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Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, MARCH 6, 1928 . THE DAILY WORKER Published by: the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc. : Daily, Except Sunday $3 Ficst Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months. $2.00 three months. Phone, Orchard 1689 “Dalwork" ‘Addrest and mail out checks to BE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. -ROBERT MINOR WM. F. DUNNE tee ut New York, N. ¥. under 1879. Enier-? es second-class mail at the post-off: the act of March 3, Lewis Fears Communists John L. Lewis, president of the United Mine Workers of | America by virtue of a stolen election, thoroughly despised by the | majority of members of that organization, is desperately striving to protect the anthracite murder machine controlled by his hench- man, Cappelini. Lillis, Alex Campbell and Pete Reilly, requesting him to come to the region and stop the reign of terror which his gang—and he | himself—have inaugurated, Lewis tries to evade his share of the responsibility by assailing the Communists. Instead of endeavoring to stop the murders, this enemy of labor who retains his control of the official machine of the miners’ union, in order to betray the coal diggers to the mine barons, tries to incite the police of the anthracite to aid him and the mine owners in a campaign against the most militant fighters who assail the program of murder organized by the machine of his henchman, Rinaldo Cappelini. Every person in the anthracite region knows who is respon- sible for the series of murders against the representatives of the rank and file. On every accusing tongue the name “Cappelini” is connected with the murders, and everyone is aware of the active participation in the murder campaign of Lewis. The reason Lewis assails the Communists of Luzerne county in this particular struggle is because he knows that the Com- munists are active in rallying the membership of the union to throw their mass power against the assassins, and that nafionally the Communists support with all their power the “Save the Union” program that is driving toward the Pittsburgh conference of April 1st that will create a coordinating center that will lead the miners to victory over the malignant attempts being made to destroy their union. This creature, whose maladministration is the greatest ca-| lamity that ever befell the miners of North America, and his henchmen, their hands dripping with the blood of the honest leaders cf labor, knows that the Communists are the implacable encmies of gangsterism and that so long as there are Communists in the mine regions John L. Lewis, Rinaldo Cappelini and all the e hor labor fakers will never be able to deliver the miners bound snd gagged to the employers. The reactionary officials do not f-ar guerilla warfare, but they do fear the mass power of the membership and the support militant policies can obtain from the entire working class. Stimson’s Advice to Filipinos He=ry L. Stimson, governor general of the Philippine Islands, | in his inaugural address, invited the Filipinos to think less about | politics and a great deal more about economics. This sort of shabby expression is not new. It is the familiar language of American imperialism as applied to all colonial and semi-colonial victims of Wall Street rapacity. The Stimson inaugural address, on his arrival to succeed the late Governor General Leonard Wood, was an echo in the Far East of the sophistry of Charles Evans Hughes at the sixth conference of the Pan American Union at Havana. Whenever any question of imperialist armed interven- tion arose at Havana the agents of the Washington government declared against. discussion of any “political questions,” and pro- claimed the Pan American union’s mission to be purely economic. The Hughes policy at Havana was to try to conceal the fact that the Pan American union is simply a political agency designed to impose economic vassalage upon the Latin American republics. In the Philippines Stimson tries to create the impression that the political movement for independence is something separate and apart from the economic enslavement of the masses—the absurd idea that political movements are conjured up out of the brains of politicians. There can be no political dntagonisms separate and apart from economic ‘conflicts. The political movement for Philippine independence is directed against the pillaging of that country by the banking combines of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., National City, Hall- garten & Co., and the House of Morgan, through control of bonded debts. The ravaging of the resources of the country by the sugar and tobacco trusts, the lumber combine, the Standard Oil corpo- ration and the Firestone corporation investing in rubber planta- tions in the Islands, also constitutes a part of the economic basis for the political movement hostile to the Wall Street government at Washington and its agents in the Philippines. The speech of Stimson is a piece of insolence that is tanta- mount to demanding of the Filipinos that they abandon all efforts to secure independence and supinely grovel before the moloch of | yankee tyranny. e | It is to be hoped that Stimson meets with similar success in| the Philippine islands that greeted his efforts in Nicaragua and | t at thousands of Filipino Sandinos arise to scourge the arrogant marauders from their countr, SEAMAN FINDS MANY JOBLESS - J’m an unemployed seaman looking |and there are over 1000 men there In reply to a letter from Mayor Gillespie of | Wilkes-Barre, near the scene of the assassination of Thomas} for a job. I’ve been out of work 4 ‘looking for work. I go to pier 26, E. months. I’ve spent nearly every cent | River and find the same. I go to the | of the little I was able to save during |Ward Line, Pier 18, East River; | slave trips on rotten freight ships of |:nore than 1000 are there on the hunt ' such companies as the Ward Line, |for work. ‘here are over 10,000 job- dar Line and the rest of the slave |: driving lines, exploiters of seamen. East |us work and bread. 4 TOT AV ET. | workers i i Matson, Dol-|jess seame: alled & | Guard had to go underground in the United Fruit, Munson, Matson, Dol- | jess eae eres ects co factories or take the form of factory l vot ches ‘ m de. | militia. However, despite all obsta- fa P | Yet you see sky pilots and Salvation | oles the arming of the workers con- I’ve been living at 20 cents a night Army lassies holding meetings on! tinued, THE COMPANY UNION Supported on the one hand by uniformed thugs of the police department and on the other by plainclothes thugs of the underworld, Frank Hedley, president of the Interborough Rapid Transit Co. of New York City, hopes to prevent organization of the traction workers by means of But the 40,000 workers will break Mr. Hedley in. a “company union” created by himself. Foundation of After the overthrow of the czarist; The development of armed forces government in March, 1917, Lenin j of the proletariat proceeded in a sim-| wrote: “Workers, you have shown ilar manner in Moscow, Donbass, the! wonders of proletarian people’s hero- | Urals, and all other industrial centres. By Jacob Burck the Red Army tricts furthest away from the centre ary offensive, the interference of in- and inhabited by rich Cossacks be- ternational imperialism and consoli- came hotbeds of counter-revolution dation of the counter-revolution with- where all white-guards concentrated. jin the country made absolutely neces- ism in the civil war against czarism, These forces played a decisive role in At that time, the Russian counter-|sary a regular well-organized and the October days. you must show wonders of proletarian | Red Guard Becomes Army. and national organization in prepar- ing your victory in the second:phase| The transformation of the Red of the revolution.” Guard into the Red Army took place The main condition of victory was|in 1918 when the bourgeoisie after military preparation which the prole- tariat and the toiling peasantry had to undertake in all its seriousness. Prove Necessity. The events preceding the October Revolution and after fully confirmed | the necessity of having an armed force by the proletariat. The attempts to smash the revolution and stop its further development were undertak- en by the Russian bourgeoisie long before the October Revolution. Gen- eral Kornilov in marching against revolutionary Petrograd in* August, 1917, with his Cossacks and*savage division of mountaineers wrote in his order: “Advance immediately on Petrograd, occupy the town, disarm those sections of the garrison which went over to the Bolsheviks, disarm the Petrograd population and dis- perse the Soviets.” Immediately after the October Revolution and the transition of pow- er to the hands of Soviets of Work- ers and Peasant Deputies considera- ble counter-revolutionary forces again marched on Petrograd and the other proletarian centres. These actions were quickly liquidated. They met with the joint action of the entire armed proletariat. Red Guards First. The formation of the armed forces of the proletarian revolution began long before the October insurrection. The first detachment of armed work- ers acted during the 1905 Revolution. The experience of that revolution was not in vain. Immediately after the overthrow of czarism in February, 1917, the workers of all Petrograd districts under Bolshevik leadership began to create their military organ- izations. At first these organizations were called by different names, such as “Red Guard,” “Workers’ Guard,” “Workers’ Sentinels.” The factory committees took most active part in their organization. The basic unit of the Red Guard was the company (of 100). Three or four companies of a factory formed a batallion. Apart from the shooting companies, there were machine gun detachments, liaison detachments, ete; The Red Guard batallions were united by districts, At the head of every district was an elected commanding staff. The officers were also elected. Mensheviks Ask Disarmament. The bourgeois Provisional Govern- ment and the Mensheviks and social revolutionaries who supported it de- manded the disarming of the workers and obstructed in every possible way the formation and training of detach- ments. It particularly began to rage }lafter the action of the Petrograd in June, 1917, The Red The structure of the Red »p houses in the last few months. |South St., trying to convert the starv- Guard improved, and unified statutes But I'll soon be sleeping on the park jing seamen to Jesus who they tell us were drawn up. Soon after the Oc- benches, for my money is nearly gone. will “save us.” All right, Jesus, get tober Revolution, a general staff of ae 3 the Red Guard was established in Tentvernd the first recuperation from the blows received by the revolution started its activities in the border territories and began to form its anti-Soviet forces. Donbass, Kuban, Siberia—the dis- | By ROSE KATZ The Industrial Revolution of the 18th century drew women out of the home into the factories. The em- ployers, tating advantage of womes,’s weak position, yoked her in large numbers to the-machine, paid her a mere pittance, and worked her 12, 14, and 16 hours a day. The women workers were unable to resist, be- cause of their lack of organization and the hostility of many men work- ers who. feared their competition. The First International realized that women had come into industry to stay, as a necessary part of capi- talist production, and that she must be organized in the labor movement. The first International aided the women workers as well as the men to organize to protect. themselves. The women workers appreciating this d the International in large num ‘s- During the Paris Commune i ‘871 the women worked and fough houlder to shoulder with the men The Second International was born * the first-Convress of the Socialis Party in 1829. The rapid increase in the number of women in industry and the terrible conditions under which they worked, low wages and long Sours, made working women reali7 the importance of political power. In 1907 the first international women’s conference took place on the initia- tive of the Second International. At this conference it was decided to establish an international bureau to write the proletarian women of all countries. Comrade Zetkin was clected as secretary. The second International Women’ conference was held in Copenhagen in 1910. The American” delegates brought in a proposal to establish an t~mational women’s day. Thanks to Clara Zetkin, this motion was en- tertained and the day the conference met was selected as the day of In- revolution already received ideologi- cal and even material support from \international imperialism. This sup- |port soon took the form of open di- rect support, the form of interven- tion. From the west the Hohenzol- lern army was invading and restor- |ing bourgeois domination wherever it set-foot. If the Red Guard was able to resist the first counter-revolution- | International Women’s -\/ Labor Movement ternational Women’s Day, the 8th of “arch. The Third Communist Interna- tional was organized in 1919 at the id of the World War and the vic- tory of the Proletarian Revolution in Russia, under the leadership of our foremost teacher and leader, Com- yade Lenin. The Communist Inter- national calls to action against the yoke of capitalism of all the op- pressed and exploited of the world. From the very beginning it laid spe- cial emphasis on awakening the class consciousness of the working women, as the most exploited part of the ‘orking class. The first conference of the International Communist Women was held in Moscow in 1920 a a foundation for the new structure. Taboring under the yoke of Capi- talism and Fascism, the working women pioneers who understand their class interests approached the wide masses to enlighten the more backward. There are plenty of thorns in the way of the class-con- scious woman in America. Only with the legalization of the . Workers (Communist) Party in 1921 vould she begin effective work among the wide masses. Since then she works re- gardless of obstacres with other struggle between workers. » Besides he oreanivation of the —wemen masses such as the New York Women’s Councils, the Detroit~ Fed: eration of Working Women, etc., she Luilds her own special apparatus of women’s work in the party. When all working women, house- wives, and women working in. the fields comprehend the teachings of eur great leader Lenin who said that only with the aid of the women will he world be won for a dictatorshir of the proletariat, they will join the organived women and take part. ij the struggle. : Farmers who sought better eco nomic conditions in cities are met by the slump in industrial employment This is “suggested” by the U. S. de- partment of agriculture in explana tion of the decrease in the net city- ward movement of population ir 1927. The department reports tha: the farm population of the country Tact venr fell oniv 193,009 comrare: vant Farmers Hit by Unemployment with decreases of 649,000 in 1926 an 441,000 in 1925, : The net migration from farms tc sities was 604,000 in 1927, 1,020,000 in 1926 and 834,000 in 1925. In ° years the farms have added 2,453,00! |te »ersons to America’s city population “his means the addition of more thar 500,000 to the army of workers seek- ine city inka. working women wherever there is a} ‘well trained army. Could the Soviet state utilize the old czarist army as its armed forces? Must Smash Old Army. In one of his letters to Kugelmann, Marx wrote that the working class must not limit itself merely to the capture of the bureaucratic military machine, but must break and smash it. The October Revolution fully con- firmed these words of Marx. The old army was a part of the bourgeois state machine and neither by its structure nor by its training could it meet the requirements of the prole- tarian state. It became still less use- ful as a result of its demoralization which began prior to the fall of ezar- ism and reached enormous dimensions in 1917, Already in the winter of 1915-16 there were in the czarist army according to official figures one and a half million deserters. About two million soldiers were kept in the con- centration camp. The demoralized czarist army na- turally could not become a revolution- ary army. On the contrary, the Soviet government had to take up the ques- tion of immediate demobilization. Decree Feb. 23. The decree re the organization of a revolutionary Red Army was pub- lished February 23, 1918. The main skeleton of the new army was the Red Guard. Side by side with it con- siderable detachments of poor pea- sants, some of the most r volutionary sections of the old czarist army (the marines, the Lettish firing regiments consisting primarily of factory and agricultural workers, etc.), and in- ternational detachments joined the Red Army. The international detach- ments were formed by volunteers— workers, military prisoners of the German and Austro-Hungarian arm- ies. The feeling of international soli- darity urged them to come to the. defense of the October Revolution. Being well-trained and disciplined, these detachments revealed marvelous ifirmness and deserved the hatred of the enemies of the revolution. C | Mobilization. * The Soviet government resorted to compulsory mobilization in June, 1918, when the counter-revolution and the interventionist powers menaced the very existence of the republic, The ' partial mobilizations supported by the ‘trade unions were very. successful. The workers joined the Red Army en masse yoluntarily and during the mobilization. The village was not so fast. The peasants did not yet un- stand the danger. They did not ee the enemy before them, Some itime was necessary to cause a change ‘in the mood of the peasantry after the ‘imperialist war which had just ended. This change was brought about by the development of events. The in- tervention and the white guards raised the question before the pea- sants: either the landlord or a regu- lar workers’ and peasants’ army and determined: resistance to the counter- revolution. The peasantry soon set- tled the question in favor of the lat- Tr. Thus the heroic Red Army was formed which defended the Soviet country from all enemies of the prole- Marin revolution. “Richest City in the World” By GERSHON EINBINDER QATURDAY. The day comes beau- © tiful and golden. The lower panes of the window in my little room are bright with sun. I want to lie a little longer under the warm covers, but a dark thought gnaws at me: “Thousands of hungry humans are in the bread-lines on the Bowery.” I leave the house. Outside there is sharp air. Cold stiff streets. Peo- ple hurry to subways and elevated trains. Another day of toil has risen on New York. Bright is the sun, but on other streets. Not on the Bowery. Here everything is cloudy, dirty, an eter- nal tiredness, I have known this Bowery for years. And always it lies gazing at me with dull, sleepy eyes. An entire block caught in a chain cf gray shadows. How can I with my werm ccat go near this chain of pale shadows? I am afraid. Even so was I afraid as a child when I threw a stone at a frog near the river and the frog did not jump back into the water, but remained squatting near the edge, moving its lips and rolling its eyes as if cursing me for my wickedness. * * But they did not notice me. They remained standing stiff against the wall, waiting with a large patience in which there was no thought. As if a stone had been left lying and foreatten somewhere, and so it lies patiently, without thought, without meaning. And the hanpiest of all are not we with our warm coats, who hurry by casting one frightened glance that soon forgets. The happiest are those that stand close to the deaf, dumb door. The first in line seems to be en- lirely frozen to the door, and I think that when they will onen at last, he will fall in eold and stiff, and he will desire nothing.. For he had come when it was still night and he had heen the first to stiffen himself against the door, so that after so many long hours he has become ac- eustomed to this immovable waiting end has almost forgotten the aim of it all. The cold is relentless, it pulls at the flesh. And the people, like thin, featherless little hens, have become oblivious to the cold and allow it to pull them, bite them. * * A great city, a girantic city. So many homes, so many beds and Joaves of hread—brown and hot and ood to the tongue. And it seems to me that these desolate, ragged neonle are not at all angry and bear no bitterness against those that are well-fed. that have homes and beds ond loaves of bread. They are not enerv, they are ashanied, and they +hink the fault is theirs—they are wicfits and dubs. Because from childhood there has been drummed into their heads that America, the Jand in which there is so much pros- verity, gives food and wealth to all who are not lezy and are willing to work. And only worthless, miser- sble dubs can sink to such denths as waiting in line for a piece of bread. - * * And I wanted to go to them and fell them: fools, it isn’t because you are dubs. It is because those near +o you deceived you and betrayed you in vour youth. Your teachers. your nriests. your newspapers that pre- terded to be your friends, your neiehbors, even your own mother and father betraved vou with stories ehout the virtues of the present sys- tem. IT went awav, and my heart burned with anger at this rotten capitalist system. So many treasures of gold ang cilver, of fond—and here such deso- lation, such darkness and hunger and inhumen suffering on the faces of these thousands of wretched Bowery heegars. Mocow Fxhibits Manufactures Fourteen American manufacturers will’ have exhibits at the permanent machine tool exhibition which will onen next May in Moscow, it was an- nounced yesterday by the Amtorg Treding Corporation. The exhihition. to be housed in @ snecial $1.000.000 building, is spon- sored by the Orvametal Co., a Soviet engineering orzanivation which is now designing forr new macnine wuildine nlants to be built in the aviot Union at a total cost of $34,- 900000, The Oreametal. the first or- voaniyation of its kind.in Russia, is develoving new vroduction athens to he introduced into the whole metal indnstry. Particinstion of American com- nanies in the machine tool exhibition, in which German. Swedish and French firms will also take part, came as a result of a recent visit paid to this eountry by Mr. E. M. Alperovich, di- rector of the Orgametal. : Among the projects being prepared by the Orgametal are a locomotive works to be biflt in the Ukraine at a cost of $15,000,000, a car plant to cost $7,500,000 and a bicycle factory to cost $4,000,000, * ce | i