The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 19, 1928, Page 6

Page ‘gh THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY. THE DAILY WORKER . e | Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Ine. | Daily, Except Sunday Y Phone, Orchard 1680 | Address 83 First Street, New York. Cable “Daiwork” SUBSCRIPTION RATES aoe By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): | $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.50 per $3.50 six months $2.50 three months. $2.00 three months. Address and mail out checks t HE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y- ROBERT MINOR Ff. DUNNE y York, N. Y., Editor Assistant Entered as second under The coal miners engaged in the most heroic struggle in the | history of American labor should give keen attention to two news | items in toaay’s paper. The first is the report of the opening of the fourth world congress of the Red International of Labor Unions, meeting in Moscow. | The second is the appeal of the Russo-Swedish Co-operation Committee for the creation of a miners’ international by the call- ing of an international congress of miners. | Bureaucrats of the type of John L. Lewis habitually try to narrow the vision of the workers to one locality, one industry or special trade. Lewis, who tried to gut the strike months ago by pulling the Illinois miners out of the strike with a separate agree- ment, not only tries to prevent the mine workers’ seeing and un- derstanding the international aspects of their struggle, but even to | prevent their solidarity on a national scale within the United States. Lewis, an upholder of the capitalist system, a well-to-do leader of the political party of the biggest finance-capital, con- sistently works to restrict the mine workers’ forces to the nar- rowest and weakest dimensions; he wants the mine workers’ fighting strength to be always at a minimum, not international, not even nation-wide, not even to extend to the limits of the in- dustry, not even to the limits of the organized portion of the industry. This policy of Lewis, in keeping the miners’ fighting line as small as possible, while the bosses’ fighting line is broadened out to a bigger scale than ever before, is clearly in the interests of the bosses. Capitalists can successfully fight Pennsylvania miners | with coal dug in Illinois with the help of Lewis. But the mine workers’ struggle is not even confined to the national borders, but is an international struggle, just as the crisis : THEY’RE GOING TO HANG THREE MINERS ) j By Fred Ellis Unless their fellow workers come to their assistance, three anthracite miners, Bonito, Mendola and Moleski, will die as victims of the coal operators. A gunman hired by the Lewis-Cappelini machine, agents of the coal operators, in the union, attempted to shoot Bonito. About to be killed, Bonito fired first and the gunman fell. Bonito and the two other mine workers are framed up on charges of “murdering” the gunman and will be executed unless the workers of America will give them support. ° e j Does His Bit | for “Daily” Barberton, Ohio. To the Daily Worker: Find here $4.00 for 6 months’ sub- scription. Just keep the 50 cents for the fund to The DAILY WORKER. As ever yours, I, M. THOMAS. P. S. I will send more to help soon as possible. But I have to work every day I can get work in order to eat and pay rent and keep the wo- man and kids, and, I am not so young as I used to be. I am 57 years old and have always worked. What an eloquent appeal to our readers and sympathizer's.. To ada anything more is superfluous. We want to say just this: give to the Ruthenberg Sustaining Fund weekly or monthly? No amount is too small. What is your answer to I. M. Thomas? —-HARRY BLAKE. Charge Big Movie Trust Crushes Small Producer WASHINGTON, (FP) March 18,— Declaring that they are in danger of being wiped out by a powerful movie trust which compels all exhibitors to take pictures en bloc, whether they like it or not, members of the inde- pendent movie producers’ associations are now appealing to the Senate com- mittee on interstate and foreign com- merce to approve the Brookhart bill. The bill would prevent the so-called moving picture trust from booking pictures blindly or in blocks. Heading the list of defenders of the present method of film distfibu- tion was former Postmaster General Hays, now movie czar, who was in Washington aiding the representa- tives of the trust, but did not appear as yet before the committee. . rai e e ae e in the industry is an international crisis. | : 7 ; | The report that “Co-operation Committee” of the coal miners i OO S O e \ \ ] 1S al OC in a e ¢* Sweden and the miners of the Union of Socialist Soviet Repub- / . | have called for an international conference of coal miners of | ai.. untries where coal is dug, the conference to establish an in-| terna. ‘onal federative organization for the mining industry of all}. lands, has an importance which it would be impossible to over- rate. The British coal strike and general strike showed that the coal industry is international, when it comes to breaking a big strike in any one country. The conduct of the reactionary trade union bureaucracy in all countries, in deliberately and confessedly helping to break the British general strike, is proof that the struggle is international also in its aspect of struggle against treason. The news of what their brother workers are doing abroad should be a new inspiration to the miners of all parts of the United States who are about to come into the most important trade union conference, perhaps, in the history of American labor—the na- tional Save the Union Conference at Pittsburgh on April 1. The determination expressed in the world congress of the Red International of Labor Unions, to meet’ the world-wide of- fensive of capital by a world-wide counter-offensive of labor, is in exact accord with the needs of the American mine workers na- tionally and internationally. 3 The proposal of the Russo-Swedish Co-operation Committee for an international of the Miners’ Federations of all countries is equally in accord with the needs of the American miners. Two weeks from now the Pittsburgh conference begins. On its success may depend the winning of the strike, the sav- ing of the Union, the wresting of the United Mine Workers’ Union from the hands of the agents of the operators, the preservation of the core of the American trade union movement from de- struction. Every coal miner, every worker in any industry, owes it to the cause of Labor to do everything in his power to help bring to Pittsburgh on April 1 the representatives of every local union of the United Mine Workers of America and a representative of ev- ery mine in which the workers are at present unorganized. Whatever the treason of $12,000-a-year leaders, the proleta- rian character of the men who dig coal is sound. The solidarity Seagal nationally and internationally, can be entrusted to their ds. Borah’s $13 “From the Masses” Senator Borah wants to strengthen the confidence of the masses in the graft-soaked party to which he belongs. Borah started out with a plan to make each of one hundred and sixty thousand members of the “plain people” feel that they, the plain citizens, and not Harry Sinclair, the big multi-millionaire, have financed the republican party. Each little fellow was therefore to It is highest time that the miners. in the Hocking Valley, and with them, the total membership of the United Mine Workers do some plain talking. The Hocking Valley miners have as their sub-district president Oral Daugherty. And it is not to the credit of the miners that they have this man in office. Daugherty is an open “modification” man. Three months ago, he spoke at the Glou- cester Opera House at which he ad- vocated going back to work on a scale lower than the Jacksonville scale, A Traitorous Speech. On February 29, Daugherty at- tended a meeting called by the Athens County Civic Association, composed of business men of this lo- cality. At that meeting, Daugherty, according to the newspapers made the following statement: “If the operators are sincere in their contention that they cannot operate at the Jacksonville scale, I can see no reason for their re- fusal to meet in an effort that would bring to this district its proper share of work.... If a fair scale can be agreed upon fol- lowing a meeting of the operators and miners of the state district, 1 as a member of the international policy committee am prepared to fight both inside and outside the or- ganization to obtain its adoption. If the policy committee rejects what has been agreed upon as a fair settlement, then I am in favor of putting it into effect anyway.” Every member of the United Mine Workers should read this statement carefully. He should read it again and again—and then ask two ques- tions: 1. Why do the miners of the Hocking Valley tolerate a president of the sub-district of this kind? Why don’t they throw him out of office and elect a man with some under- standing and fighting spirit? 2. How does it come that Lewis, who is “supposed” to stand for the Jacksonville scale and talks about “no backward step” allows Daugherty to remain in office? As to the last question. Some time lower the seale in the unorgenized fields, and the path downwards has begun—with no bottom in sight. Why does not Lewis fire Daugherty? One has only to link up the various names and factors—Kunik, Lee Hall, Murray, Kennedy, Daugherty and it leads directly to Lewis’ door. Daugherty knows too much—and therefore he remains in office. The miners, however, should not tolerate a man of this kind in office. A so-called leader who cannot under- stand that this fight is not a fight for a reduced scale, but a fight, to destroy the union, is blind or a fool. The Pittsburgh Coal Co. employed Mr. McCullough to establish a “com- pany union.” Mr. Robbins, president of the Ohio Operators Association, stated before the Senate Commission that he could not consider operating the mines other than non-union. That Jacksonville Scale. Are the miners entitled to the Jacksonville scale? They are en- titled to far more. When one con- siders that the Jacksonville or any other scale does not guarantee work to the miner—see anthracite and Il- linois and Indiana today, where there are tens of thousands of unemployed John Brophy, from whom John L. Lewis stole U, M. W. A. election. miners—then one realizes that any- body who suggests or recommends a seale lower than the Jacksonville scale is betraying the interests of the miners. And despite all his mock-heroic talk, the trail leads straight to the door of John L. Lewis, through Kunik, Daugherty, Hall, Murray and Kennedy. The Hocking Valley miners are out to win the strike, just as the miners in the other districts. Weak leadership in one district affects the entire organization and the strike. If Daugherty could make a settlement with the coal operators—and would put it into effect regardless of the decision of the internatiopal policy committee, it would be the break-up of the strike and of the organization. If, as he says, he is prepared to fight “inside and outside” the organization, it means that he is ready to fight against the organization and its best interests and he does not. care whether he is still a member of the organization or not. What kind of talk is this? id why do the Hocking Valley minérs; who know what fight means, tolerate it- from» Daugherty? It is highest time for the rank and file to kick Daugherty out and put a man into National Women’s Party Not for Labor By VERA BUCH. A campaign is being carried on by the National Women’s Party to put through an “equal rights for women” amendment to the constitution in the 1928 elections. Since this party: ap- peals for support to working women, making propaganda’ supposedly in their interest, it is important for the working class to know just what this party really is and what its equal rights amendment, if passed, would means to the working class. A Party of Idlers. The National Women’s Party may be accorded first prize place among the reactionary, anti-working class women’s organizations. Its .composi- tion is of women of the upper and middle classes, ladies of leisure whose idle hours are spent, among other Now we come to the other phase of this equal rights amendment, which is of much greater importance for the workers. This affeets particularly women in industry. There are a few laws in.some states of America which give special protection to working women. For example, eleven states have minimum wage laws applying to women and children, Hours of work are regulated and limited in some places. Women are prohibited from working at night in certain occupa- tions by some states, The equal rights amendment advo- cated by the National Women’s Par- ty would wipe out these laws com- pletely ‘and make it impossible in the future to pass such laws. Here we see this party plainly exposed as an enemy of the women workers end a cared for. The mother therefore “chooses” to be a slave for twenty- four hours a day, working in the mill at night, and in the home by day. How is the working class to solve this terrible problem which capitalism has created for working women? The Soviet Union has solved it, not by permitting night work, but by provid- ing nurseries attached to the factories where the working mothers leave their babies under expert care while they work. So our women workers, instead of trying to keep night work with its terrible consequences for the health and its break up of thg home, must raise a demand for nurseries Imaintained by the city government where they can leave their children during working hours. Such a propo- sition certainly does not occur to the elegant theorists, the feminists, who office who has some brains, some un- derstanding, some real leadership and fight in him, Sabotages Relief. On March 7, Oral Daugherty sub- mitted his resignation as subdistrict president. The resignation was re- jected by the other iwo board mem- bers. Daugherty complained that he could not any longer bear the burden and responsibility of the relief work. The situation in the Hocking Valley is bad from the standpoint of need. The subdistrict has been receiving only $11,000 for relief every two weeks, and now it has been cut down $2,000. Daugherty demands more re- lief for the miners, A very good wish ~—but when the locals in the neigh- borhood if Corning wished to form another center for relief coming from the Pennsylvania and Ohio Miners’ Relief Committee, Hall, Savage and Daugherty told them to disband, wilfully lying about the Pennsylvania and Ohio Relief. Daugherty said nothmg about the $317,000 paid out by the Mine Work- ers organization from June 1 to De- cember 1, in salaries and “expenses.” He said nothing abot the $180,000 in salaries alone, with Lewis getting $7,000 for six months and about $4,100 in “expenses,” Kennedy $4,500 and $2,700 in’ “expenses.” What right had or has he or any other official of the union to any salary or “expenses” while miners and their families are starving? While miners and their wives are ‘pre- pared to go on the picket line in every kind of weather, facing everything; while they are ready to do anything the union orders them to, without the slightest hope or expectation of re- ward? These hundreds of thousands of dollars should have been used for re- lief—and instead went into the poc- kets of men who would, many of them, look for another job, if the salaries and “expenses” were cut off. When the miners face the hardest and bitterest part of the fight, Daugherty resigns. It does not mat- ter that the board did not accept his resignation. The very fact that he tendered his resignation was an act of desertion—plain desertion. How much can you , f ago James Kunik of Eastern Ohio was expelled from the organization for advocating a modified scale. The local to which he belonged appointed a committee to investigate Kunik’s charge that Lee Hall, president of District 6 of the Mine Workers, agreed with him on the question of the scale. real agent of the employers. The laws of some states prohibiting night work for women seem to ex- cite the dear ladies of the National Women’s Party also. Women must be “free” to work at night. Down with any laws that would keep them from the great privilege of slaving ten o1 things, in congregating in club rooms and salons, there to talk about “equal- ity,” “women’s rights,” and so forth. This party is essentially feminist, that is to say, it stands for women as a sex, fighting for their rights against men. In some respects it is the inheri- tor of the old suffragists, both in its have never met the realities of the working woman’s life sufficiently to know her needs. The minimum wage, the eight hour Jaw, need extending instead of wiping out. The forty hour week is what women should really demand. Wom- This is the president and leader of subdistrict 1, District 6 of the United Mine Workers of America—in the Valley where the union was born! 3 Where men to meet secretly and 4 have fought splendid fights! ‘es give one dollar, and 160,000 of these little fellows would make $160,000. One-dollar contributions would be popular contributions. The H single one-dollar bill would tell the story! it But how many $1 donations have been received thus far—in ; the second week of the campaign by the party which got fifteen million votes in the last national election? The total sum is $1,601. Of this total, $1,000 was given by a wealthy republican senator, presumably out of his own pocket and not as a blind for any oil magnate. Of the remaining $601, a wealthy republican boss of Brooklyn gave $200. Of the balance of $401, a New York republican politician gave $100; another re- publican, unnamed and unlocated, but having $100 to spare, and a Chicago business man, gave $100 each; total $300, leaving $101. Of this $101, four contributions of $10 éach from what appear to be three business men and one lawyer, and eight items of $5 each, all apparently from petty business men, and four contributions of $2 each, account for $88, leaving the balance of $13 which was contributed in amounts of $1. Borah has found thirteen members of “the masses?” Mr. Borah, why don’t you get John D. Rockefeller, jr., to en- trust the money in one-dollar portions to the 160,000 confidential employes of the Standard Oil Co., each of whom could put the dollar to his own name util after the 1928 election? ie The committee called Hall before it, but he refused to appear. “I don’t bother about such things,” he stated. The committee also cited Phillip Murray and William Kennedy before it, as having similar information and views. They did not appear. Lewis Protects Deserter. Lewis is alleged to have ordered Lee Hall to fire Daugherty, but Hall interceded in behalf of Daugherty and he remained. (This was before the February 29th conference.) Daugherty continues his “fair scale” talk, which means a competitive scale, which will enable the opera- tors in the union fields to compete with the non-union fields. _. Once the downward scale is adonted. the non-union oper/tors. will ideology and leadership, It stands for equality in the abstract, on “prin- ciple.” There is no class understand- ing in its propaganda, but as we know very well, classless arguments are much in favor with the employers, serving to cover up many crimes against the working class, Therefore it behooves us to look for the nigge in this woodpile also. ; The equal rights amendment calls for putting men and women on an equal plane before the law. It would wipe out all laws which have e spe- cial reference to women. Let us look at this in two ways. ihe: First ,there are any number of laws in all states of the union which dis- eriminate against women. These deal with various things such as inheri- tance, control of property, guardian- | shiv of children. divorce. etc. twelve hours a night in factory, laun- dry or restaurant! Let them be “free” to wear themselves out for a boss during the hours when nature ‘demands that they have sleep and rest. Let us look into the question of night work. Do any women work at night out of choice? In places where night work for women is pre- valent, for instance in Passaic, N. J.—a town where half the women work, where three-quarters of the women workers are married and der five years of age—there you may find women who choose the night shift in preference to the day. But what is their reason? Because they have small children at home to take y work by day they t is becom where 900 of these have children un-| en, most of them, have home duties which men do not have. Even unmar- tied women, due to low wages, must wash clothes and sew after working hours, Therefore they need shorten- ing of the- working day. Equal pay for the same job is another crying need, This, strange to say, is not in- cluded in the equality holler raised by the feminists. Therefore it becomes plain that the amendment of the National Women’s Party, under its surface appeal to working women’s interests, is in real- ity against the interests of the work- ing women and therefore at bottom an_anti-working class measure, / It fits in extremely well with “he pres- ent anti-labor drives of both the em- ployers and the government who are beth cut hot and heavy after the workers. : The progressives, The Save-the- Union Committee, stand for. courage- ous leadership. For that reason they are being attacked and murdered by gunmen directly or indirectly under the control of the Lewis machine. The government is fighting the mass picket lines led by men who accept the Save-the-Union Committee. pro- gram and leadership, but pickets of Lewis stamp and accepting his leader- ship go free. rested and then released. It is time for plain talking—and it is time to act. April 1 must witness every section of the miners organiza- tion represented at the Pittsburgh conference. This must be the chal- lenge to the coal operators and to the Lewis machine, which is leading the strike to defeat and the union to de- struction! At most they are ar-