicted. Nor was anyone caught. When as- sassinations are in order, shotguns as in the recent Diamond Joe Espo- sito killing, or l-arm machine guns or auto kidnapings are employed and the victim seldom escapes alive. Not Much Choice. | Whether the Deneen - Lowden - Tribune gang or the Crowe-Thomp- son-Small gang runs Chicago poli- tics is not much of a choice for the) Chicago citizen and he is not con-! sulted much about the matter. Rob- ert E. Crowe is state’s attorney of! Cook county running for re-election | and is recognized as the real brains | in office of his gang. He has beer) a bitter and unscrupulous enemy of! trade unionism but is now hand in) glove with Gov. Small who has regu-| larly received official labor endorse-| ment and is enjoying it again thir, year in his own race for renomina-| tion. | Deneen is a former -state’s attor- | ney who climbed high in state and! national politics ‘through his owr! shifting gang connections. Esposito * head of Little Italy’s booze and vice) kingdom, was a Deneen gangster; whose funeral the senator recently attended. | “ When the rival gangs get worked up during a campaign they tell the truth about each other. The bomb- ings are frame-ups, they declare planted by a man’s own partisans for effect on public opinion. Gangster Crowe says: ponents, the Deneen people, openec their campaign last night by explod ing two bombs. That is not a new thing in Chicago. Four years age when I was a candidate, Anthony Czarnecki, one of Deneen’s leaders stopped at nothing in order to dis- credit us. Czarnecki’s porch was bombed at that time, all for the pur- pose of creating an inference that the state’s attorney and his friends were “Our op-| Bombings Are a Feature of Politics in Chicago parties to the outrage.’” | The Deneen gangsters plame the | Crowe gangsters for the bombings, Enough has been said by both sides to show that past bombings attribu- ted to “labor gangsters’ were un- doubtedly of the same variety, that jis, frame-ups either by the state’s |attorney’s office or other interested quarters to di: dit trade union de- | mands for hi and union conditions. In some ca: the bomb- ings have been blamed on labor when there was not the remotest labor con- nection with the cases. The Illino's primary takes place April 10: No marines are expected to insure an orderly election, Mr . Ford’s Rose Garden Ten thousand roses brilliant red Bloom in your garden rare, Ten thousand children ery for bread, But why should you heed or care? Ten thousand men toil Till their tortured Damned slaves of You stel the blood fro To paint the blooms in your dell, through the night, senses reel, That buds unfold at dawning light, the flying wheel. m infant cheeks, * While men half starved slave bodies weak At the Rouge or the H. P. Hell. But why should you care? Your roses bloom And a kept press lauds you high, That children starve is no cause for gloom, They'll get their reward in the sky. But we hear a song that freemen sing, There's dawn in the eastern sky, A song to the fall of the money king And a rose red banner high. 4 Ye —P. R. O’SCRIBED, gress is spending for the CMTC is expected to pay for itself a thousand times over during the war. And the men allowed to go to camp must be only such as can be used as soldiers. The letter of rejection which is usually sent out to applicants not qualifying still more shows the char- acter of the camps. It simply states: “The war department requires a high standard of physical fitness.” The CMTC camps are not places for recreation. They are half concealed forms of the American army. De- picting the origin of the camps the information bulletin states: “The application of the draft law in the World War revealed that nearly half of the young men in this country were physically unfit for active military service.” So congress passed the National Act of 1920 authorizing the CMTC in order that thousands of young workers and students should be trained in military service. Lessons of 1924 “Third Party” Useful in Plans for 1928 Labor Party hope of a third party, thrown out as bait by LaFollette. They knew that the character of a third party, so far as the working class was concerned, could not be es- sentially different from that of the “first? or “second” party, but they were satisfied as long as the masses failed to realize that the labor party | was being knifed. It was now useless to attempt to con- duct a Farmer-Labor Campaign, and the candidacies of McDonald and Bouck were withdrawn. Labor Party Revival. The Workers (Communist) Party {had thus far been in every move to build the Labor Party. The failure of the movement left the field clear |of working class candidates. So far jas possible the idea of working class | independent politicial action mast be kept before the masses, and the only way left open was for the Party to place its own ticket in the field. Again we are rapidly approaching an election campaign. The Labor Darty movement is commencing to show signs of revival. In spots lo- jcal labor parties are being formed. in Pennsylvania, the movement has dy reached the stage of a state- party. The Labor Party in esota ivd-partyism within its ranks, but he movement is healthy and can be unted upon to throw off this ease, | On the whole, however, the pros- ‘pects for the formation of a national |Lobor Parly this year are very poor, ‘and again it will be the duty of the ; Workers Party to enter the election, campaign on the program of workers” ndependent political action, with “Fort Labor Party” as its chief slogan. This time we have more time for |preparation. The months given in |1924 to the struggle for a Labor Party can this year be devoted to the job of putting the party on the ballot. ; The months given to gathering signa- tures and arranging official nomina- ting conve: dates officially in nomination, must this year be devoted to a great Com- ;munist campaign to arouse the wo! ing class to the.understanding of dependent political action as against petty-bourgeois third partyism. Get ready to put the Party on the ballot now. } a is still struggling with | tions to place our candi- ~ PONE EEE NIE