The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 6, 1928, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1928 THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc, Daily, Except Sunday $3 Ficst Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $2.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $8.50 six months $2.50 three months. $2.00 three months. Phone, Orchard 1680 “Datwork” — Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. ...-ROBERT MINOR .... WM. F. DUNNE Entered as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥., under the act of March 3, 1879. Hughes Tries to Defend Imperialist Intervention Again at the Havana conference of the Pan-American Union, an organization dominated by the government of the United States for the purpose of furthering its imperialist aims, Charles Evans Hughes, the chairman of the Wall Street delegation, had to mob- ilize all his agents representing the puppet governments of Cuba, | Haiti and Nicaragua in order to stifle the criticism of American imperialism’s interventionist policies. The widespread resentment on the part of the Latin Amer- ican masses against United States imperialist tyranny forced the representatives of the governments of the Argentine, Mexico and Salvador to declare in the committee on public international law | that no nation had the right to intervene in the domestic affairs of another nation. Thus was again brought to the fore the ques- tion of the specific interventionist adventures in Nicaragua and Haiti, which is correctly recognized as an imperialist drive against all the southern republics. Even the adroit Mr. Hughes, past-master in diplomatic soph- istry and double-dealing, was unable to formulate an effective reply to the attacks against the policy of frightfulness carried out against weaker nations in Latin America. He had to rely for de- fense of his imperialist policy upon the puppets of the vassal gov- ernments, maintained in power through armed intervention of the United States. Dr. Maximo Zepeda, selected by American impe- rialism to represent the spurious government of Nicaragua, de- fended the policies of his master. His grovelling was equalled by the performance of the Haitian delegates, while the rarest exhi- bition of crawling before imperialist despotism was given by Dr. Orestes Ferrara, Cuban ambassador to Washington, who said:- “Intervention in Cuba is a word of glory and justice. In my country intervention means independence.” Speaking directly for the vassal government of Moncada, the murderer of the Cuban working class, and indirectly for the sugar trust, the American tobacco trust-and the Wall Street bankers, this creature pays homage to the tyrant. To him intervention means the right to play the role of hired murderer of his own people. i Even against the most mild form of attack the defenders of American intervention were obviously on the defensive. But the representatives of Mexico, the Argentine and Salvador miserably failed to take advantage of the situation and follow up the defense of the interventionist policy by Wall Street’s array of lackeys with a smashing offensive against the entire Pan-American Union, brand it as a fraud, sinister agency of imperialist butchery, withdraw from and issue a call for an anti-imperialist bloc of atin American nations against the United States. Their failure t. take such action only aids the imperialist conspiracies. The opening of the third week of the Havana conference con- lirms the conviction that the only effective method of fighting American interventionist policy in Latin America is to destroy the Pan-American Union and organize the nations for organized resistance to Wall Street policy. ' This will be realized only through the exploited masses of workers and peasants waging a relentless anti-imperialist struggle against their oppressors. This is the path to liberation indicated by the Communist Parties of the southern republics and the path that history itself has placed upon the order of the day. Burning MacDonald in Effigy in India The masses of Bombay, India, who declared a general strike and demonstrated in the streets against the arrival of the British Royal Commission headed by Sir John Simon, showed a high degree of political intelligence by burning in effigy as enemies of the colonial peoples Premier Baldwin, Lord Birkenhead and J. Ramsey MacDonald—the three outstanding individuals who per- sonify the British imperialist united front against the working class in the home country and the workers and peasants of the colonial and semi-colonial empire of Britain. * The commission, headed by Simon, is composed entirely of agents of imperialism. It announces as its purpose an “investi- gation of India’s fitness for the extension of self-government,” but is recognized as a fake move to endeavor to fasten more firmly upon the millions of India the grip of imperialist tyranny. The mission also has deep historical significance. It is in- dicative of the fact that the seething masses of India are develop- ing that cohesiveness, that concentration of force that will soon challenge the power of Britain. Probably the Simon commission will try to bribe whole strata of the native population and devise other means of prolonging its rule. In sxite of a strict censorship news from India frequently gives us a g.tmpse of the widespread unrest of the masses; ever larger armed forces are required to hold in subjection the population of this, the backbone of the Brit- ish empire. The masses of India know that it is this gathering storm of rebellion against their age-long servitude that has brought the Simon commission whose job it is to try to devise a means of continuing its rule. That Ramsey MacDonald was included with Birkenhead and Baldwin as objects of mass fury is characteristic of the colonial countries whose labor organizations have grown out of the strug- gle against the imperialist exploiters, rather than in the peaceful, pre-war development of capitalism. It indicates also the fact that in all such countries the labor movement takes revolutionary forms from the beginning, as is the case in China. The temporary stabilization of the old world, already badly battered by events in China, by the Vienna insurrection of last »ummer, by the growing economic crisis in relation to debt and paration setilements, is due to receive a smashing blow in the t distant future from India. This situatkon demands close study and preparation for action on the part of tie workers of the United States. Let no one for a moment imagine that the Wall Street government, involved financially, as it is in evéry part of the old world, will stand idly by while the colonial world bursts into anti-imperialist flames. Despite its great rivalry with Britain in every part of the world, it will unite, as capitalist despotisms always unite, in face of the common enemy. Of course, in such unity each power will strive for advantage over the other, in order to be in a position more effectively to resume the fight between rival imperialisms. Workers everywhere will support the masses of India in their fight against the tory united front extending from Baldwin to MacDonald. “LEFT... RIGHT... LEFT... RIGHT...!” By Suvanto The speed-up systems in American factories have put the workers in the same position as soldiers. The militarization of industry has been completed. : IS BIG CAPITAL OPPOSING HOOVER? By H. M. WICKS. 5 Ret official republican machine in New York state, the Hilles-Morris combination, has again raised the slogan of “draft Coolidge in 1928.” Immediately the kept press of the country, especially a large section of the republican press, claimed to see in this action a move against the candidacy of Mr, Herbert Hoover, secretary of commerce in the Coolidge cabinet. No doubt a number of these editors and other publicists actually believe this to indicate anti-Hoover sentiment in spite of the fact that Hoover has the complete support of the Mellon-Coolidge administration. * * * Even the Herald-Tribune, official republican organ of Wall Street, joins in the general attempt to conceal the fact that Hoover is the outstanding Wall Street candidate for the republi- unanimous support of the Wall Street gang and their political henchmen is |the news dispatches describing the fury of certain state political leaders | because Hoover has’ not called them in and tried to “make political bar- gains” with them. The press reports , that in the eastern states the Hoover movement is receding because of this. Never in all the idiotic history of American political maneuvering has there been such an obvious campaign jin behalf of a certain candidate, than is now being waged for Hoover. The alleged complaints of the politicians \also make good publicity among those who look with disfayor upon the ex- pert manipulators of slush funds and who still vividly recall the antics of the Ohio gang in 1920, the heroes of “revelry” in the Harding-Coolidge- Fall - Denby - Daugherty - Mellon- Hoover cabinet. There is no question that all of the can nomination by declaring that if | sinister, lakor-hating, blood-streaked the supporters of Hoover fall in line evmteeouss of the working class are be- with the movement to draft Coolidge |hind the Hoover campaign. His only it is then certain that Coolidge will opponent is Vice President Charles G. be nominated on “the initial ballot.” |Dawes, whose stalking horse in the The real import of the action of the official republican machine of New York state is to be sought in the fact that the candidacy of Hoover has zained such headway and is so ob- viously supported by the blackest. forces of American imperialism, as well as by the overwhelming majority of Wall Street politicians, that some- thing must be quickly done to p vent the Hoover boom spending its force before June, when the nominat- ing convention will be held. Washington observers have for a long time been warning the adminis- tration that the Hoover drive was started too soon; that Hoover is too far ahead of the field for his own good. Hence some sort of fictitious opposition had to be created, which accounts for the sudden action of the Hilles-Morris machine in New York state. The maneuver has worked to per- fection. All the political writers of all shades who furnish “information” for the kept press are loudly shouting hat the New York machine issued the ‘draft Coolidge” slogan as a move against Hoover, because the secretary of commerce is opposed by some of the great financial interests of New ‘ork who back the state republican machine controlled by National Com- mitteeman Charles D. Hilles and State Chairman George Morris. This sort of clap-trap will help Hoover in the west, middle-west and south, and will permit the local politicians of the political hinterland to climb on the Hoover band-wagon without losing prestige at home. The so-called lib- eral Scripps-Howard chain of papers are diligently aiding this illusion and boosting the Hoover campaign. A second maneuver to prevent the Hoover campaign seeming to have the |middle-west is the corruptionist, | Frank O. Lowden, war governor of the state of Illinois. But while Dawes has but one stalking horse, Hoover has many. Senator Willis of Ohio, jin office by virtue of the. Harding- | Daugherty “Ohio gang,” is a “favorite ‘son” candidate who at the proper time {in the convention will throw his sup- }port to the chief Wall Street ¢andi- date who, unless the movement unex- pectedly collapses before June, wiil |be. Hoover. Another active Hoover stalking- horse is the monster, Gov- ernor Alvan T. Fuller of Massachu- setts, who, with his hands dripping with the blood of Sacco and Vanzetti, will have the unanimous support of the republican delegates of that state. | After. perfunctorily voting on early. ballots for Fuller, they will shift their yotes to. Hoover, cia eas} Even the New York delegatidn, be- cause of its notorious recoré as agents 'of Wall Street, may not go instructed |to vote for Hoover, because their sup- port. before the convention might harm his chances in other states, It is not unlikely that the New York gang might make a gesture to draft Coolidge, but in the last analysis, in the final voting they will be behind Hoover to a man, because Hoover is the candidate chosen by the imperial- ist butchers to head the republican ticket in 1928, + * # Just as the kept press worked over- time to create the Coolidge myth of a strong, silent man, so the same ag- gregation is now busy trying to make one of the most viciously reaction- ary imperialist tools in the world ap- pear as an independent thinker, lib- eral statesman and hard-working in- dustrial engineer who has no patience with the ordinary ways of politicians. Hoover is not an ordinary politi- cian, in the ward-heeling sense that Coolidge, Daugherty, Fall, Denby, Al. Smith, Jim Reed, Lowden, are politi- cians. He is a cosmopolitan, an in- ternational politician, whose imprint is left upon the exploited victims of imperialism in every continent of the globe. He has served in many ca- pacities from industrial engineer to advisor to the brigands of the Ver- sailles peace, in many climes, under many flags, but always an agent of the black emblem of imperialism, That Hoover, the cosmopolitan im- perialist, and Al. Smith, the Tammany darling of Wall Street should be the outstanding candidates at this mo- ment for the nominations as presi- dent on the two major political par- ties—the ‘republican and democratic— is indicative of the trend of the times. And a warning to the work- ing class that nothing but. the most Savage repression can be expected from either of these old parties. Only a decisive break with these parties of imperialism, only a complete abandon- ment of the treacherous policy of the labor fakers who advocate reward- ing friends and punishing enemies in the ranks of the old parties can bene- ifit the masses of useful members of this society, the workers and farmers. The drive for the labor party, as con- sistently advocated by the Workers (Communist) Party, must be intensi- fied so that in 1928 the capitalist class parties can be challenged by a working class party. What Must You Do to Become a Workers Party Member By ANTHONY BIMBA. The Workers (Communist) Party is in the midst of the Lenin-Ruthenberg membership drive. Our goal in this campaign is. to get 5,000 new mem- bers. Z The purpose of this brief article is to focus the attention of our sympa- thizers toward our Lenin-Ruthenberg drive. We want to talk to these workers who number many thou- sands, openly and frankly. From ac- tual experience, from coming into contact with them, I know that many of our sympathizers are fit to be members of the Communist Party and would join its ranks, but only one rea- son prevents them from taking that step: they think that they are already Communists and do exactly the same work and carry on exactly the same duties as the members of our Party. They say, “Are we not supporting the campaigns of the Communist. Party? Are we not taking part in these cam- paigns? Don’t we fight shoulder to shoulder with you against the mis- leaders and labor fakers in the‘trade union movement? Don’t we read your papers and gladly help them to exist? What else do you do? What. more do you want from us? What other functions do the members of che Party, as Communists, perform in this country?” ¥ More Is Desired. The Workers (Communist) Party is glad to have your support. We are proud of our sympathizers. We need more of them, There can be no mass Communist Party. without tens <of thousands of its sympathizers and supporters. To the extent that a Party can attract workers under its influence and political leadership, only to that extent can it function as a mass organization nad become a pow- er in the class struggle. Our aim is always threefold: to arouse the widest masses to fight for their class in- terests, to attract the more advanced section of the working class under our direct political influence and make them our sympathizers, and to bring as many as possible of the most revo- lutionary workers into our Party. But it is absolutely wrong for a revolutionary worker to remain only a sympathizer of a revolutionary par- ty forever. Being a sympathizer and supporter of the Party must not be a cause for not becoming its member. I know that there are some, I do not know how many, who are exactly in that state of mind. Some of our very best sympathizers, very best revolu- tionary workers, the most courageous fighters, have worked themselves in- to this peculiar and erroneous con- ception of the duties and role of the Communiéts and are satisfied to re- main outside of the Party ranks. This ‘is especially true concerning our many sympathizers among the foreign-born workers. Since the Party has been reorganized and there is a language Jffionlty. these workers make no ef- fort to join the Party because they dre convinced that they are as good Bolsheviks without being members of the Party. i Should Be a Member. - Every sympathizer of the Commun- ist movement should ask himself this question: Can I be a Communist with- out being a member of the Communist Party? There can be only one answer: “No.” You may. call yourself a Com- munist (and many do), you may feel that you fre one, but really you are not. Idon’t, want to leave an impres- ily | sion “that membership in the Party alone makes oneg, Communist. That |wouta: be Besides The Ghetto By M. RENUD. Under the very shadow of the mag- nificent skyscrapers of New York there stretches out the Ghetto of the world’s greatest metropolis—the Hast Side. The huge and gigantic struc- tures look down from their places of riches and titanic domain over the little nests of misery, inhuman trag- edy, misfortune and poverty, throw- ing its mirage upon the houses, which some prefer calling homes, but in reality are roots of disease and agony for their inhabitants. If walls could only speak they would tell the story of those who eternally struggle for their bare ex- istence, Most of the “homes” are also fac- tories, and near the kitchen there are children and elders bowing over some clothing, flowers, etc., breeding dan- gerous bacteria and microbes, which never miss their sad consequence, the proof being that thousands of work- men inflict themselves with tubercu- losis yearly, In a carriage which serves its pur- posé for’the baby, the work is taken into the shop, to the exploiter, who sees it profitable to carry on on a large scale the home sweat shop system. With its mixture of languages, na- tionalities and races the Ghetto is one expression of awe-inspiring unbear- able conditions, that none but a trans- formed society can solve, a new hu- manity, that from the present dun- geon of human depravity, unrighteous- ness, bigotry and treacherousness, will inevitably rise and bring to th» oppressed everywhere a_ cheerft: message of liberation sounded by thy mighty proletariat of the whole world. nn member, one must also be an active revolutionary fighter in the class struggle. But what I do maintain is this: every real Communist must be a member of the Communist Party. “Without a Communist Party there can be no Communist movement, no real revolutionary struggle. The .| Workers (Communist) Party is con- ducting the present membership drive not on abstract principles and concep- tions, but rather on actual work and Struggies, in the campaigns for the -|relief of the miners, for protection of the foreign-born, for a labor party, for amalgamation of the trade unions, for the liberation of the political pris- oners, for the defense of the Soviet Union, and in the fight against the danger of the new war and against American imperialism, our Commun- ist Party is the leader. But let us assume that every member of our Party would think the same way as many of our nearest sympathizers do —that it is possible to be a Bolshevik without joining the Bolshevik Party— what would happen? There would be no Party, nobody to organize and lead the struggles in this country against capitalism, no campaigns, no revolu- tionary movement, and of course, nothing to sympathize with. Because | we have a group of workers who un- derstand the role of a revolutionary Communist .Party in the class strug- gle, we haye today the Workers (Communist) Party and the Commun- ist movement. Necessity For Labor. The strengthening of the Commun- ist Party of America has become the greatest necessity of the entire labor movement. Every revolutionary work- er can easily see that our labor move- ment is pushed against the Wall. It is in the process of disintegration. The very existence of the trade unions is in danger; the bourgeoisie is carry- ing on the most open and systematic offensive to crush them. The life of the United Mine Workers of America is at stake. Open the pages of the aistory of the class struggle in this country and you will find example after example where the labor move- ment had been completely smashed, the trade unions wiped out of exis- tence, and only after a long period the workers would again begin to gather their forces together, to or- ganize themselves and take up the truggle against the bourgeoisie once nore. We are today on the verge of such a complete annihilation of our labor movement. How and’ who can stop this disin- tegration? Who can defeat the con- spiracy of the ruling class against the organized workers? Will the present idership of the trade unions under- take this task! Will the socialist party act as the center of the work- ars’ stand avainst the onslaught upea {xe trade unions? I am sure that no sympatiize vs vur movement can be- ieve in such a miracle. Commynists Only Force. There . v .y une force in the work- ng class of this country that can and will have to p-rfovn the mission of allying the workers against the capi- talist offensive. ihav is the Work- ers (Communist) Party. But as it is now, it is too weak to grapple effec- tively with the great tasks before it. Its ranks are too small. We are too few. That is the reason why we want to get into our ranks every revolu- tionary worker. Five thousanu new suvmpers tor the Communist Party would be the greatest blow to the forces working for the disintegration and destruction of the labor move- ment. 2 Therefore, we ask and appeal to our sympathizers to join our ranks, to be- come an integral part of our move- ment and become Communists in the real sense of the world—soldiers in the great struggle to save the labor movement, to repulse the capitalist offensive and to make further ad- vance in the direction of the prole- tarian revolution which will eventual> ly usher in a working class rule in America. | | |