The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 1, 1928, Page 6

‘the threat of imperialist THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, MARCH 1, 1928 THE DAILY WORKER(| (SOR UNIS SISICUISSiSRIM AAD SS SOL aes Oka A a ase Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS’N, Inc. Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: “Daiwork” SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): €£.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months 2.50 three months. $2.00 three months. Phone, Orchard 1680 : ‘Addrear and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. ..ROBERT MINOR .. WM, F. DUNNE bs second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥., the act of March 3, 1879. Blood of Campbell and Reilly. The murder of Alex Campbell and Pete Reilly with machine- guns in broad daylight on the streets of Pittston cries aloud for the masses of coal miners in the anthracite region and thruout the entire country to rally as one man, not only to defend their rank-and-file leaders from murder, but to clean out once and for all the gang of murderers who have stolen control of the United Mine Workers of America. A quick, sharp and unflinching reply of the rank and file coal miners is on the order of the day. Who are responsible for these cold-blooded murders? Not alone the hired professional gunmen who in all probabil- ity fired the machine-gun bullets into the bodies of Campbell and Reilly, but the men who hired them must be held accountable for murder. Before any other man, John L. Lewis is responsible for the cold-blooded murder of Alex Campbell and Pete Reilly. Rinaldo Cappelini is responsible for the murder of Campbell and Reilly. These two cowardly agents of the coal operators must be called to account by the masses of coal miners for a string of murders: Tom Lillis, Big Sam Grecio (now dying), Alex Campbell and Pete Reilly. Also they are responsible for the attempt to murder Frank Bonito, which effort resulted in the death of Agati, the gunman who attempted the murder, and they, again, are responsible for the effort to murder Bonito with the hangman’s noose thru the frame-up and arrest of Bonito. Not alone Lewis and Cappelini and their gang, but also the authorities of Pittston and the Anthracite region are responsible. That this latest outbreak of fascist terror could occur in a crowded street at such a time is evidence that the authorities of that region were aware of the plot. These capitalist political flunkeys are responsible, and also those who tell the workers not to resort to their own class political action, are responsilbe. The struggle in the anthracite is between unionism on one side and the millionaire coal owners and their flunkeys, Lewis, Cappelini, ete., supported by organized murder, on the other side. When Cappelini takes to machine-gun tactics on behalf of the bosses, he becomes the blood-stained agent of the employers for the imposition of contract work. The Save-the-Union statement eorrcetyy estimates the situation when it characterizes the mur- .*rs of Cumpbell and Reilly as “a challenge to every miner who is 9 ed to company and contract work.” the bosses’ frightfulness, this wholesale murder, the craven ashing of the leaders of the rank and file must be stopped. murder gang must be wiped off the map of trades-unionism _we Cetermined action of the rank and file. Gunmen and gang- .-rism can be destroyed by the aroused masses of the organiza- on. It is only the mass fury of the workers that will sweep this fascist crew into oblivion. The workers of the antaracite, the victims of the craven crew who are conducting systematic mur- ders against the leaders of the rank and file should rally by the tens of thousands to the Save-the-Union movement, and the pro- test meetings arranged as a result of the monstrous crimes of Tuesday in the streets of Pittston should be mass demonstrations of tens of thousands of miners who will instantly begin the process of scourging from the region every poltroon involved in the mur- der reign. Only the most determined action of the miners can avenge the deaths of Campbell, Reilly and Lillis, and free from the bloody clutches of the political agents of the anthracite trust Frank Bonito, marked for murder by the Cappelini machine, but who in self-defense killed the chief gunman of that gang, Frank Agati. The murder gang must be smashed! The mine workers must take the United Mine Workers’ Union into their own hands. Kellogg’s Pacifist Offensive Only the tremendous financial power of the United States, constantly increasing its power in Europe through increasing Joans and investments, prevents loud and derisive laughter at the proposals of Kellogg that the nations of the world “renounce war as an instrument of their national policy.” Never, at any time or place, has any modern nation proclaimed war an instrument of national policy. The proposals to France that it join the United States in proposing to the Italian, German, British and Japanese govern- ments a multilateral treaty renouncing war as a national policy, is nothing more nor less than an attempt on the part of the Wall Street government to follow its economic conquests with a po- litical conquest that will vanquish England as the dominant re- actionary force among the nations of the world. While Kellogg’s imperialist offensive is being forwarded un- der the guise of a peace offensive, Britain is utilizing its position in the league to launch a counter-blast against the United States. The first shot was timed to coincide with the latest note of Kellogg to Briand, premier of France. In Kellogg’s latest note reference was, unfortunately for him, made to the Pan American congress just closed in order to cite the sibility of such multilateral treaties being effective. This part he note was torn to tatters during a public session of the se- ty and disarmament conference at Geneva, the league head- ‘ers, by the Argentine minister at Berne, who pointed to the ‘hat the United States Latin American policy based upon its cnroe Doctrine” was not a multilateral treaty, but a unilateral cree imposed by the United States upon the South and Central American republics. The Kellogg-Briand exchange of notes, though couched in pacifist language, is in reality only diplomatic negotiation for war illiances that will operate when the imperialist clash of interests ill produce the next world slaughter, the danger of which is Agsiatant Editor. cerca under imminent. The lone fact that naval armaments are increasing and that ever more intensive activity is seen in the armed forces of the country is sufficient to refute the illusions of peace and warn the masses that a relentless struggle must be carried on against war, COMPANY UNIONISM Hedley: “Could I By P. BELYAKOV. jig Bolshevik Party, distinct from all other political parties, defined the role of the young workers in the revolution as an active element long before October 1917. V. I. Lenin, leader of the Party, in his article “New Tasks and New Forces,” published in the “Vperiod” in February 1905, said: “In time of war, recruits must be drilled directly on.the field of battle. Onward there- fore; with the new methods of train- ing the comrades; Be energetic in forming new detachments, send them to the front, recruit more young work- ers.” (Our emphasis). Later, on the eve of the October Revolution, Lenin expressed himself even more emphatically on the ques- tion of the role the progressive young workers are called upon to play in the revolution. In his article “Advice from an Observer,” in reference to the October Revolution, Comrade Lenin said in making an outline of the armed insurrection and capture of power, the following: “Organize the most determined elements (our shock troops and the young workers) and also the best sailors (in small de- tachments for the capture of the most important points) for participation in the most important operations.” (Lenin’s emphasis). View Adopted by Party. This view of the role of the young workers in the revolution was adopted by the whole Party, which on its part, granted sufficient leadership in the struggle and the work of the pro- gressive young workers in the Oc- tober period. During the period between Febru- ary and October 1917, mass young workers’ organizations appeared in Russia for the first time. In connec- tion with the experiences of the move- ment their work was almost from the very beginning to organize their mem- bers into Red Guard detachments (armed forces of the working clas: during the first period of struggle for the proletarian revolution) and the mobilization of as large a number of young workers as possible for the Red Guards. In this work the Youth Leagues had the full support of the Party as a whole and particularly of some of its influential representatives (Krupskaya) and leaders. The best characteristic of the ac- tivities of the Youth Leagues during: that period is given by Comrade Sko- vinko, who in his memoirs says that the district committees of the Petro- rad (now in Leningrad) league were at that time aciually turned inte branches of the general staff of the Red Guards. He says that the whol Petrograd organization (then calle? Socialist Young Worke League? “the leaders as well as the rank and file joined the Red Guard detachments to acquire the skill of using arms if only their health permiit d.” The “militarization” of the ranks of the Young Workers’ Leatue was also sharacteristie for the organizations of other towns existing at the time. The Red Guards. Parallel with the work for the con- solidation of the organization from within, and sometimes even to its detriment, the leagues were busi gaged in mobilizing the broad sections of young workers by means of ex- tensive and energetic agitation for the Red Guards. The work of the Petro- a, jtire world, that we.will organ Role of Young Wo grad Committee may serve as a good example in that. At one of its ses- sions in August 1917, the Petrograd Committee decided: “Considering the maturity of development, a ‘working triumvirate’ should be retained in the CC (the Petrograd Committee—P, B.) and all active members of the league should take active part in the for- mation of Red Guard detachments in the districts.” (The original document is kept in the Leningrad Archive of the Provincial Committee of the LYCLSU—P. B.). It is r- istic that the organizer and le&der of the Petrograd Young Workers’ League, Vasya Alexeyev, who was left in the committee as one of the “work- ing triumvirate” did not stay idle but energetically worked in organiz- ing the Red Guard of the Narvsko- Peterkhov district. We do not possess sufficient and detailed figures on the number of young workers in the Red Guard. However, the figures we do have show a comparatively high percent- age of youths as compared with the total number of Red Guards. Thus. for instance, out of a total of 3807 Red Guards in the “Novy Parvian- gen” works of Petrograd, 63 were young workers; out of 218 in the “Novy Lessner” -workers;- 49 were youths. On an average, the youths constituted about one fifth in the violate a contract?” Petrograd Red Guards. According to some old leaders of the league in Mos- cow, the youth constituted 50 per cent of the Red Guard in some Moscow districts. (In this case the ages be- tween 16 and 24 inclusive are meant). Towards the end of 1917 and at the beginning of 1918, the period of strug- gle for Soviet power in the province, the Red Fighting Detachments or- ganized by the leagues, existed in most of the other towns and indus- trial centers. Adult Workers. What was the attitude of the adult workers to the youth in the Red Guard? Comrades Skorinko, mention- ed above, in describing that, relates for instance the following fact: “Many fatories evaluated the youth as the best elements in the Red Guard detachments. Fearing that criminal elements liable to discredit the armed workers by their action may join the Red Guards, some fac- tories chose the best comrades and discussed their trustworthiness be- forehand just as earnestly as they dis- cussed the Soviet candidates. We know that at least 50 per cent and some- times even 100 per cent of the select- ed Red Guardists were youths. Such, for instance, was the case in many departments of the Putilov works.” The advanced young workers were fully trusted also in the Red Guards. By Fred Ellis This is seen from the fact that there were young comrades, members of the League, among the Red Guard offic- ers.* *) The Red Guard was organized on a voluntary basis. Officers were, according to its statute, elected at general meetings and conferences of the respective detachments. The Proclamation of the Bolshevik Party calling for an armed insurrec- tion and the overthrow of the exist- ‘ing bourgeois government, was warm- ly received by the broad sections of young workers as well as by the whole working class. The youths played a most active role in the October bat- tles, heroically fighting in the first line trenches. The young workers performed important tasks during the October days in the proletarian revo- lutionary centre—Petrograd. The youth undertook the supply of rifles to the factory workers. They organized safety service. They guard- ed the city from criminals which at that time could have brought about the accusation of the revolutionary fighters as bandits. In taking the |Winter Palace, and the subsequent |street encounters, the young workers constituted a big percentage among the revolutionary fighters. During the period of October con- flicts in Moscow which were stubborn International Women’s Day By ETHEL SHOR. OMAN’S position today in society is of two-fold slavery: first, as a housewife, and secondly, as a wage worker. Housewives will exclaim in horrified tones: We, slaves! But think of her position with a pittance to spend on food for herself and fam- ily, the substitutes and scrimpings, the dwelling place of three or four sunless, smelly rooms in a tenement, the shoddy and insufficient clothes, dependent on the few dollars given to her husband as wages, She often blames her husband for the drudgery, misery and suffering of her family, instead of joining with him against their common enemy and exploiter, Significance of Women’s Day, International Women’s Day must be the rallying point for the organization and clarification of women as part of the working class, as half of the working class, and the most exploited half, They must learn to organize themselves, feel the strength of the power of the working class. women in che class struggle. She must pledge he f anew on this day to greater ory zation of her women-comrades. Let us on this day renew our pledge io all the workihg women of the en- e and stand as one solid mass, as one solid front with our men comrades, as part of ‘the working class, for the final emancipation ftom slavery, to the goal of the new Communist Society. We owe this to our class, our children and our mates. Factory Labor. And even the statistics show that hundreds of thousands of workers are yearly thrown out of employment due to the enormous increased efficiency of labor saving machinery (see N. Y. Times, of Feb. 26) thus creating a permanent section of chronically un- employed, thousands of women are yearly forced to leave their homes and the care of their children, to earn a few more dollars to try to make “both ends meet.” (2,000,000 of the 9,000,- 000 women employed are married women.) In the factory, woman is the most exploited, underpaid and downtrodden section of the working class. She labors under the mistaken’ illusion of being there only temporar- ily and therefore does not feel inter- ested to fight for better conditions and is therefore willing to accept anything to supplement the family wage. The woman worker can thus be used by the bosses to beat down the wages of the men workers, and break up their unions. When the working mother is left a widow and the only support of her family, the misery and suffering jof her family are unspeakable. Every jday sees cases like that of the work- ‘ing woman who recently committed suicide with her four children, being warried working woman combines the duties of a wage earner, mother and housewife, getting up early in the morning to prepare the home for the- day and werking late into the night doing the rest of her housework. Repressive Laws, -Polilieally, tho she -has the vote, she has the most humiliating, degrading and cruel Jaws foreed upon her, In some states her husband can collect her wages, dispose of her property, ‘can deprive her of her children with- out any redress to law, and if the woman is not legally married she can be cast out with her “illegitimate” child. She must fight and demand not only “equal” laws as.a woman but fight for better conditions for herself, children and husband as part of the working class. She must demand so- cial instirance, motherhood insurance Jand care of the young, and full recog- My unable to provide bread for them. The | nization of the “illegitimate” child on the same status as the legitimate. Women Must Organize! 1. In the shop—all women, in fac- tory nuclei. 2. Housewives—in the street nuclei. 3. Make united front with other women’s organizations. In the shop she must stand side by side with all the workers’ in organiza- tion, in strike and on the picket line, and in building a strong union, In street nuclei she must organize the women to stand as one with their husbands in times of strikes, organ- ize strike relief and to aid on the picket line, as in Passaic. She should organize workers* cooperatives, not only to help the workers financially and in time of strikes, but to accus- tom women to self-government, to the ‘feeling of unity, of solidarity and working together. as workers of an organization. Part of Working Class. Build united fronts with other wom- en organizations on such questions as the housing situation, rent laws, low- er fares, a seat for every child, sani- tary schools, against the spread of. militarism in the schools, and various other local issues on which women can be aroused to think and act in com- mon .to aid the workers and their families, The working woman must be taught, that she is part of the working class, an integral part of it, not isolated and apart; that her place is with the other working class women in their strug- gles and that only by working in com- mon-with all the working class can she help herself even tho whatever softening of her hard lot she can find under capitalism is only a palliative. That only by organizing herscli in a class against the capitalist class and fighting them will they finally eman- cipate themselves, women and men from slavery. Mrs. Parsons Sends Gift to I.L.D. Bazaar Mrs. Lucy R. Parsons, widow of the leader of the Haymarket martyrs, Albert B. Parsons, has joined the ranks of those who are contributing gifts to the annual bazaar which the International Labor Defense will hold March 7 to 11 at New Star Casino, 107th St. and Park Ave. Among the gifts which she sends is a book, “Life of Albert R. Parsons,” giving an ac- count of the entire Haymarket case. Stresses Importance. In a letter to Rose Baron, secre- tary of the New York section of the I. L. D., Mrs. Parsons urges all work- fullest capacity. “The history of the Haymarket case,” she writes, “and of other more recent cases shows the need for an organization to defend the interests of those who struggle to throw off the tyganny of the rul- ing class of this country. Had there been an International Labor Defense in 1887, perhaps my husband and his comrades would be living today, fight ing shoulder to shoulder with their fellow workers. Fights for Workers. “These gifts that I am sending are just my little Bit for the International Labor Defense Bazaar, and I hope that the workers of New York and throughout the country will do all they can to support this great event of the organization that is always fighting to protect their interests.” Mrs. Parsons was the guest of honor at the national convention of the International Labor Defense, held in New York last November, and has aided the work cf the I. L. D. on many occasions. rkers in the Red Guard and lasted some time, the young work- ers were also in the front ranks of the fighting proletariat. They car- ried on an energetic revolutionary agitation among the soldiers of the Moscow garrison, urging them to join the revolutionary workers. They or- ganized the sentinels and the safety service. The juveniles were particu- larly successful in the liaison service. They bravely carried out all instruc- tions, breaking their way through the white-guard sentinels with valuable secret communications, Fought For Revolution. In Rostovon-Don, where the revo- lution took place in November 1917, the young workers, together with the adults, heroically fought against the advancing counter-revolutionary fore- es for seven days, some of them with rifles and others as Red Cross’ Aids. The youths supplied the bullets and water for the machine guns. The same heroism was displayed by young workers in Odessa, Ekaterinoslav, and other towns on the barricades. Alt documents and material relating to that period show that the youth play- ed an active part in the October battles. Interesting Episodes. In conclusion, we will take a few episodes from the history of the young workers’ struggle in the ranks of the Red Guard. Here is for instance what the commander of one of the Red Guard detachments which con- sisted entirely of youths and operated at the Umansk sector near Kremen- chug said: “One hardly believes when vealizing the heroic deeds of the youth of that time ... Thirty dare-devils with four machine guns, cut off from the other Red detachments, disarmed a regiment of 700 people, captured 12 machine-guns, an arsenal with 10. 600 rifles, instituted order in a whole uyezd without a single shot, organized and armed the workers, guarded tens of sugar refineries and wine distil- leries, guarded a big railway-line, travelling through it from time to time in small groups.” * In one of the skirmishes with the enemies of the republic when Odessa was occupied by French troops, head- ed by the French Council, a group of Red Guards, members of the Odessa League, of 30 people, captured the arsenal, armed itself, and the whole Red Guard detachment. Such in brief, are the most salient points in the history of struggles of the young workers for the October revolution in the ranks of the Red Guard. | The forerunners of the Young Com- munist League—the Young Workers Leagues of the October period—car- ried on in an organized and coordinat- ed fashion work in the setting up and consolidation of the first armed fore- es of the working class—the Red Guard detachments-—under the leader- ship of the Bolshevik Party. Later cn, this role was undertaken by the Young Commmnist League of Russia which accomplished a great deal under Party leadership in the matter of or- ranizetion of the country’s defence and consolidation of the Red Army and the Red rear, during the civil war in 1917-21. pail bah fd i *) From materials on Young Com- munist History published in “New \Young Workers Life.” bike CS ers to support the bazaar to their)