The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 17, 1928, Page 6

4 a rs ; Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1928 THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS’N, Inc, Daily, Except Sunday £3 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: “Daiwork” SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): 88.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months. $2.00 three months. Addres: and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y- -ROBERT MINOR ...WM. F. DUNNE as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1879. Phone, Orchard 1680 | The Yellow Dog Injunction “It looks as tho Justice Wasservogel has tied a tin can to the yellow dog,” said Matty Woll after the decision of the state su- preme court denying the application of the Interborough Rapid Transit Co. for a restraining order to prohibit the organization of the New York employees of that corporation, And Bill Green resorted to poetry of the Salvation Army in exclaiming, “It isa ray of light, a ray of sunshine!” while Frank Morrison declared: “The use of injunctions in labor disputes has passed its peak. New Yorkers ought to be proud of the fact that their courts are leading the way.” But it is necessary for the working class not to become victims of an illusion. The words of Morrison carry the most fatal illusions that could be imposed upon the American workers at the present time. 1. That the use of injunctions or equivalent court action against labor “has passed its peak.” 2. That there has come a change in the practice of capitalist law courts toward the workers, who can now “be proud of” these courts. There has been no change. The use of injunctions has not passed its peak, but is now rising higher than ever. To understand the action of Wasservogel we must note the circumstances : i. The presidential election is approaching. There is a dispute going on on the issue of raising the fare to seven cents, and in this dispute not all of the capitalist interests are in accord with the narrower interests of the Inter- borough Rapid Transit Co. The state, in this case represented | by Wasservogel, is as always the “committee for managing the common affairs of the capitalist class.” 3. Very important is the fact that the Bar Association anti- strike measure—which represents all the essential substance of injunctions and virtually an all-embracing yellow-dog contract between the labor bureaucracy and capital, is now being pushed forward. 4. Extremely important is the need for rehabilitating the courts of law in the eyes of the masses. To utilize the services of Green, Woll and Morrison to raise the injunction-giving courts up out of the contempt of the working class, is no small gain, and is even itself worth an occasional refusal of a single injunction in a case where the major interests of capital are not in danger. The Wasservogel decision is not a “sweeping victory” but 4 manoeuver of capitalist judicial agents which comes in the course of a rapid advance toward illegalizing the trade unions. The proper course for the workers is: No illusion about “friendly” courts, no idle dreams that the state power is hereafter not to be used by the capitalist class which owns it; no illusions about Green, Mahon & Co.; but a forward drive to organize a 100 per cent union of al] workers in New York transit; a union con- trolled by the workers and capable of resisting by their organized might new floods of sharper injunctions, new attempts at “yellow dog” contracts, approved by the American Bar Association and specially blessed by the Matt Wolls, Bill Greens and other allies of the capitalist politica] forces who are manoeuvering the present situation. “Tying a tin can to the yellow dog” is a thing which cannot be done without catching hold of the rear appendages of those labor fakers and politicians who try to deceive the workers with illusions that the capitalist courts will hereafter be their friends. Banks Preparing for Runs The banks of the country are preparing to stand the burden of wholesale withdrawals of deposits; they are borrowing money from the federal reserve in the hope of being able to meet. the demands of depositors who are becoming panicky in face of the general economic depression gripping the country. An analysis of the figures regarding the condition of 649 reporting member banks of the federal reserve system for the week ending February 8, clearly indicates this. As compared with the previous week there were decreases of $61,000,000 in loans and discounts, $22,- 000,000 in investments, $200,000,000 in net demand deposits and $33,000,000 in demand deposits. Under normal conditions this would result in a marked de- crease of demands for loans from the federal reserve system. But conditions today are far from normal, hence while the demands on the member banks showed a pronounced decline, these same banks increased their borrowings from the federal reserve by $42,000,000 over the previous week. ‘This means that the member banks have outstanding loans of money deposited with them that cannot be called in, and they fear their depositors will become panicky and endeavor to with- draw deposits in such volume that they cannot meet the demand. Hence to forestall the danger of collapse they must resort to loans from the federal reserve banks. This does not mean that the small banks sacrifice all the interest on their outstanding loans. They do not have to pay the federal reserve system the same high rate of interest that they charge their own borrowers, but they are forced to sacrifice a percentage of their interest in order to be ready to meet the possible demands of their depositors. Banks outside the federal reserve system, however, are far- ing very badly. More than 2,000 rural banks in the corn belt alone have closed, while an additional 1,000 closed in other agricultural states, according to a survey conducted by the official organ of the Missouri Farmers’ Association, the Missouri Farmer. { Thus the small banks are being smashed by the impact of the present crisis and the result is, it always is in periods of depres- sion, further strengthening of the monopolistic power of the big capitalists and bankruptcy of thousands upon thousands of smaller THE LEANING TOW. ER : By Fred Ellis The Letter of A. Joffe (Continued from Last Issue.) (EDITOR’S NOTE: This is the second installment of the letters of Adolph Joffe to Leon Trotsky be- fore his suicide. Comment on these | letters and an analysis of their con- tent by A. Yaroslavsky, will appear in the next installments. This in- stallment contains a curious mix- ture of petty bourgeois sentimental- ism and anarchist illusions of “propaganda of the deed.” The anti-Bolshevist and anti-Marxist and Leninist position of Joffe and the Trotskyites in general is re- vealed by his repetition of the charge of “thermidorianism” against the All-Union Communist Party. Thermidorianism was that period of the French revolution characterized by bourgeois reaction following the execution of Robes- pierre. Trotsky and his immediate supporters alone originated this idiotic charge, which was blasted in the course of debate before the Party congress and was not even concurred in by the Zinoviev faction which supported Trotsky in his anti-Party attitude.) ei tale 3 Planned Autobiography. Anglo-American publishers _ have frequently suggested to me that | ould publish extracts from my mem- oirs, at my own discretion and with the sole condition that the period of the Brest negotiations be included. This for a sum of about $20,000. The Political Bureau knows very well that I am too experienced a diplomat and journalist to publish anything that might harm our Party or our state. I have frequently acted as censor, both for the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs and the Chief Concessionary Committee, and as a political representative I had to cen- sor all Russian press matter appear- ing in the respective countries. A few years ago I applied for permission to publish some such memoirs with the engagement to hand over the en- tire proceeds to the Party, since I was loth to take money from the Party for my treatment. In reply I received a direct resolu- tion on the part of the Political Bur- eau to the effect that “diplomats or comrades engaged in diplomatic work are expressly forbidden to publish abroad their memoirs, or selections therefrom, without a previous exam- ination of the M.S. on the part of the Collegium of the People’s Commis- sariat for Foreign Affairs and the Political Bureau of the Central Com- mittee.” I Imow how such a double censorship can be protracted and how vague it can be rendered, so that no arrangements can be made with pub- lishers abroad, and thereore I refused the said offer in 1924, Subsequently, when I was again abroad, another such offer was made me, accompanied by a guarantee of an honorarium to the amount of $29,- (60. But as I know that the history of the revolution and the history o/ our Party are now being forged and I would not lend my hand to such for- geries, I do not consider it possible to publish my memoirs abroad with- out directly infringing on the prohibi- ; tion issued by the Political Bureau. At the same time, I have no doubt fry, not a few of whom will be forced into the ranks of the pro- letariat, to increase still further the army of unemployed. ’ ; i; ting any true characterization either of the one side or of the other, that is to say neither of the actual revo- lutionary leaders nor of the so-called leaders who have also been harnessed to the sledge, whereas it is just on the personal characteristics of the per- sons mentioned in the memoirs that the foreign publishers insist. I there- fore see no possibility of undergoing medical treatment, since I receive no money from the Central Committce, which after twenty-seven years of revolutionary work on my part does not value my life and my health at more than 2,000 roubles. In the state in which I am at pres- ent it is naturally impossible for me to do any work. Even if I werc strong enough to continue my lec- tures in spite of the violent pain J suffer, I should require considerabl« assistance. I should have to be taker about in a bath-chair and should ré quire help to get the necessary books and materials in the library and from the files. When I was ill in former times, the entire staff of the embassy was at my disposal. Now, however since my rank is no higher than that of a simple “secretary,” I am no longer entitled to such assistance; in- deed, in view of the inattention pai of late to all my ailments (as in thr present case, when I have remained nine days with practically no medica! assistance and have not even received the electrical bed-warmer prescribed me by Dr. Davidovitch), I cannot even hope for such trifles as the loan of a bath-chair. And even if I were treated and sent for the requisite length of time abroad, my position wou'ld remain highly precarious. On the last occa- sion that I contracted an inflamma- tion of the nerves, I lay for two weeks immovable, though at that time I hac no other illness besides the nervou- complaint. Now I have half a dozer others. And even if I could devote so much time to my health as wou'¢ be necessary, I should hardly, have the right:to expect to be really well even for-quite a short space of time after this-cure. Now that it is not thought pos- sible for me to be actually cured (for a treatment in Russia is hopeless in the opinion of the doctors, and even a longer treatment abroad would, be hardly more efficacious), my life has lost all sense. Even were I not to start from the philosophical stand- point mentioned above, a person who is condemned to lie immovable with- out the possibility of doing any work, could hardly be expected to want to live. Decides on Suicide: I therefore repeat that the moment has come to put an end to this life I know the adverse attitude of the Party in regard to suicide, but I hardly think that any one who con- siders my position in the present cir- cumstances will seriously blame me. Besides this, Professor Davidenko assumes that the reason of my re- lapse into my former serious nervou: state is to be found in the excitement experienced in recent times. If I were healthy I should find sufficient strength and energy to struggle against the position which has de- veloped within the Party. But in my present condition this state of affairs that the entire censorship of the Po- litical Bureay consjsts jn not permit in the Party is insupportable to me, seaing that.your exclusion from the Party is passed over in complete si-! lence, though I do not in the least doubt that sooner or later there will be a revlusion in the Party which will force it to shake off those who have ‘led it into this shameful act. In this sense my death will be the protest of a fighter, who is not in a position to respond to this shameful act in any other way. If I may be permitted to compare a small thing with a big one, I should like to say that the great significance of the historical fact of the exclusion from the Party of yourself and Zino- viev, which must inevitably be looked upon as the beginning of the Ther- midorian period of our revolution, and the circumstance that after twenty- seven years of revolutionary activity in responsible Party positions, I have been placed in a position which leaves me no choice but to put a bullet through my head—that these two facts are manifestations of one and the same party policy; and most prob- ably these two facts, the small one and the great one alike, will prove to xe destined to give the Party that impulse which is required to hold it back from the path of Thermidorian error. I should be happy could I per- suade myself of the fact that things will develop thus, for then I should know that I should not have died in vain. But though I am firmly con- vineced that the moment will come when the Party’s eyes will be opened, }I cannot persuade myself that mo- ment is near at hand. Nevertheless, I do not doubt that my death will now be more useful than a continua- tion of my life could be. Praises Lenin. With you, my dear Leo Davidovitch, I am connected by decades of common work and, I venture to hope, persona’ friendship. This gives me the right to tell you. in parting what faults I find in you. I have never doubted that the way pointed out by you was the right way and you know that I have been going the same way as you for more than twenty years, since the beginning of the “permanent revolution.” But I have always been of the opin- ion that you lack the ‘inflexibility and firmness of Lenin, that determination to stick to the path recognized as right, even if wholly isolated, trust- ing ina future majority and a future recognition of the entire rectitude of your way. Politically you have always been right, ever since 1905. And I have repeatedly told you that I heard with my own ears how Lenin admitted that you and not he was right in 1905. In the face of death men do not lie; and I repeat the same again. But you have often renounced your own truth in favor of an agreement, a compro- mise which you over-estimated. That was a mistake. I repeat, politically you were right. And now more than ever. Once the Party will come to recognize this, and history will ap- preciate it as it deserves. Therefore fear nothing if many turn from you at present, and still less so if there are not many that turn to you now as quick!y as we all wished. You are in the right. But the guarantee of the victory of your truth lies in a great firmness, in strict adherence to the line of action, in the repudiation of all compromise, just as this was always the secret of the victory of| Lenin, I have often wished to tell you this, but it is only now, in taking leave of you, that I could make up my mind to do so. Still a few words of a personal character. I leave behind me a wife who is unused to independence, a small boy, and a sick daughter. I know you can do nothing for them at present, and from the present Party leaders I expect absolutely nothing in this regard. But I do not doubt that the moment is not so far distant when you will again resume the position in the Party which is yours by right. Do not then forget my wife and my children. I wish you no smaller degree of energy and courage than you have demonstrated up to the present, and a speedy victory. I embrace you. Farewell.‘ Your A. JOFFE. Moscow, November 16, 1927. This letter I wrote in the night from the 15th to the 16th. Today Maria Michailovna went to the Medi- cal Commission, to ask for me to be sent abroad, if only for one or two months. She was again told that in| the opinion of the specialists a so- journ abroad for a short time was altogether useless and that the Med- ical Commission of the Central Com- mittee had determined to have me transported at once to the Kremtin Hospital. Thus even a short journey abroad for my health was denied me; though at the same time my doctors themselves admitted that my treat- ment in Russia was senseless and could lead to no result. My dear Leo Davidovitch, I greatly regret that I could not see you again. Not that I doubt the rightness or my resolution and hoped you might per- suade me otherwise. No. I do not in the least doubt that this is the mos. correct and most reasonable of ai resolutions I could possibly arrive at But I have some misgivings as to this letter of mine, for such a letter can- not but be subjective. And in view of such subjectivism the criterion of objectivity may be lost sight of. Ana any wrongly expressed phrase might distort the whole impression of the letter. Meanwhile I naturally hope you will make full use of this letter, since it is only thus, that the step I am about to take can be efficacious. I therefore not only give you com- plete authority to revise my letter, but also request you most urgently to omit fram it anything that appears superfluous to you and to add any- thing-you consider essential. Forgive me, my dear friend. Be strong. You have still plenty of strength and energy at your disposal. And remember me without bitternes.. Lay Off 600 Navy Yard Workers in Boston BOSTON, (FP) Feb. 16.—Boston navy yard has orders from Washing- ton ‘to lay off 600 more workers. Mayor -Nichols of Boston is urging federal authorities to have the Mt. Vernon reconditioned at this yard to relieve the situation. Over 1000 skilled metal trades workers and laborers have been shut out of work at the Boston yard during the past year. BOOKS ENGLISH FOR WORKERS. By Eli B. Jacobson. International Pub- lishers. Cloth $1.00. ba workers in the United States established the free public schools. Today these very schools are avenues for perpetuating the institutions of the capitalist class. The free evening schools are places where patriotism and one hundred per cent American- ism are taught to the foreigner. Kivery text book used in these schools contains material that glorifies the institutions of our bourgeoisie; every text book endeavors to instil in the ioreigner the belief that the American system of exploitation and imperial- ism has been and will be eternal. “English For Workers” is the first text book that has appeared in the United States which presents material from labor viewpoint. For the first time teachers of English in labor schools have at their disposal material interesting to adult workers. No other text book is so completely free from childish subject matter as this one. The author has been teaching ssnglish to workers for many years. He knows their interests and their aspirations. The material is therefore so arranged as to center about the life of the workers, It includes discussions of social, political, economic and scien- tific questions, It contains labor stories and poems. It is in the method and content of the themes that this text book is a pioneer effort in the teaching of Eng- lish, Scientific research on the field of education has taught us that the sentence is the basis for learning any language. No amount of teaching of isolated words, conjugation, declen- sion and grammatical rules, will ever enable the foreigner to learn English, He must express himself both in speech and in writing by means of the sentence. Therefore each lesson in the book begins with a theme. These themes include a variety of topics that are of vital interest to the workers. There are discussions of the class struggle, the machine age; some bits about American history are in- cluded, such as the origin of the con- stitution, the role of the American ederation of Labor, and Sacco-Van- zetti case. The theme in every lesson is fol- lowed by exercise material. Ques- tions based on the themes form the first exercise. These questions de- velop conversation in the class room, The importance of oral English can- not be overemphasized. Students of labor schools are for the most part the more intelligent, progressive and active members of the labor move- ment. It is of supreme importance that these workers know how to ex- press themselves in English. Spelling, idiomatic expressions, phonetic drills, are also developed from the theme. The English teaching staff of the Workers’ School, who have developed the method employed by the author, thru their experience in the class rooms, have cooperated with the au- thor in making this book possible. Teachers and students in every la- bor school in the United States will welcome the publication of this ex- cellent text book. —M. R. Slaves 20 Years for Co. Is Fired The following is the story of Mr. X., told to me by Mrs. B., the wife of one of the Southern district man- ager’s of the Singer Sewing Machine Company. Mr. X. is a man of sixty-five or seventy. He has a family of six chil- dren. For twenty years he worked for the Singer Corporation. Co. “Retires” Him. Four or five years ago the com- pany “retired” him. He began to look for another job, but without success. Finally, after weeks of fruitless searching, during which time his meagre savings became exhausted, he came as a last resort to see Mrs. B., the district manager’s wife, to see if she could not let him have a small loan until he could get work. Mrs. B., a generous woman let him have a small sum of money to aid in keeping the wolf from the man’s door, and promised him she would speak to her friends and see if she could not get him some kind of a job, so that his family might be kept toeether and at the same time not go hungry. I asked Mrs. B. why her husband couldn’t get the Singer Corporation to give him aid of some kind, or em- ployment, since he had worked so faithfully for the sewing machine people for the past twenty years, and particularly since he was so well ex- nerienced in the company’s business, Mrs. B. replied: “you know how cor- porations are. They are heartless in such matters. Mr. X. is pretty old and cannot work the way he used to, so the company is using young men, who have more energy and can turn. out more work.” Gave Life to Singer Co. I then asked Mrs. B., “Don’t you think the company ought to do some- thing for him and his family since he has been giving them his life for so many years?” She replied, “That the company ought to do something. for him as he is a very good map, But once during the twenty years quit for a short period. This may one reason for the company’s in ference.” ee te _