The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 9, 1928, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATION AL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc. Daily, Except Sunday $3 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: SUBSCRIPTION RATES | By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): | $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $2.50 three months. $2.00 three months. “Daiwork™ | Address and mali out checks to _ | TBE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. SRS Riditor....6...00 ar .-ROBERT MINOR Assistant Editor. .. WM. F, DUNNE Entered as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥., under} the act of March 3, 1879. Unemployment as a Capitalist Political Football | Breadlines in New York City have reached such proportions | that they can no longer be confined to the Bowéry and the lower } East Side. Even the parasites of Park Avenue and Riverside | Drive who live off the wealth the present unemployed have helped produce have been forced to recognize it. Those branches of the | capitalist political machines known as philanthropic societies have | begun heir work of trying to turn the misery and poverty of | millions of workers and their families into a political football, | Governor Al Smith, Tammany Hall boss, and one of the Wall | Street favorites in the race for presidential nominations, is trying to capitalize the widespread unemployment and has issued a state- ment outlining his alleged policy, which as far as the unemployed are concerned, is no policy, but only a dirty gesture in behalf of his political ambitions. Basing his statement upon figures pre- sented by a conference on unemployment, attended by represnta- tives of 100 New York social service agencies, and called by the | Welfare Council of this city, Smith requests the state industrial | commissioner to make a survey of the situation and determine | whether “the state of New York, with its large public works pro- gram, or in any other way, can do something toward relief for this situation.” The history of such “investigations” proves that they become mere forums from which to boost certain politicians and their | parties. As far as the working class is concerned nothing what- | ever will be done by Smith to relieve their suffering. The present | program of Smith serves a three-fold political purpose. (1) It | enables him to pose as the friend of labor, deeply concerned about | the unemployed. (2) He calls attention to his public works pro-} gram, which in true Tammany fashion is not designed to benefit | the inhabitants of the state but is a scheme to enrich still further the contractors and dealers in material for such work. (3) It aids the democratic machine in its attacks against the republican illu- sion of Coolidge prosperity. The important fact for the workers in connection with the Smith attempt to make political capital out of their agony, is that the agencies of capitalism have been forced to admit that there are not less than four million workers out of employment. When the ruling class admits that the unemployed number four million it is a safe bet that it far exceeds that number. No worker should be fooled by the Smith requestgto his in- ial commissioner to survey the unemployment situation. en if an attempt were made to utilize workers for public works rams, only a small portion of the hundreds of thousands in York state alone could be herded like cattle into miserable ised barracks to carry on such work. The only effective program for the unemployed situation is tie demand that these millions of workers receive full union wages cvring their period of unemployment; that the industries that have piled up billions because of the exploitation of the American workers be taxed sufficiently to meet the expense of unemployed insurance. Workers everywhere should wage a drive in their organiza- tions, trade unions, fraternal societies, etc., to demand nothing less than wages for the unemployed. Undoubtedly the Tammany labor fakers of New York city and state will, as is always the case, aid the Smith forces in their attempt to turn the misery of the workers into political profit. Such enemies of labor must be assailed and unmasked by the rank and file of the workers in the unions, and the demand raised for the workers to break with the old parties of capitalism, republican and democratic alike, and raise the banner of a class party of labor that will fight for a labor program for relief of the uhemployed workers and at the same time raise demands for relief of the impoverished farmers who vegetate on tenant and mortgaged land, a prey to the grain trust, the railroads, the harvester trust and the bankers. Let not the industrial depression of 1928 be used to aid the enemies of labor, but to create a powerful class political movement of labor, which alone will have a program that will meet the prob- lems arising out of present conditions. Make the Fight of the Pennsylyania and Ohio Miners the Fight of the Whole Working Class vo greater evidence of the unconquerable spirit of the coal miners and their families has been furnished than the mass pick- eting which has been organized and carried out in the Western Pennsylvania coal fields in the last few days and which reports state is spreading to other sections. In the eleventh month of the strike, starved, evicted from their homes, suffering from lack of adequate shelter, with the coal and iron police and the state constabulary raiding the mining eamps at the whim of the coal and steel company capitalists, with injunctions which outlaw 100,000 miners, these workers answer the coal barons with a demonstration and courage which put to shame the union officials who advocate surrender. The struggle in the coal fields is not one of flying banners and blaring bands. Its drama is the stark drama of the class struggle carried on by men, women and children whose unbreak- able resistance to the onslaught of the coal barons and their gov- ernment on their union and their living standards has already written in living letters a glorious page in labor history. The miners are fighting harder than ever. Their need for support is greater than ever. Upon the outcome of this struggle much depends because it involves the life of the labor movement. The miners and their families are doing more than their share. The strike must be and can be won. It can be spread to every coal mining district. There is no better way of spreading the strike than by broad- casting the story of the heroic struggle in Pennsylvania and Ohio to all other districts, by showing that the only way to win the strike and save and build the union is to follow the example set by these proletarian fighters. . ‘Spread the strike. Support the Pennsylvania and Ohio miners. Give money, food and clothes. _M the fight of the miners the ‘ight of the whole working A & 50 six months | federation, anything increased. The centraliza- THE FLEDGLING Phone, Orchard ,1680 | THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1928 By Fred Ellis The guns of two extra United States battleships menaced the workers of Port au Prince, Haiti, who demonstrated against Lindbergh. Wall Street protects its own. The Chicago Federation of Labor F ights Labor Party Despite Militants By ARNE SWABECK. When the movement toward a na- mal labor party in America gath- ed real momentum, for the first cime, in 1919, a chill.went down the spines of the leaders of the two domi- nant capitalist parties and of the re- actionary labor leaders who were still following the outworn political cus- tom of “rewarding their friends and punishing their enemies.” This movement held real potentiali- ties. It became a ray of hope to large working masses. Change of Front of Federation. The Chicago Federation of Labor did pioneer work in this field. The labor party was practically formed under its tutelage. Yet today the or at least its official leadership, has both in theory and practice completely repudiated the labor party idea. Why this change? Is there less need today than then for a labor par- ty? This is not the case. The sup- pression of the workers’ rights has if tion of power in the capitalist gov- ernment has gone on apace. The failure of the primitive “non-parti- san” policy of the American Federa- tion of Labor has been continually demonstrated. The political weak- ness of the American labor movement was never greater... The answer is that the official leadership of the Chicago Federation of Labor has tak- en a big swing to the right, Trend Toward National Party. In October, 1918, the Chicago Fed- eration of Labor began by submitting the question of the formation of a iocal labor party to a referendum vote of its affiliated local unions, numbering “some 300,000 members. Eighty-five per cent of the unions re- sponded favorably. In November of the same year, the Cook County La- bor Party was formed, with Morton L, Johnson, a well known militant, as @ quit in a body, strike not being per- mitted, but remained after securing a wage inerease.- All City Hall clerks, on strike, obtaining a wage increase. The dress and shirt makers struck. The Chicago actors struck, and also the carpenters, both groups winning their demands, A strike completely tying up the city street car system. During practically this whole period, the campaign to organize the Chicago stoekyards workers went on in full swing, reaching its high point during the last two weeks of June, when 8,000 workers were brought into the union. Shortly thereafter came the bloody race riots, instigated by the packers in their efforts to crush the union organization drive. Police and soldiers were stationed throughout the yards, but were forced to with- draw by the strike of the young union. Nationally, events of even greater magnitude took place during that same period, as, for instance, the Bos- ton police strike, the strike of 100,000 railroad shopmen, the campaign to organize the steel industry and the big steel strike, the miners’ strike on November 1, with the notorious An- derson injunction and the cowardly retreat of John L. Lewis. Nationally, events of even greater magnitude took place during the same period, as, for instance, the Boston police strike, the strike of 100,000 railroad shopmen, the campaign to organize the steel industry and the big steel strike, the miners’ strike on November 1, with the notorious Anderson injunction and the cowardly retreat of John L. Lewis. Labor Party Developments. The political awakening followed in the wake of these events. Labor par- ties were formed in South Dakota, North Dakota, New York, Indiana and elsewhere. The national Freedom Convention, formerly mentioned, met in Chicago to demand the reestablish- ment and maintenance of political and civil rights and the release of all poli- tical. prisoners. Chicago became at its first secretary. The following spring, the Ceok Coanty Labor Party participated in he mayoralty elections, entering |John Fitzpatrick, president of the Chicago Federation of Labor, as cau- lidate for mayor. The official count credited him with 55,900 votes. Dur- ng the same period, the Illinois La- »or Party was formed and events inoved rapidly. On Se tember 25, the same year, the National Freedom Con- ntion took place in Chicago, with 0 delegates in attendance, and on Nov, 22, the first convention of the National Labor Party convened with (0 delegates, These delegates had en sent by trade unions and local iabor party groups in response to the call based on the following program: 1. Restoration of civil liberties. 2, The national ownership and lemocratic management of the means of transportation and communication, mines, finances and all other mono polies and natural resources. 8. The abolition of excessive land »wnership and holding land out of use for speculative purposes. Lahor Struggles in 1919. Naturally, this remarkable pro- gress had its basis in the gigantic events of the class struggle, from which it received its impetus. Begin- aing from a local scale some of these events during the period from the Chicago spring elections in 1919 to November of the same year were as follows: Eight thousand workers, mostly un- organized, were on strike in the big Crane manufacturing plants. Sev- eral thousand workers, mostly unor- ganized, were on strike in the big Harvester Manufacturing plants. Sev- eral thousand workers, mostly unor- ganized, on strike in the Argo Corn Products Refining Co., several strik- ers shot by sheriffs and gunmen. Eighteen hundred Chicago firemen { Mt \ j that time the birthplace of the Amer- ican Communist Party. f The Masses Press Forward, The tremendous pressure by the working masses, as shown by these gigantic events, was the real factor in-bringing the movement to a head. ‘fhe leaders. rose on the crest of that wave, corntinuaily pressed’ onward. The Chicago Federation and its lead- ership recognized the signs of the times-and did not falter. The Gom- pers administration was practically mmpotent in the face of this move- ment. The forces of capitalist re- action had been compelled temporarily to give way. iu its Labor Day editorial, the New ajority, official organ of the Chi- go Federation of Labor, made the following statement: ‘ “~. workers everywhere have turn- 2d their thoughts toward freedom. “Union men are awakening to the fact that the struggle for wages, hours and local shop conditions, while essential, is not ail there is to labor's cause. ‘They have seen the workers seize freedom in Russia, by taking over control of their government and industry....” The Labor Party Convention. It was but natural that, under these conditions of militant struggle, the labor party convention which assem- bled on November 22 in Chicago, with 1,200 delegates from 88 different states, should take a distinct progres- ive direction. The program adopted condemned autocracy, militarism and imperialism. It demanded the repeal tof the espionage law and the estab- lishment of political and industrial equality. It demanded abolition of anti-labor injunctions, reduction of the high cost of living and national- ization of all basie industries, public utilities, natural resources and un- used land. It demanded the abolition jof the United States Senate, aboli- | tion of child labor, abolition of private ; detective agencies, establishment. of gradual reduction of working hours and declared for international solidar- ity of labor. The Trend Towards Reaction. When the great steel strike was de- feated the employers again gathered their forces and launched blow after blow against the labor movement.- The Gompers administration felt the time had come to bring real pressure upon those who had “deviated” in a progressive direction. The labor par- ty, its backbone still the Chicago Fed- eration of Labor, lived for some time. It made another effort to rebuild on a national scale, given real support in these efforts by the Workers Party. It called the convention for July 4, 1928. In spite of successful attend- ance, it became a last effort. Various factors contributed to this, the main reason being the weakening of the leadership of the Chicago Federation of Labor and its cowardly submission to Gompers. The reaction had begun. Shortly thereafter, Fitzpatrick and Nockels signed their names to a com- plete repudiation of both the labor party and amalgamation. The Na- tional Labor Party died. The Chicago Federation Today, The Chicago Federation of Labor went back to the primitive Gompers policy. Joining those who advocated and practiced ciass-collaboration, and with the “red” baiters it sullied its great progressive record of the past. At a subsequent Chicago judicial elec- tion, wuen a special committee had been created to study the then par- ticularly dangerous anti-labor menace the federation endorsed a number of, candidates from the republican and democratic tickets—none from the so- cialist ticket. Some of these candi- dates were elected and some of them the eight-hour day with a further | have since issued injunctions against unions. The Chicago Federation of Labor, over the opposition of a militant min- ority, endorsed the candidacy of Frank L. Smith, of Illinois slush fund fame, for United States senator. The last Chicago mayoralty elections wit- nessed the inglorious spectacle of the federation administration machine and supporters divided into two al- most. equal parts, one pulling for Dever, the democrat, and the other for Thompson, the republican. Results of the Non-Partisan Policy. The “ast session of the Illinois state legislature furnished many illuminat- ing examples of the results of sup- porting members of the capitalist parties who style themselves “friends of labor.” When bills having impor- tant significance to labor were being discussed, these “friends” failed. This is but one side of the picture. More important still is the general political impotence of the labor movement and the arrogance of the employers who feel their power and scent no opposi- tion. The injunction menace is increasing, the government is more and more openly showing itself as the execu- tive of the capitalist class, taking an ever more direct hand in labor con- flicts. Rights once claimed by work- ers and workers’ organizations are disappearing. New Progressive Forces. However, growing out of this in- creased suppression, within the Chi- cago Federation “of Labor eas else- where, new progressive forces are de- veloping, demanding more militant methods of struggle, demanding a positive political policy expressed in a mass party of labor. To help develop these new progres- sive forces is one of the most impor- tant tasks of the Workers (Commun- ist) Party. the struggling miners.” So wrote a lonely old man living in| ers’ International Relief. Crippled Worker, 70, Sends - Mis Bit for Striking Miners “T’m a cripple, walk with two canes, money scarce, age 70. Don’t want anyone to go short on provisions or snug houses to live in, so here is $1 for ee a ae “Though California to the Workers’ Interna-|the results thus far have been en- tional Relief, asking that his name be | couraging,” declared Fred G. Bieden- withheld. It is only one of similar|kapp, national sccretary of the or- letters that are being received daily ganization, “greater efforts need to by the W, I. R., which is conducting a|be put forth and greater sacrifices nation-wide campaign to provide food, made if the striking miners and their clothing and shelter for striking wives and children are to be kept miners and their families in Pennsyl-| from starving and freezing to death. vania, Ohio and Colorado, Another | If ‘a poor crippled man in California letter from a worker in Ohio, who|can give $1, there are thousands of wrote that he has been out of work/ People throughout the country that for a year, contained $5 and expressed | can give $5 and $10 and more.” regrets that he was unable to give| The Workers’ International Relief more, is conducting the campaign on a na- A National Campaign. tional scale. Contributions are being Intensified activity in the relief| received at the New York office, 1 campaign is announced by the Work-' Union Square. Bosses Get $46,613,378,000 Workers Create in:1 Year Never before in history has such a‘ golden flood of tribute poured into th. coffers of a ruling class as the divi- dend and interest payments dis- bursed by American corporations in 1927, Financiers and business ob- servers may chai‘ of narrowing profit margins but ithe rich should worry. They can idle in luxury in sual earnings of 38,400,000 workers at the average wage paid in the fac- tories during 1927. If split 50-50 be- tween farmers and industrial workers it would have increased their income about 25 per cent. There is an extraordinary total of $46,618,378,000 which the workers Florida or New York confident that even brief. depressions will not in- terrupt the swollen incomes which provide their pleasures and the ex- tension of their power. The 1927 return to absentee owners | is equivalent. to the combined an-! lation, have contributed in cash to the own- ers of stocks and bonds in the course of 15 years. Reports of the commis- sioner of \internal revenue show that sha 70 per cent of this total went an upper class representing less than 1 per cent of the country’s. Popu- “Class Peace” By FRED STEPHENS Arbitration is in the air. The Heuw tenants of labor, Woll and Green, ale lied with the American Bar Associae tion are wildly crying: “Peacel Peace!” I have revently come from Aus- tralia, the classical home of Arbitra- tion, and I want to give from my own knowledge a report of how it works, I might mention that I have held an official position on two dif- ferent. occasions in the Seamen’s Union in Australia; therefore I feel qualified to speak. Arbitration was introduced in Aus- tralia when the unions were partic- | ularly busy improving their conditions and increasing wages; at that par- ticuiar time the workers were in a favorable positiofi, there being a la*e~ demand for labor with only a limite. supply; the, unions were strong and jable to enforce their demands by | strike. The employers, for the mo- |ment, were at a disadvantage. 1 Bossi | s Use Court Power. So an arbitration court was set up, a judge appointed, arbitration was established. The theory is that the judge will sit and listen to the argu- ments put up by both the workers and employers; that he will analyze the evidence, and give a fair decision:— called, “The Award,” which becomes legally binding. That the different judges would reason differently, ac- cording to their class bias, and givé “Awards” accordingly, did not in- terest the propagandists of “Arbitra- tion.” For the purpose of this analysis, I shall take a few utterances of Judge Higgins. A liberal minded ndividual; a man who was supposed. 0 be sympathetic to the workers, in fact, in some circles he was designa- ted a “radical,” certainly an “ideal” judge for arbitration. What do we find? To arrive at’a “basic wage,” the judge caused “thirteen women whose ausbands were wage earners” to give svidence as to the cost of living; every Jomestic item was exposed in the court, even the women’s underwear, they were asked if they made their ywn garments, and if not, why not; only the cheapest materials were onsidered, where high rent was men- cioned a cheaper home was suggested: (t “never” occurred to his Honor that, instead of dragging the workers wives before him and thus degrading chem, the domestic expenses of his own household might have provided 1 basis for arriving at a wage stan- dard. How it is Done. A “basic wage” was arrived at for a man his wife and two children; no provision was made for a third, or more. During the “Waterside workers” dispute, (longshoremen) this same judge said: “The men must remain at work, or I cannot make an award. Peace in industry, is the object of the court.” ‘ Only Bosses Profit, When a judge makes an award it is binding for one, two or three years. This scheme of things worked ad- mirably for the employers during the war years when prices rose sky high, and wages had been fixed by the court; some of the strong unions got redress by strike, while the weaker unions tried to argue, but could not reach the ears of the judge; their award had not expired. At the ex- piration of awards the strong unions may get some consideration; fayor- able awards are never made to unions who have no power to dislocate in- dustry, by their mass strength. I think I have given sufficient evidence to prove that arbitration does not help the workers, I have taken the actions of the most favorable judge; other judges of course, are aren more out-spokenly anti-working- class. I wish to say that our experience proved: That only through the instrument of strike can any advance be made} nor can the workers hold such con- litions as they have without tho power to strike, Also, arbitration is an expensive toy ‘or'the workers, court costs are high; lawyers fees have to be met, secre- teries getting data for evidence have to be paid; in addition the judge ean fine the union heavily for small breaches of the award. Arbitration destroys the reliance of the workers ‘n their own powers. Arbitration does not consider the values the workers create, but bases its awards on only the lowest cost of his keep, What Happens. To sum up: Arbitration wastes the anions finances for courts, lawyers ind fines; rendering the union pemmi- less. Secondly, it wastes the union of- ficials’ time getting data, evidence for the court, etc., rendering them use- less. Thirdly, it destroys the initiative of the workers rendering them spiritless, Fourthly, it destroys the only weapon the worker has, the strike, vendering them defenceless, iP Arbitration would bind the worker hand ond foot, placing him entirely at the merey of the exploiters, Such conditions as the workers in Australia have, has been obtained in spite of arbitration. ¢ Woll and Green want to arbitrate! To Hell with arbitration! Workers, organize! a . The more perfect your organiza- tion, stronger your power, the greater your resistence, the more cer your success! = Ke a ny