The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 22, 1928, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'’N, Ine. E Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. Phone, Orchard 1680 Cable SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.50 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months, $2.00 three months. Address: “Daiwork” Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. ..ROBERT MINOR ....WM. F. DUNNE Wntered as second-class mall at the post-office New York, N. ¥., under the act of March 3, 1879. New Hope in the Miners’ Union| Reports from all coal-producing sections of the country show | a tremendous development of the rank-and-file movement for revival and strengthening the United Mine Workers’ Union, for reinforcing the Pennsylvania-Ohio strike, winning the strike and cleaning the Union of the agents of the bosses who have stolen control. To the astonishment of the enemies of the Mine Workers, the strike in Pennsylvania and Ohio is showing great increased strength from day to day. Mass. picketing and systematic, ef- fective violation of the injunction have greatly increased. Ap- pearances indicate that the great strike, which was long ago con- sidered by most “experts” to be lost, is not only not lost, but push- ing ahead in the direction of victory. Not only in the struck fields is this new vigor to be found. In the anthracite fields the murderous regime of Lewis’ men, Cappelini, Boylan and company, has roused the miners to under- stand that the hard coal districts must throw their forces into the scale with the soft coal miners to rid themselves of the contract system and to win a general, smashing, nation-wide victory for the mine workers as a whole. The Mine Wokers of Illinois and Indiana show a vigorous sentiment for coming out on April 1 to prevent the abolition of | THE SURF RIDER | | | 1 gyi RARER RES EAS | Sayre investigations. the Jacksonville scale, thus throwing their power into the fight which the Pennsylvania and Ohio miners are conducting. The Kansas mine workers show a similar desire. : The unorganized coal fields are in a state which promises a tremendous addition to the Union forces for the fast-sharpening struggle. The strike in Pennsylvania and Ohio must be reinforced with the pulling out of the miners of Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, and the anthracite, and the Union must be immediately spread 100 percent over the entire coal fields of the country, rooting out the yellow-dog operators from every scab center. But the more the miners see this necessity, the more they see that this can be done only in spite of John L. Lewis, Fishwick, Cappelini, Golden, Kennedy and the whole rotten Lewis machine. The more the strike and the militant movement for the Union e rises, the more Lewis is forced into the position of openly he'ng against the mine workers—the more he is forced to run ‘ye coal operators as his allies against the mine workers. wis’ every move brings him closer to the operators and further a: ay from the mine workers. Lewis and his bureaucrats are now cpenly fighting the mine workers instead of fighting the operators! 4 The sum of the crimes of John L. Lewis, president of the Union by fraud, beginning with his openly declared policy of col- laboration with the coal operators and including his famous sell- out of the Fayette miners in 1922, his betrayal of the present strike by pulling the Dlinois district out of the fight, the infamous five-year agreement in the anthracite signed up in 1925, and his criminal failure to lift a hand in a real effort to bring the big unorganized fields into the Union,—the sum of these crimes is weighing heavier in the scales against him every day as the ex- perience of the strike shows what these crimes have cost the Union. More and more the miners see that corruption in the union must be rooted out and inactivity be fought against if the United Mine Workers’ Union is to be saved. The fight reaches its highest point undoubtedly in the big national Save-the-Union Conference at Pittsburgh ten days from today—on April first. The United Mine Workers’ Union must be taken into the hands of the mine workers and out of the hands of the agents of the operators. The strike must be reinforced and won. The Union must be saved, and thereby the whole American organized labor movement must be given the same magnificent new spirit, courage and hope which is now surging in the United Mine Workers. CANDY WORKERS WAIT IN LINE FOR $12 JOBS (By Federated Press.) Long before 8 in the morning nearly a 100 women and girls had crowded and pushed into the little employment room of one of New York’s biggest ories. Scores stood outside in the cold, Mostly they were girls in their® ly teens—lItalians, Polish and ish—but some were women with ying hair. After two hours of busy season. Her hands flew so fast trey could scarcely be seen. Her face was tense. Her eyes never left her EP cpaiting, the job-hunters were filed | boxes and paper. wostairs singly for “interviews” with ’@ personnel manager. Those young » healthy got jobs at $12 a week, “h promises of early and substan- a! raises. Thé older women plodded %, still on the hunt for jobs. No Increase. » New “hands” were shunted into the jee box, where the mercury read 50 degrees. Some were permitted to sit on iron stools, but the cold from the floor crept up the metal. Several girls had bad colds. A thin little Italian girl with « Five Years and $15. “Can’t do that all the time,” said the little Italian girl. “She’s getting too many shakes in her wrapping.” Another small Italian girl had been married three years. “My God! Tired! I just want to flop when I get home and instead I’ve got to cook dinner.” The girl in charge of the table was irritable. “Ah, don’t mind her,” re- marked another worker. “She’s been here five years and she’s only getting paper-white face was in charge of the table where tin foil was being wrapped on candy turkey legs. She had been there two years and hated the job. Started at $14, she had never been given a raise. "A woman on piece work made much more, sometimes $18 a week jn the $15. She’s just sore about it, that’s all.” . “But why. doesn’t she quit and go somewhere else?” “Yeah, and start By BERTRAM D. WOLFE. The national committee of the re- publican party admitted and swore to an expenditure of over eight mil- lions dollars to elect Harding pres- ident of the United States. The dem- ocratic party admitted an expendi- ture of $2,237,777. In 1924, the re- publicans confessed to an expenditure of $6,627,000. If we put the expenditures of the two capitalist parties in the sham battle between them, and in the in- terests of the capitalist system and of Wall Street, at 30 million, we will be making an extremely conservative estimate. Where Do They Get the Money? The newspapers of the last few days have revealed some very inte- resting answers to the question as to where the capitalist political par- ties get their funds. There is an old American proverb to the effect that “he who pays the fiddler calls the tune.” Who is it that pays the fid- dler? Certainly no corporation gives a penny. to the election of a candidate for president! The law takes care of that. In order to fool the voters as to the source of funds, a bill was passed in 1907, making it unlawful for any national corporation or na- tional bank to contribute money for purposes of election. This smart law is not to prevent Wall Street from contributing, but rather to cover up the contributions by the thinnest of fig-leaves. Thus Doheny and Sinclair contributed money, of course as “in- dividuals,” while their corporations gave not a cent. Roosevelt was able to denounce a supposed offer of a hundred thousand dollars from the Standard Oil Company while the treasurer of his party’s campaign fund could take one hundred thous- and dollars from H. H. Rogers, of course as an “individual,” who was one of the officers of the Standard Oil Company. Another convenient element in this, is that a corporation can contribute to both parties through two chief officers. The “Virtuous” Democrats. Hé@wever, they are often careless. Doheny and Sinclair contributed to both parties, and while the democrat- ie party is working itself into a frenzy of indignation about Sinclair’s republican contribution, they keep very quiet about their own receipts from the same source. Some people imagine that the dem- ocratie party is much better than the republican in this respect, because it does not raise such big campaign funds and does not receive as much from the corporations. The correct answer to this is that as far as the democra‘ic party is concerned, “the spirit is willing but the flesh is weak.” If they get less from the Wall Street bankers and-corporation own- ers, it is not because they do not try as hard, but rather because it is gen- erally safe for Wall Street to give a smaller share to the democrats, be- cause it is betting on the repyblicans to win the presidetitial election. How- ever, it plays safe and buys both candidates and both party machines, lest it should be surprised by an up- set in the presidential returns. We have this little confession by a prominent democrat, published by Arthur W. Dunn in his book “From Harrison to Harding.” This confes-| sion was made after the even | of Judge Alton B. Parker, thoroughly ceeptable to Wall Street, by the democratic party in 1904, and they, ditching of the less acceptable Wil-: liam Jennings Bryan, who made him- self persona non grata with Wall in at $12 a week all over again. Why,| Street by his espousal of the free say, this is a Paradise. You should| silver issue in his first presidential see some of the places I’ve worked | campaign. + at.” oF “We had been promised a conpsign f j Where Capitalist Partie fund of four million dollars,” reads the confession—and the promise was made to them because Wall Street was carrying on a little mock battle with Roosevelt and had not yet made him come to terms. The promise was made through Jim Hill, of Minnesota and who understood it came from J. Pierpont Morgan, who was backed up by big business men here in New York, with whom he is in close rela- tions. We were told if we would nominate. a safe and sane man on a sane platform that that amount of money and probably more would be forthcoming as soon as the conven- tion was over. Now, here we are (at the national committee meeting in New York) and we are told that the arrangement has. failed. Morgan says he has made his deal with Roosevelt and that it is not likely that Parker can be elected and they prefer re- publicans in power anyway if they can get along with them.” Where Democrats Get Money. A casual examination of the letter of Mr. Jesse H. Jones of Houston, director of finance of the national committee of the democratic party sent by him on February 29 of this year to the democratic national com- mittee, reveals that plenty of good Wall Street gold is received by them. Yet his letter deals only with contri- butions to make up the deficit from the 1924 campaign. It includes a-con- tribution from Owen D. Young, vice- president of the General Electric Company, who is an old backer of Harding sGet Their Money Governor Smith, and who is very much interested in the disposition of the source of water-power in the United States and in super-power control and mergers. There is Cyrus H. McCormick of the International Harvester Trust on the list. John W. Davis, former candidate for president and lawyer of the House of Morgan, was “Shaken down” for ten thousand, Thomas Fortune Ryan hands out $50,000 at one clip to make up a little deficit. Several members of the Strauss family are on the list. Henry Mor- genthau is there. So is Silas H. Strawn. This was just a’small honor roll of those who contributed to wipe out a little deficit of less than a mil- lion, left over from the last electoral campaign, and gives no real notion of where the big pickings come from. The democratic party has never complained that Wall Street gave them too much. The only official complaint we have on record is that of Wilbur R. Marsh, former treasurer of the democratic national committee, who declared in 1920 before the sen- ate committee: “We have lost con- tinuously because we did not have money enough to present the issues. There is no question about that.” And indeed, Mr, Marsh is in a large meas- ure correct. In all electoral cam- paigns since the Civil War, with one exception, the victory always went to the party with the biggest campaign Politicians are making a frantic effort to hide the news of Calvin Coolidge and Warren G. Harding in the oil graft Among the big business elements that contribute to campaign funds are certain gentlemen who like to play safe. They are sporting gentlemen all right, but they take no chances. The Boys Who Play Safe, Among these gentlemen is Edward Doheny. In 1920 he was a democratic national committeeman for the state of California. He was vice-presiden- tial timber and actually nominated as the favorite son of his state for the vice-presidency. Edward Doheny is a good democrat—no one doubts that. Yet an examination of the campaign lists of the republican party for the year in question reveals that Doheny contributed to them as well as to the democrats. Sinclair did the same, al- though he is reputed to be a ‘repub- lican. Their plan was simple. If: the democrats had carried the election, some good friend, possibly Doheny himself, would have been made a cab- inet member. Another good friend would have been made secretary of the interior. However it would have been managed, the net result would have been Teapot Dome going to the hands of Doheny and Sinclair. It turned out the other way, but they were just as well prepared. A Sure Way to Win. Samuel Insull is another gentleman of the same species. He bet on all horses in order to be sure of win- ning the race, He gave money to the successful-candidate in the republican fund. Walsh Sinclair primaries, Mr. Smith; money to his Hays Besmirched with oil! Ezx-president Harding is one of the “prominent” figures whom Senator Thomas Walsh's investigating commitee could no longer keep out of the limelight. Walsh, expert concealer, is shown next to Harding. Harry F. Sinclair, oil magnate, paid Will Hays, then treasurer of the republican national committee, the cash for which the Teapot Dome oil. reserve was turned By CARRIE LYONS. When the idea of women voting and participating in polities was still shocking many people the argument that women would act asa purifying force was very popular." Who even! dares recall this argument now, in view of the disgraceful careers of Ma Ferguson and Mrs. Knapp?. Another bourgeois illusion thrown overboard. -Bourgeois Women. ~ Now the National Wonian's Party is ‘hard at work lobbying in Albany and Washington. ‘These rich women who have nothing else to do,-who no doubt enjoy this form of activity as a relief from ennui—are profoundly} shocked and incensed at the idea that special measures should be introduced for the protection of women, Such bills can be interpreted in only one way, they say, that is, that women are weaker than men, for it is only the weak who need special protective legislation, We will show them, they say, that we can stand on tie own feet. Woman suffrage is one thing and special protection is seater The —— Women’s Par aver to Sinclair. - \fixst was -insistence upon, equality; the second a confession of weakness +4 virtual retraction’ of the previous | demand. The horror. of it—sto be classed with children! It is enough to make these ladies ery with mortifi- cation. But then crying is something ; the “new” woman rast not indulge in ~-So she orders her chauffeur to drive: her to Albany and-from there to Washington. ; ‘ oe Workingelass Women, ‘after another is closing down the New | England mill owners are asking for a ‘repeal of the special measures limit- |ing the hours of work for women and children, (News item.) The reason given for this is that production costs must go down in order to meet com- petition, The mill owners therefore reduced the wages of their workers by several 10% cuts. Since all the mill owners have done the same thing remedy. Low wages and long hours are quite a happy combination for mill owners, Since wages were al- ready very low they had only one they are now looking for another | ty Lobbies Against Labor alternative—and that was to fengthen the hours. of work. Because textile mills employ women for the most part the repeal of the act limiting nours of labor for women is very es- sential to further the mill owners’ in- terests. What Equality Means. The ‘working woman has nothing in common: with her bourgeois sister’s notion. of equality. }-Kquality. for the working woman In spite of the fact that one millymeans fighting side by side with her ‘fellow workers, male or female, on ‘the picket line, in the Union, in polit. itives, | The exploited working woman can only know equality in the actual class istruggle. “ At the present time what she needs is an active organization thru which ‘she can express the needs peculiar to wher sex and class. She must fight for special measures to meet these needs. Let the bourgeois women fight for perfect equality! Working women must to better their conditions and it ing so fight for equality. ical organizations, and in co-opera- Coast Women Form Active Cooperatives By M;: R. | The readers of The DAILY WORK- ER are by this time well acquainted | with the activities of the Women’s Consumers’ League of Los Angeles. | Wherever a call for help to workers | who fall victims of capitalist oppres- | sion »was issued, the league has re- sponded wholeheartedly not sparing time nor energy. The Co-operative Bakery of Los Angeles finds its staunchest support among the members of the W. C. L. |The strike of two years ago of the Bakers’ Union of this city found the women of the league in the front ranks on the picket line. The Passaic strike, the local affairs arranged. by the I. L. D., I. W. A,, ete., always found the Women’s Consumers’ League aiding in ths success of these undertakings. Aid Miners. A restaurant was opened at. 2418 Brooklyn Ave.,; Los Angeles, the en- tire proceeds of which are being turned over to the striking miners. From five o’clock in the morning till eight in the evening these women are |found in the kitchen cooking meat and vegetarian dishes for the work- ers who keep the place filled the whole day. unsuccessful opponent in the repub- lican primaries, and money to the democrat who was to run against whoever carried the republican prim- ary election. If there had been two democratic candidates in the pris aries, Insull would have thought of both of them. His stakes were not Teapot Dome, but such little tidbits as Muscle Shoals and super-power. Harvey Havermeyer, of the sugar trust, who is specially interested in sugar tariffs, was once called before the senate and asked to explain his campaign contributions. In response to questions he replied: “In repub- lican states we contribute to the re- publican party and in democratic states to the democratic party.” And when a senator asked: “But Mr. Hav- ermeyer, what do you do in the doubt- ful states?”-he said calmly: “Why, in that case we contribute to both parties.” Where the Money Goes. In the presidential election of 1924,. the republican national ‘committee confessed to spending, without count- ing local funds, secret funds, etc., 22 cents apiece for every one of the 29 million votes cast in that election. They spent it on buying newspaper space, on supplying publicity material, on touring speakers, on printing pamphlets, leaflets, etc., and on many other things that they are not so anxious to make public. However, on these things, which they have made public, it is interesting to note that they are precisely the things that the Workers (Communist) Party needs to spend money on—with the excep- tion of buying of newspaper space in the sense that they buy it. We have to spend money on spreading our press to new readers, of touring speakers, on printing leaflets and pamphlets, and from one-quarter to a half of the fund of $100,000 that we intend to raise, on a job that the republican and democratic parties do not have at all—namely, the task of getting the Party on the ballot in the various states. Where the Money Comes From. It is also interesting to note that in spite of appearances, the republican and democratic parties, in the Jast analysis, really get their money from the same sources as the Workers Party campaign fund—namely, from the American workers. The only dif- ference is that the Workers Party pursues the method of “direct taxa- tion” and the republican and demo- cratic parties the method of “indirect taxation.” gans and Mellons, the Guggenheimers and Youngs, the Ryans and Rocke- fellers, and the like, give the funds that the republicans and democrats use in the electoral campaign. But of the American workers by the sys _|tem of capitalist exploitation. Thus the workers are forced to make up these many millions’ of dollars of campaign funds by their sweat and. toil as a small part of what they give to their masters in Wall Street. It is not surprising, therefore, that the awakened workers prefer to give! their funds, insofar as it is in their! power, to the Communists, for a struggle again€t Wall Street and the whole exploitation system. In the next article, we will take up, the question of what the bankers and! corporations of Wall Street get from! the republican and democratic par-' ties that makes it worth their while to contribute these huge sums, and. in passing we will have a few words to say on what the workers of Amer- ica will get in return for the $100,000 that they are preparing to raise for the campaign of the Workers Party. It is true that the Mor- - these funds are only part of the tre- - mendous profits that they wring out |