The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 13, 1928, Page 6

..Page Six THE DAILY WORKER ss HOR SERPENTS ORS tp eee Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc. Daily, Except Sunday 83 Ficst Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00.per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months. $2.00 three months. ‘Addresr and mail out checks to TBE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. “Daiwork” < -ROBERT MINOR .WM. F. DUNNE font tered a weccnd-clees mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥., the act of March 3, 1879. ‘Who Would Repay ‘the Graft? that whenever an extreme wing of | its allies of the liberal | Fditer, Assistant Editor. under It is a rule of history reactionary capitalism gets into trouble, wing come to i W. of the oil grafters. Borah’s letter, proposing the repayment of the graft money rescue, received by the republican party, is a model of the conduct of the } typical politician of the lower ranks of the bourgeoisie. He hastens into a situation where the entire structure of government has been exposed naked as the machine for plundering the mas he hurries in to cover the nakedness and to assure the world that what it has seen is not the usual aspect of government, but merely an exceptional aspect which can be corrected; that the political party through whose channels the United States government was bought, is not responsible “ vy.’ The oil graft money, the stealing of which was arranged in the “smoke-filled room” Chicago during the 1920 republican convention, and the use of which as bribe-money was a bargain purchasing the nominations of Harding and Coolidge for the presidency and vice-pre which bargain Harding lived up to in the appointment of Fall and Weeks so that Fall and Weeks and Harding could deliver the | stolen oil fields—and which Coolidge is living up to to this day—| this Sinclair money Borah, ‘was not given as an ordinary contribution.” Borah is here trying to make a distinction be- tween the purposes of millionaires in giving money to the poli- ticians in this case where they have been caught, and the contri- butions habitually given and which will be given in the coming | ® election, which are not exposed. Of the graft which has been exposed, Borah says: “The whole | transaction, even the payment to the representative of the party, had in view an ulterior and sinister purpose.” This sentence is| written clearly for the pretense that the payments of | magnates “to the representative of the party” in the “ordinary” eases (and in the coming 1928 elections) do not have “ulterior | purposes” but are for—let us say, the establishment of purity in government. So the money paid to the men who compose a gov- ernment will have the purpose of making the government impar- tial as between those millionaires who pay the money and the masses who d In thi nce h sinks to the lowest point he has reached since ‘his care ted many years ago as special prose- cutor in the frame-up to hang the workers’ leader, William D. Bas wi ive is clea to protect the ring of graft and ft which now includes every national leader of the He says: individual me: rs who in secret betray it.” (Are man and treasurer of the national committee and the presi- nd vice-presidentia!l candidates “individual members,” Mr. “But when the transaction becomes known to the party” ou mean to say “becomes known to the PUBLIC,” Mr. it must necessarily become responsible if it fails to repu- transaction and return the fruits thereof.” eturn the fruits” of the steal when found out, is the of the “liberal” Mr. Borah by which to enable the thieves ue to rule the country. But how will this be done? » will return the money, Mr. Borah? one but a child will dream that the money would come from f the r To ‘ K remedy nti toe n uO white-wash is adopted, from big Is it an ae nt thet Tol an D. Rockefeller, jr., is now being touted in the big capitalist press as “the outstanding proponent of honesty in business,” after having given the public a fiction story cn the witness stand before the senate committee with the benign assistance of the committee? Is it an accident that Stand- | yetitor of Sinclair Oil? Is it an accident that | * Walsh, chief of the committee, owes his politica] existence Standard Oil Co.? ven the money axy of their supplied by Morgan, Rockefeller, Mellon nd, to refund $3,030,000, or $750,000, or bribery may be,—who will then own the M yovernment, it of the men higher up, the Coolidges, and above them, the Morgans heads of finance capital who own and can use ei or both of the capitalist parties and who can very nicely drop the Coolidge tool and pick up either the Borah tool or the democratic Walsh tool whenever the publicity situation demands. Meantime $750,000 of the loot of the “Continental” deal is untraced. Some months ago a vague report that no unusual sums of money were added to Harding’s bank account during the period | when Fall, his cabinet member, took bribes from Sinclair and Doheny, and, more recently, vaguer reports of the condition of Coolidge’s bank account were published. Who will put up the money to refund the graft to Sinclair? | « Who will buy the next administration at Washington? Bloody Horthy The arrival today in New York of 572 representatives of the ‘'oody Horthy government of Hungary is a striking incident of resent campaign to popularize fascism in this country. The Horthy delegation hopes to rally the support of Hunga- : workers in this country to the support of fascism and to .cedle a loan out of Wall Street. Agents of Mussolini, both Italian and American, are also busy boosting fascism in this country. Samuel S. McClure, founder of MeClure’s magazine, openly hawked fascism in a debate in New York Saturday. Otto Kahn (who is sponsoring a huge monument threw the Hungarain Soviet Republic) are also boosting fascism here. The Tammany tiger will lick the bloody hands of the Horthy | delegates when they arrive today on board the Olympic; but Hungarian workers whose relatives have been butchered by the white terrorists will join in a nation-wide protest of all conscious workers against the fascist cut-throats who are railroading mil- itant workers to the 8. Phone, Orchard 1680 | illiam E. Borah has come to the rescue | in| idency— | . Borah knows and intends that the | f as a defender, perhaps not of the} to Mussolini in New York City) and Herbert Hoover (who over- | of workers, having produced “too much,” THE DATLY WORKER, NEW YORK, t, TUESDAY; MARCH 13, 1928 By JOHN L. SHERMAN. The call by the Save-The-Union Committee for a conference of dele- gates representing 800,000 organized and unorganized coal miners is a mes- sage not alone to the mine workers but to the whole labor movement. Upon the outcome of this confer- ence at Pittsburgh on April 1, will de- pend in great measure what course will be taken in the immediate future by three millions of workers who still answer to the name of organized. Upon its accomplishments in perhaps even greater measure will depend the direction and immediate destiny of a seore of other millions of unorganized workers. Trumpet Note of Struggle. This is by no means an exaggera- tion. For just as the present seri- cus crisis in the labor movement comes at the end of a definite histor- ical period in American development so the call from within the ranks of |the largest militant section of that movement comes as the trumpet note {to the cpening of an entirely new period. If we should make the mistake for |a moment of regarding the miners’ call merelv as the message of the Save-The-Union Committee, or if we should fall into the error of conceiy- ing it in the narrow sense as a move- And from West Virginia come re- ports that John W. Davis, democratic nominee for president in 1924, has been employed by the coal operators of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois to direct their fight against the miners, Yes- terday he ran for president; today he openly heads the attack against the working class. These facts are being noted, digest- ed and retained by the body of the American working class. And they are creating an energy which will drive that awakening giant into all the more rapid activity because he has thus far been motionless and inert. Coming to the fourth great source of power for the working class we have before us the accumulating evi- dences of a widespread reaction to the corrupt and treacherous labor official- ment against a corrupted and treach- erous leadership, we shall Fail ‘to ; make the necessary preparations for its success and shall lose for the mo- ment the opportunity of directing those forces which in the near future are destined to remake the American labor mevement. Energies of Struggle. Those forces are already in motion Large-scale and country-wide un- | emplovment, rapidly on the increase, is creating energies of the greatest |power for the development of the | working class. Unemployment brought | about by the large-scale destruction of capitalistic instruments of produc- tion and their replacement by an- {other more efficient set, has, more- ever, become a permanent fact in American economie development. The capitalist system in the United States |has reached the point where it can juno longer create new industries for |the absorption of ranidly increasing armies of unemployed thrown out by the enalization of other indus- tries. | The pressure upon the capitalist lass, forced by European competi- ition, to lower the production costs of |ceommodities and to depress wage lev- els is the creator of additional ener- gies of struggle on the part of the working class. This factor, too, will remain a permanent one. | The government is forced more and |more to expose itself as the tool cf the big business interests. In the events on the international scene no more than in the incidents at home; in the sending of marines to Njcarag- ua no more than in the carefully veiled proceedings at the senate mine investigation now being conducted at Washington. In the one case the “enlightened” Borah sanctifies because of a previ- cusly made “agreement” with the revuan “liberals.” the imperial- ist policies cf the black reactionary Mellon; in the other case Secretary of Labor Davis in an aside during the | first session of the senate hearings, | blurts out his anger at the testimony of that outstandirg “radical,” John L. Lewis: “What do these fellows want? In Penrose’s time they would not even have got a hearii Matthew Woll, the “philoso- pher” of the A. F. of L. provides the theoretical basis for the Fed- eration betrayals. dom. As the leaders of the organized labor movement have moved steadily to the right they have of comrse, alien- ated an increasingly larger section of the workers. Never in the history of the American labor movement has the betrayal of the leadership been more open and vile. Within the past few months the Woll-Green ruling clique, notwithstanding any supérfi- cial differences any of its members may have between themselves, has been exposed in a half dozen deals with employers, the government and with one or the other of the old polit- ical parties. “Deals” With Reaction. Among these is the recent revela- tion that the A. F. of L. executive council supported the power trust lobby, cooperating with such agencies as the Insull gang in Chicago; the move for a national anti-strike law, undoubtedly a government inspired and probably a government directed move to bind the organized workers and to prevent the organization of the unorganized; in the hearings on | the mine situation now being conduct- ed by the senate committee, evidences are constantly coming into the open of the intention in which Lewis and the A. F. of L. machine is cooperat- ing, to prepare the way for govern- ment legislation and anti-strike |machinery; in New York State, the Green-Well clique has made a deal with the Tammany Hall machine and Al Smith, one of the main conditions of which is that no strike shall be | called on the New York traction lines, enother is that the A. F. of L, ma- chine shall endorse Al Smith for president; in return a “concession” has been made to the A. F. of L. on the injunction issue. Workers Understand. That these events have caused mil- lions of workers to reject some of | their old notions is admitted in a sort of left handed wey by Green himself when in referring to the “industrial % ase : i! While trust magnates and spetulators enjoy the wildest orgy of profit-taking, production is being restricted. Millions are thrown on the street to fight against hunger in the wealthiest land in the world. warfare” carried on by the Interbor- 8-Hour Day Fight Dead CHICAGO, March 12.—A veteran | of the bloody fight for the 8-hour day in Chicago, waged over 40 years ago, died the past week. Fred H. Berg- mann, a founder of the brewery work- ers’ union, was the strike leader of his organization in 1886 for the short- er working day. He died in California at the age of 71. When the police turned the labor struggle into a tragedy first by shoot- ing to death pickets at the McCormick Reaper Works on the south side and then by charging a peaceful mass meeting in the Haymarket, Bergmann was among the thousands of trade unionists who rallied to the defense of the 8-hour leaders, Parsons, Spies, Engels and the rest. The prosecution, aided by the business men and manu- facturers, framed up and hanged 5 defendants who became known thru- out the world as the “Haymarket anarchists.” Gov. Altgeld of Illinois later pardoned their imprisoned asso- ciates, declaring that both they and those hanged were innocent of bomb- ing the police. Bergmann then became a moving spirit in the still extant Pioneer Aid & Support Assn. which helped to maintain the widows and orphans of the men who were hanged and which keeps their grave in Wald- heim cemetery green. ‘The Miners’ Call to the Labor Movement movement that must respond. The is- ough Rapid Transit Company for|sue must be brought to the fore which he himself has paved the way, | wherever he declares that such acts “tend to develop class hatred, class war and Bolshevism.” That is correct. workers assemble and wherever union meetings are called. In some cases it may be possible only to make mention of the fact in tho It is against this background that | most careful manner; in others it may the miners’ cajl to the labor move- ment has come. It is from these sources that the energies to make it successful! have already been provided. It is, of ccurse, insufficient to say, “the basis for the movement is here: it will develop of itself.” Activities of the most energetic and unceasing character between now and April 1 are necessary. Labor Must Act. The miners’ call is a call to the labor movement. And it is the labor William Green, a former min- er now president of the A. F. of L, and John L. Lewis, blackest reactionary in the labor move- ment, who is now angling for a government job. There are thousands of workers who do not know that such a newspaper as The DAILY WORKER exists. ; There are thousands more who have read in the capitalist sheets and in the “labor” and socialist press arti- cles denouncing The DAILY WORK- ER for its militant fight in the in- terests of the workers and poor fazm- ers, but who have not the initiative to get even one copy of The DAILY WORKER to see for themselves what i like. In other words they have never sct eyes on The DAILY WORKER, It is up to all the comrades to make the workers see The DAILY WORKER and to get them interested enough so that they will want to read it. We can do this by distracting the attention of the masses from the cap- italist and labor-fsking press and ac- tract their attention to our own press, Must Advertise On the subways, elevated and sur- face lines we see the workers reading the enemy press, very seldom if at all, do we see any one reading The | DAILY WORKER. One of the best places to advertise the party press is on the traction lines, where thousands of workers gather every day. Comrades have the habit of keep- ing The DAILY WORKER in their pockets unless they are at home or at a party affair. If they do read The DAILY WORKER, they fold it up so that only the article they are reading can be seen. This is wrong, comrades. We must openly display the DAILY WORKER wherever and whenever possible. We must not be afraid of being seen reading our of- ficial organ, The party is not illegal —yet, and we can use this opportun- ity to bring our press before the masses, Each comrade must display The DAILY WORKER. We must take the role of a “wall-newspaper.” Es- pecially important is to hold The DAILY WORKER while reading it, or pretending to read it, so that the front page or the back page will catch the eyes of our fellow travelers. The front page carries the name of our paper, big headlines and_ pictures, which are visible at long range. The | back page is attractive because of ithe pointed and inspiring cartoons, \which are more eloquent than words. Talks to Many. j By thus displaying The DAILY WORKER I have caught the attention of hundreds of workers who, for the first time, saw a DAILY WORKER, | Cs Advertising the Daily Worke I have started conversations with many of them who sat next tome. 1| told them of the militant fight The DAILY WORKER was carrying on in the interests of the workers, If the worker happened to be a Negro, I would show articles on Negro ques- tions, and tell him, or her, that The DAILY WORKER fights in the in- terests of all workers, regardless of color or creed. In many cases it was not necessary to urge ther to take my copy of the paper—they took it gratefully. I told them they could get The DAILY WORKER at most news stands, to get it and become a steady reader of the only militant la- bor daily in the English language. Whether we are travelling to and from work, meetings, entertainments, ete., we must not fall asleep, or look at the ads in the cars. We must dis- play The DAILY WORKER, regard- less whether we have read it or not. This means also that all comrades should read The DATLY WORKER and carry a few copies with them, All comrades advertise The DAILY WORKER. Each comrade a “wall-newspaper.” The DAILY WORKER to the masses. —MAX KAGAN, Organizer Unit 1F SS2a, be possible to pass resolutions of sup- port, But in all cases the atmosphere must be created which will provide a supporting background for this most important event. Assistance to the striking miners, contributions to ..the Pennsylvania- Ohio Miners Relief Committee, 611 Penn Ave., Room 814, Pittsburgh, Pa.; above all support of the Save-The- Union Committee in its heroic battle. The committee should be made to un- derstand that not only is a larger section of the labor movement be- hind its efforts but that the labor movement expects it to conduct a mil- itant program of class struggle; no wavering and no concessions. Mass picketing in spite of injunctions; spread the strike; open meetings at all costs; resolutions against the Lewis-Fishwick-Hall-Cappelini ma- chine; delegates, representatives, rank and file members to the Pittsburgh conference: All eyes on Pittsburgh April 1. Workers Pay for Graft of Power ‘Trust WASHINGTON, March 12. (FP)— In the fight for public operation of Muscle Shoal Power Plant, there was placed in the Congressional Record for March 9, at page 4569 a chart en- titled “Why This Difference.” This chart is worth several hundred million dollars per year to wage workers in the United States if they will study it and act upon the logic it presents. The chart shows that the cost of residence electricity in the United States is at least five cents per kilowatt-hour teo much. The chart has a heavy line showing how the cost of electricity came down from 9.1 cents in 1910 to 7.4 cents in the average of 32 Ameri- can cities in 1926. It shows, by con- trast, that the price in electricity came down from 9.3 cents when On- tario went over to government owner- ship in 1910, to 1.6 cents in the average of 21 Ontario cities in 1926, Below the chart the author suggests that 0.8 cents might be added to the Ontario price to explain reasonable differences from the price in the United States. He figures that 10 per cent for taxes and 10 per cent for profit, and 30 per cent to account for the difference between water power and coal production of electricity, should be added to the Ontario cost which is 1.6 cents. This brings the total reasonable American price to 2.4 cents. It leaves unexplained the additional 5 cents required to make up the American price of 7.4 cents. can electric lighting bill for 1926 would have been $713,000,000 less than was actually paid. A big share of this extortion was taken from Ameri- can wage-earners, either directly or through their landlords’ payment of electric bills. trical plants in the United States run on an anti-union basis, They the worker of the right of 01 tion, and then they rob him pc his electric light bill. At Ontario light rates, the Ameri- . Most of the privately owned elec- | rob