The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 18, 1928, Page 5

THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1928 Page Five TRANSFORMATION: A MINE STRIKE PICTURE By ALEX JACKINSON. 1, A Mining Town Before the Strike. Harmarville is a mining town lying on the banks of the Alleghany River. High, sloping hills, dotted with trees fortify it. These hills form a mas- sive bowl, in the bottom of which Harmarville crawls like a giant spider. The bordering river is now half frozen, and cakes of ice float lazily with the stream. On the op- posite side tower huge steel mills. From there dense columns of smoke continuously dim the horizon. Closer to town is a car line over which organe painted trolleys run. Spas- modic growths of trees also surround the town, amidst them stand old, dilapidated houses. Miners live in these houses. Before the strike Harmarville was one of the most colorful of the many mining camps which dot the bitum- inous coal fields of Pennsylvania. The company houses were by far the nicest in the vicinity. Nothing pre- tentious about them, just two-family, red-bricked dwellings, uniform in archictecture, yet homes. The interior is divided into four and six room flats, cozy, clean, modest. There was plenty of spirited ac- tivity in Harmarville then. The:cor- ner ice cream parlor, which was also the restaurant and general hangout, did a thriving businéss. Miners met there. A motley, homogenous crowd of Slavs, Hungarians, Poles and Americans, raw-boned, brawny, strong. Together they talked, fra- ternized, drank beer and laughed. On days when the mines were shut they went swimming in Deer Creek or sat on the banks of the Alleghany, listening to music, drifting from sum- mer camps across the river. But the strike changed all that. 2. The Town Today. The same community of Harmar- ville is now war-torn, hungry. With the strike came a great change, vis- ible everywhere. The air one inhales is suffused with uncertainty, bitter- ness. Suspicion hangs like a_ thick fog over the town. Miners no longer come home singing. Smiling children no longer greet them, These things are life itself to these mining camps, lying in distant, remote valleys, The company houses are now oc- cupied by scabs. The strikers having long been evicted. Families who lived there for many years found them- selves homeless, their furniture taken away. Large “No Trespassing” signs, hanging on each door tell of the change. Wives no longer wait for their husbands on the stoops. The seabs are sullen, unhappy, keeping indoors. The territory on which these houses are built is patroled by com- pany gunmen, carrying cocked rifles in their armpits. The schoolhouse is not far away n there the change is apparent. The children are wary, divided. Those of strikers group together and mierci- lessly taunt those of scabs. Oftimes they fight. Sometime ago the chil- dren of strikers went on a strike of their own; protesting against being in the same class rooms with those of strikebreakers. They lost, but traces of bitterness are still visible. Piti- ful figures, these children, underfed. poorly clothed, bearing the brunt of the industrial war. Only the hills remain unchanged. Now they are bleak, snow-covered. To a hungry stomach their immen- sity becomes heavy, oppressing, 3. Life In the Barracks. A private road, turning off from the state Heics “ii into union grounds. Here barracks were eregted. They are long, unpainted, thin wooden buildings, standing in row formation. Smoke curls up from tiny chimneys. Here there are no paved streets, no signs to distinguish one from another. No electric lights, no sinks, no run ning water. Just one small room par- titioned in half. The roof is tar-pa- pered, and during rains leaks consid- erably. Outside pots and pans are hung out. Inside a table at which only two can eat at one time stands in the kitchen. A stove is its only other pos- session. The other room holds a bed and some chairs, The toilets are apart from the bar- racks. Water is pumped from a well. in for a fow minutes to warm up. At night this camp is swallowed in darkness. The only means of light are kerosene lamps. It gets dark early here in the winter and it is exceedingly cold, as the barracks are built over marshes, continually wétted by the Alleghany River. Here life is raw, primitive, bitter and bloody. No complicated modes of behavior to follow. No civilized pre- tentions to ape. The people here are unpretentious, simple, home-loving people, but of today militant, full of fight. While I was there a truck filled with relief supplies from the Penn- sylvania-Ohio Relief Committee drew up. In a short time the entire popu- lace came out to see it. Doors swung open and women clad in colored aprons, dresses and coats followed by their children walked up the frozen road. With them came tall lanky min- ers. Men with high cheek-bones, drooping mustaches and deep set eyes. Together they formed a color- ful picture, They gathered around the truck and cheered. _ Just as the supplies were being un- loaded writing labor history. ger, coal, innumerable sufferings, yet they are determined to crash thru the iron walls of the coal operators’ resistance. jumped out and with drawn revolvers commanded the miners to get into their houses. One striker protested that the invaders were on union prop- erty. The butt end of a revolver sent him reeling to the ground. Sergeant Flint, in charge of the gunmen, arrest- ed the driver and confiscated the truck, The miners stood in zero weather discussing the incident which was one of the many “unlawful” acts perpetrated by the “yellow dogs.” 4, The Coal and Iron Police. Thirty years ago the state of Penn- sylvania passed a law, allowing the coal companies of that state to em- ploy their own police. Since then the power of these thugs increased. Bru- tal, clad in grey uniforms, feet en- cased in leather puttees, these gun- men walk with guns displayed in their holsters, and heavy ivory sticks swing- ing in their grasp. The “yellow dogs,” as the C. & I. poce are called, parade with deputy sheriff badges on their chests, and are at will to arrest, beat and kill anyone they like. That is their ‘pur- pose of existence, The United Mine Workers or Amer- ica presented 119 sworn affidavits charging the coal and iron police with! “anlawful acts” to Governor Fisher. The following case is typical of hundreds. On January 16th Sergeant Newille Miller of the coal and iron police, just released from the Alleghany County Jail, where he served 3 days on an assault charge, together with 8 other “yellow dogs” invaded the town of Coverdale. Leery-eyed, and thirsting for revenge they began shooting up the camp, and arresting people indis- criminately. Men and women ran for cover. Stanley Keichel, a two-year-old child, was hit by a bullet. Andy Karback, an aged shoemaker, came out to repair his shack which burnt down the day before. One of the gunmen began to beat him over the head with his riot stick. Five days later the cobbler was still moan- ing deliriously from the beating. 5. The Mine. A short ways from camp lies the mine, where the coal diggers of Har- marvithd wore, From a distance the tipple towers like a black skeleton. A deputy shack full of state troop- ers guard the entrance to the mine. The adjacent property is fenced off by coils of barbed wire, heavily charg- ed with electricity. Around the pit- head stand several one-story build- ings. One of them is the “bullpen” where the coal and iron police are housed, Another is the tool and sup- ply shed. A pile of slag, every burning, shoots up occasional flames. Numer- ous tracks run into the hills which virtually wall in the mine. Under- ground the pumpmen keep the drifts from flooding. The mines must not be flooded. Coal is the cornerstone of civilization. Yet the men who face death digging it, freeze. A worthy thought! With break of dawn the scabs steal out of their homes and shuffle de- jectedly to work. Carloads of “yel- low dogs” protect them. Sullen, eyes WRITES LIES ON INDIA. Katherine Mayo, whose book, “Mother India,” was written appar- ently in preparation for the sailing of the Simon Commission whose ar- rival in the Peninsula caused a gen- eral strike and boycott. Indian lead- ers declare that the book is a mass of calumniation and half-truths for the purpose of influencing the western world against India’s fight for freedom. Every member of the House of Commons received a copy of “Mother India” gratis before the sailing of the Simon Commission. Make Poems of It All! By A. B. MAGIL. In New York City, richest city in the world, there are men roving the streets for jobs, there are women with thin lips and hopeless faces sitting in cold damp rooms, there are babies crying for food and a bit of golden sun to play with, There are breadlines adorning the streets with hundreds of red hands stuck out for a bowl of soup and a piece of bread, there are cops, there are scabs, there is a well-dressed mayor In New York City, richest city in the world. (Make poems, make poems of it all.) In Pennsylvania, Ohio, Colorado, men that are shot down will never rise with curses or poems on their lips, women with empty eyes and strange hard voices will never tell poems to children who know by heart all the rimes of hunger and fear, (Make poems, make poems of it all.) The flowers, the grass, the hills (O somewhere surely there are flow- ers, there is grass, there are hills) —they will remain tomorrow and tomorrow. For them an eternity of poems. But make poems of that which is only a scream and a curse in the blind today, which tomorrow will be washed to shadow in the flood of the red singing dawn, Make poems that are twisted and starved, poems with bullets in them, lying mangled in the gutter, their guts sticking out. glued to the ground, they walk the) Make poems that are child’s eyes and short distance. These seabs are vir- tual prisoners of the coal barons. They are not paid in cash, but re-} ceive company money-—round dises on which are stamped various denom- inations, and exchanged only in com- pany stores. child’s voices and the everlasting beat of child’s hands on proud bolt- ed doors. Make poems, make poems, make fists sue ates and terrible banners of ita Escape is oftimes desirable, but iti. dangerous, as practically all of them British Trusts are in debt to the coal companies. MONOPOLIES, CARTELS, AND One miner tried it and was almost clubbed to death by “yellow dogs” who caught him on the railroad sta- tion, waiting for an outgoing train. 6. The “Red Necks.” The strikers are called “red necks” around here. Each morning these “red necks” gather for picket duty. The injunction prohibits more than two men to gather on the highway together. But these miners after striking 80 months have learned to ery “To hell with injunctions.” Many of them are daily arrested and beaten, yet they carry on. In groups they walk up and down the road. Off the highway are picket shanties, where a stove burns, and where they step After months of suffering, and knowing that more suffering is to come, these colliers are still as full of fight as ever, Their bitterest com- plaint is not hunger, but the treach- ery of the Lewis machine. I spoke to many “red necks.” Each had a story to tell, of arrests and clashes with troopers. One Negro miner said to me, speaking of a district organ- izer: “There are people here who would drink his blood, the b——d, openly selling us out to the operators.” He was dressed in a red sweater and torn shoes. As he spoke I shiv- ered in my overcoat. It was freezing weather. In this setting 100,000 miners are Facing hun- Their attitude is well epitomized in this sentence by Mrs, Shake of Rus- sellton, a wife of a striker: “As long as we have a bite to eat, an auto 11 of coal and|and a bit of fire to k i iron plies drew up. The oscapants| we wil fight ons" “S™ TRUSTS IN BRITISH INDUSTRY. By Hermann Levy (London, 1927). fee is a translation of a German book originally issued in 1909 and revised to date, It is a convenient summary. of the history of British trusts from the first monopolies, in the early period of British capitalism, to the gigantic trusts and cartels which today have a strangle-hold on British industry. After paying his respects to the government monopolies under Queen Elizabeth, the author deals with the great coal cartel of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries which he considers the forerunner of modern trusts. In connection with present troubles in the British coal industry his analysis of the breakdown of the coal cartel is interesting. Although much of what he says about the pres- ent technical disorganization of the coal industry is true, he fails to rec- ognize the importance of financial control over the industry exercised by great bankers, This criticism is applicable to his entire discussion of the modern period of trusts in which he makes no reference to the part played by finance capital in industrial combinations, Perhaps the most interesting part of the book is his analysis of present- day British trusts. Included in his list are the Portinnd cement trust, the steel works association, the whiskey trust, the wall paper trust, the elec~ trical trust, the salt trust, the textile trust, the dye trust, the artificial silk trust which is under the control of the Courtaul firm and which is allied with the Duponts in America, the Chemical Trust. which was formed in 1926, the oil trust which is both fight- ing and working together with the Standard Oil, and the Tobacco Trust which has arranged a division of ter- ritory with the American Tobacco Company. —CY OGDEN. By WM. Z. FOSTER. Ben Stolberg essays a review of. my book “Misleaders of Labor.” The} result is a woeful exhibition of his| political bankruptcy. Stolberg, al-| |leged progressive, proves himself to| {be a slippery defender of the right) wing leadership in the labor move-} ment. Stolberg agrees that all my charges of corruption and reaction against the Green-Woll machine are well- founded. But, as a real Menshevik,| he justifies these leaders by ignoring} the subjective factor completely and blaming everything immediately up-| on the objective situation. He says:| “After all is said and done, these ‘misleaders’ are at bottom only a reflection of social conditions which have weakened this labor movement.” With this conception he naturally draws the conclusion that nothing can} be-done about it. His article does not contain even a suggestion of an opposition program. It is an accept- ance of the rule of Green, Woll and Co., without striking a blow. These worthies could ask for no more loyal service in demobilizing the opposition than that performed by Stolberg. He writes as a retainer of reaction and a shoddy intellectual of the Green- Woll regime. Especially pained is Stolberg at my criticism of his ideological cronies, the “socialist” union leaders. In reality, my criticism is restrained. Have they not capitulated to the A. F. of L. leadership? Where is the one-time S. P. advocacy of industrial unionism and a militant union policy? What is the essential difference be- tween Hillman’s standards of pro- duction and Green’s new wage policy? Have not the S. P. leaders accepted this whole “union-management co- operation” betrayal? Did not the whole “socialist” trade union leader- ship ‘work hand in glove with their close friends, Woll, McGrady, etc., in smashing the needle trades unions? They were simply the tools of the A. F. of L. leaders and the employers. ®Together the “socialist” union offi- | stupid. N the “New Leader” of January 28,| cials, the A. F. of L. heads and the! reaction go farther? employers formed a foul omelet of| betrayal which not even a Stolberg | can unscramble. | > ie) a TOLBERG denies that Hillquit has exploited the unions for extra- vagant fees. But Hillquit himself has | not ventured such a denial. If he! does we will be glad to specify in| even more detail. On the other hand, we demand that Stolberg either put up (as I did in my book) or shut up when he makes wholesale and ridic- ulous charges of left wing grafters and of provocateurs on the Centra Executive Committee of the Work (Communist) Party. He must specify or stand condemned as irresponsible. | Name names and furnish proof, Stol- berg, or hold your peace as an ir-| responsible. Stolberg even tries to} cite me as having fought against the | left wing in the needle trades. Thi is silly. The criticisms I directed against the left leaders was that they did not fight more timely and aggressively against the gang of right wing agents of the needle trades employers whom Stolberg attempts to shield. 02 Me QN the one hand, Stolberg, in order’ to free the reactionaries of re- sponsibility, criticizes me for not looking enough to economic cause: (an unfounded charge) to explain the corrupt and reactionary leadership, but on the other hand, when it comes to analyzing the shameless surrender of the so-called progressives to the right wing he forgets his economics altogether and blames it all on me, saying: “He drove all bona fide left wing trade unionists, such as the Chicago Federation of Labor, into the | arms of reaction.” Thus, when John Fitzpatrick comes out and supports the capitalist politician Smith, an In- sull stool-pigeon so noisome that even the Republican senate voted to reject him, then Stolberg comes forward and blames the left wing for Fitz- patrick’s treachery. How utterly A PRESIDENT IS BORN. By Fannie Hurst. Harpers & Bros. $2.50. ee sophisticated age needs more plausible stuff than the cherry tree stories about George Washing- ton. Our text-books need revision. “A President Is Born” is just a sophisticated glorification of a future president. We heartily recommend it to the representative of the mayor of Chicago who is in New York look- ing for text-books devoid of British propaganda. It has the virtue of being fiction written not as history. It has love interest. Every movie producer knows the value of “love interest.” It has gobs of sentimentality. It is somewhat liberal. Broad-minded too—like Bill Thompson was during the war. In fact, this may be just the very book. Damn clever these writers of best sellers. Fannie Hurst tells the story of only the childhood and youth of a future president. By means of foot- notes from a supposed diary, she tells of the wisdom and later life of the president, cleverly throwing the novel into the future. Sometimes her clev- erness is just a bit too clever. As for instance, when she writes a complete chapter in one sentence by simply saying, “And so they were married.” As unusual a figure as the presi- dent of the United States must needs be born under unusual circumstances. The book opens with a family gath- ered at a Thanksgiving dinner (note | the date) where an announcement is made to an already large family that mother, at the age of 53 is again with child. That’s Davey when he is born. The book gives us the moulding of the character of this future president un- til the momentous occasion when at eighteen, inspired by his virginal love for a girl, he goes out into the world on his career. In a land where it is known in every school that “anybody can become president” (especially in Ohio) his first step is a job with a wholesale grocery in Springfield and a night course in a law school. (That’s ambition.) Look over this presidential timber while it is only a sapling: “For the first ten years of his boyhood, with a consistency that never failed to A Text-Book for Bill Thompson from Ohio, like the last one we had: Warren Gamaliel Harding, | And our Davy’s father: “The Old) Gentleman could strut off this sense of his Americanism. Probably once a year he got his yellowing citizenship papers out of a drawer in his desk he kept locked, and with his steel- rimmed spectacles low on his nose, re- read them. It pleased him to think that his children had never one of them set foot out of America.” See where our David got his inspiration? It does not matter that this family came from Austria. In this country “anybody can become president”— even the foreign born. The book is written by a woman whose political ideas do not shy from the Nation (Dave’s liberal uncle read it), who even shows an occasional tinge of socialism. She is not afraid to mention Soviet Russia. Like her president, she can say that she could see no sense in the movie newe reels that “showed Soviet scenes that could only instruct him in the dangerous | and unsuccessful aspects of the gigan- tic world experiment.” What these | re, she, nor her president do not tel! | as. Her social conscience, despite sup- posed liberalism, as 100 per cent as Bill Thomps » Its sophistiva- tion is only keeping step with this skeptical age that needs new versions, | of the cherry tree stories. Tho giving us a peep into the back- | ground of American small town life | in the recent past, she gives no indi- cation of any social forces moulding the character of the period. Her fig- ures and events are steeped in senti- mentality and glorified Americanism. —WALT CARMON. International Press Correspondence Arrived raise the family-laugh, David stood by a selection that was neither preco- liceman’.” (Respect for law.) manacs, congressional reports, the classics, The Nation-—but wait—even cious nor unique: ‘I want to be a po- | Under the tutelage of a liberal law- | yer brother, he reads everything: al- | No. 4. : Special Lenin Edition Pan-American Congress The Policy of the C. P. S. U. in the Village. about Gene Debs and Soviet Russia. (Broad-minded--that’s him all over.) Yet not too brvoad-minded. He ac- cepts his uncle’s theories that war is ‘a crime. “But you can’t change hu- man nature!” When the war is on one must be ready. (Practical, real- istic.) Forever to his playmates, to his elders, he is reciting facts crammed “nto his little head from encyclopedias, dictionaries, government. reports. “He can tell you the distance of a star or recite the Fourteen Points, or all of a sudden, tell you something out of Greek literature. He's got one of these curious combinations of con- servatism and imagination....”” Damn curious I call it! Now, just to be fair, compare this picture of an Ohio presidential sapling with the full grown presidential oak No. 3. Joffe’s Suicide Letter Trotsky Used in Faction Struggle. to A previously unpublished appeal by Lenin against the War, A yearly sub. $6. Six mo, $3.50, 10e a single issue. Works fiarers 39 &. 12S% St. NEW YoRK BOOK REVIEWS and COMMENT W.Z. Foster Spikes Stolberg’s Slippery Review in “New Leader” Can sycophantic defense of ee ik TOLBERG complains that 1 made a big mistake by joining the Workers (Communist) Party, even manufacturing a “quotation” from me to make his point. He says that am “through with American labor.” But he is counting his chickens be- fore they are hatched. In the period of high industrial activity that is geoisification of large numbers of workers, our Party was relatively jolated. But now, in the face of the rowing industrial depression, with | widespread wage cuts, and the break- down of the trade unions, it comes ever more to the forefront in the tlass struggle. The program of the Workers (Communist) Party is cor- rect, both for the immediate strug- gles of the workers and for the ulti- mate overthrow of capitalism. Our Party is destined to become the ac- tual leader of the working class. My place, like that of all militant w ers, is in this Party regardless of the opportunistic croakings of all the Stolbergs, ee pe | NAZORALLY, Stolberg, apologist for the right wing, bitterly as- sails the Workers (Communist) Party and its program as “fantastic” and having “not the slightest bearing on the problems of the American work- ing masses.” Of course, Stolberg con- siders all revolutionary views as ridiculous, so it is idle to expect him to support the ultimate program of he say against our immediate pro- gram for the trade unions? Organize the unorganized, amalgamation, La- bor Party, democratization of the unions, an aggressive policy—are these “fantastic” proposals? Do they not bear on the workers’ prob- lems? Are they not fundamental measures, vitally necessary to liqui- date the present crisis in the labor movement? Is not the left wing the only body in the labor movement that has a real program to save the unions? Let Stolberg attempt to refute this elementary Communist program. Let him present a better program. Stol- berg and his ilk cannot propose a program for the workers because he and his like are apologists for capi- talism posing as impartial critics just past, with its ideological bour-, the Communist Party. But what can! IE HURST Cancer Research MONTREAL, Feb. 17.—Dr. Horst Oertel, director of the Pathological Institute at McGill University, has announced an important discovery in cancer research, by which he has e8- tablished the presence of nerves in human cancers and malignant tu- mors. The discovery of nerves in tu- mors and cancers establishes the fact that cancer is not an independent growth of cells, as has been the theory until now, and may prove the connection of cancerous growths with the nervous system. ‘The discovery also may bring about Knowledge of the cause, tred@tment arfd cure of this disease, accofding te /specialists. fs HaTEE SS. SVE R. W. Dunn Will Lead Class in Boss Tactics One of the courses to begin next week in the Workers School, 108 E. 14th St. is “Present Tactics of Em- ployers” by Robert W. Dunn. This course will be given on six successive Wednesday evenings, at 8:30, begin- ning February 22. Workers taking Dunn’s course are also advised to take the course by David J. Saposs on Friday evenings lin “Historie Struggles of American | Labor.” the system, but gaining their \livelihood by supporting the trade union bureaucracy. 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