The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 30, 1928, Page 6

# f { Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW v YORK, MONDAY, JANUARY 30, | 1928 THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Ine. Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: SU \CRIPTION. RATES _ By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $8.50 six months 50 three months. $2.00 three months. Phone, Orchard 1680 “Daiwork” Address and mall out checks to New York, N. Y. THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, : ROBERT MINOR .WM. F. DUNNE “New York, N. Entered as second-class mail at the post- sttien at ¥., under the act of March 3, The Police-ization of the Socialist Party A dinner given in New York Friday night by the leaders of the socialist party as a benefit affair for that party’s weekly organ brot a quarrel and at the same time served to bring to sharp expression the character of that party as a party of the American bourgeoisie. Morris Hillquit and Algernon Lee threw open to the gaze of an unduly astonished remnant of working class supporters a counter-revolutionary attitude favoring open and militant action against the union of Socialist Soviet Republics. Only slightly dis- guised were the words of the leader of this “socialist” party. Hillquit, in fact, as his words showed plainly, is actively planning a militant campaign against the Union of Socialist Soviet Repub- lics. And tho he does not admit the connection, he would make this drive coincide with Mathew Woll’s drive against the recogni- tion of the Soviet Union by the United States government. “The greatest misfortune that has occurred in the socialist movement,” according to the little lawyer and coal dealer, is the victory of the working class of November, 1917, which founded the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. Against the mild-mannered, compromising Norman Thomas, who thinks it more tactful for his party to be “sympathetic” to the workers’ Socialist Soviet Union, Hillquit made clear his position. Even the reservation in the virulent expressions of counter-revolutionary sentiments by the petty-bourgeois patriot, Algernon Lee, aroused his wrath. Hillquit’s position is to this effect: 1. It is all foolishness to pretend that you can be a friend to the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics and at the same time an enemy of the revolutionary movement of the workers. We must be open enemies of both. 2. Indications being found on all hands that there is some tendency toward recognition of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, and since such a recognition would help the workers’ republic to strengthen itself, and since the triumph of the Workers’ Republic is a misfortune for us, therefore WE, THE SOCIALIST PARTY must come out openly in favor of the imperialist encircling and economic strangulation of the Workers’ Republic. So far so good. This view of Mr. Hillquit leads him directly to the policy of putting the socialist party openly in line with the most reactionary forces in American capitalist society. Hillquit is making a strong gesture for the closest cementing—in the open —of the socialist party with the A. F. of L. bureaucracy, and the most reactionary elements in it, represented by Mathew Woll. The long and short of it is that the most extreme reaction- aries in the socialist party leadership are determined to take be- fore the coming presidential election, a long and bold step into the open, out of the shadowy pretences that that party has made in the past to being a working ciass party. These little men are under pressure: admittedly they fear that the voters who followed them in the past elections will desert to the Tammany candidate of the democratic party—Al Smith. They must quickly dress themselves for the support of such lower middle class voters as are drawn by the bourgeois Tammany demagogue. Having been irreparably bound up with the reactionary bureaucracy of the A. F. L. in the strike-breaking drive of the Sigmans, the John L. Lewises and the Greens and the Wolls, and having lost thereby the last of what looked like conscious working-class support, the so- cialist party bureaucracy is compelled now to drop pretences and to dress its line to the line of the Green-Woll-Lewis gang in all essential respects. At the same time, as Hillquit sees it, it is necessary to em- phasize more sharply the fact that the socialist party is a meek supporter of finance-capital in international affairs, with a “Recommendation that the United States join the League of Nations or at least the international court of justice without impossible reservation.” In order consistently to live up to its role as a reactionary force working against the politicalization of the American work- ing class, the socialist party bureaucracy must knife the move- ment for a labor party—and the knifing can be done only thru pretending to be “for” a labor party in such a way as to show that a labor party is “not possible” at present. The little row between the “socialist” leaders marks another stage in the political developments of today—a stage in which the socialist party is compelled by events to show itself more’ clearly in its yellow colors before the eyes of such workers as continue to be its dupes. And by the ripening of these same events, the American workers can gain. They can gain by learning that the socialist party is a party of the bourgeoisie against the working class revo- Jution, a party of the alliance of the trade union bureaucracy with the employers, a party of the police. Tlow many workers in the socialist party are ready to follow the shyster lawyers of that party in an open drive against the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics? How many are willing to follow in the drive in favor of the _plunderbund of imperialists—the league of nations? How many will follow Hillquit openly into the camp of Ma- thew Woll, Sigman, Green and Lewis? Whatever remnants of the working class may still be within the socialist party wall be the measure of the trouble Mr. Hillquit will pull down ups, aimself in this venture. “DIRTY STUFF!” By ELLIS PETERSON 'HE most important task of the Workers (Communist) Party in re- gard to the foreign-born worker in America is to “Americanize” him— that is, to bring him closer to the American labor movement than he is today. In this work, the labor party slogan and the labor party itself will be of the utmost significance. Foreign Worker and Labor Movement. Every foreign-born worker enter- ing this country is intimidated in many ways. He has been officially warned against all sorts of labor radicalism, “friends” have warned him against even the slightest labor activity. Sacco and Vanzetti stand as the most solemn warning. If he worked as a class-conscious worker in Europe, he very soon for- gets all such activity after arriving in this country. Most foreign-born workers coming over here are looking for an “opportunity” and that is the reason so many of them keep away from the labor movement, which in its present form here in America does not give them anything of what it gave them in the old country. Even members from the Parties in Europe in America before they join their in- ternational party here. Some of the unclear and social-dem- ocratic workers from Europe may be- lieve in “American democracy,” may sonism,” ete. But they very soon find that political “freedom” in this coun- try is nothing but a fake democracy, they understand that they are dis- criminated against as foreign-born workers and their first reaction is a feeling of being alone, powerless, own, no champion of their own. Then they turn to their language organiza- tions: ties, lodges, clubs, ete. And there we find the bourgeois and petty bourgeois politicians taking care of them and slowly leading them | away from the labor movement, even in such cases where they earlier were active members of their social-dem- ocratic or even Communist Party, or of their trade unions. Foreign-Born Worker and Trade Unions. The best of them stick to their trade unions, but many of them get disgusted with the bureaucratic and helpless conditions in the American trade unions; they give up every sort of struggle and their only social ac- tivity is in the language organiza- tions. No General Labor Organization. Many of these workers who pass through such a development still keep their hatred against the bourgeoisie, but in their attempt to activize this hatred they find no adequate Amer- ican institution. There is no general political labor organization in Amer- ica like “the one” in the old country, so they feel themselves completely isolated, if they are not class-consci- ous enough to join the Communist Party. And the great bulk of the for- eign-born workers are not yet so far advanced. Labor Must Mobilize Foreign-Born. The existence of a labor party would very much facilitate the proc- ess through which such workers could be led into the main stream of the American labor movement, Every worker coming from Europe (as well as from Australia, South Africa, etc.) would at once know where to turn \ sometimes stay for months and years | still house some illusions about “Wil-! isolated. They have no party of their | sick and death benefit socie. | But the big capitalist “respectables” handle the oil graft cases investigators know two decisive facts: First, that the oil graft trail le ads straight to the white house and the whole Harding-Coolidge dynasty; second that NO CANDIDATE WILL BE ELECTED TO THE PRESID ENCY this year who does not receive the ENDORSEMENT AND THE CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE STANDARD OIL COMBIN ATION. Therefore, in public, Washington is “disgusted” with the smaller oil grafters—but scrambling for the endorsement and the cash of the BIG oil grafters. when looking for “his party.” And the fight for a labor party in America must not neglect to mobilize the for- eigit-born workers. They are a strong force in the trade union movement, a strong force in the industries and a strong force politically. (This is said with full consideration of the fact that our first duty is to mobilize the American workers for our American labor party). These foreign-born workers are more .radical, and in many cases revolutionary, because of their conditions (lower wages, etc.) and because of their traditions from the old country. Fight for Easier Naturalization. One thing should be stressed in this connection, that is the fact that after the curtailment of immigration the percentage of citizens among the for- eign-born has grown immensely. This development we should further in every way, not at least through mak- ing use of it in our campaigns for a Labor Party. Our agitation for an easier naturalization of foreign-born workers should be linked up with our main campaign for a labor party among the foreign-born workers. Fight Against Anti-Alien Bills. The many anti-alien bills in Con- gress should be used as an illustra- tion of American democracy and they no doubt will further strongly the tendency for a labor party. Every foreign-born worker will at once grasp the value of a labor party in the fight against such anti-labor schemes as those of Brand, Hawes, etc., which ; provide for the registration, militari- zation and enslavement of the foreign- born workers. In fact, the foreign- born workers of Chicago, through their council for protection, have already |decided in favor of a labor party as \the best means to combat this legisla- tion. | Work in Language Organization. The sick and death benefit organi- |zations in every language group in | America, as well as other fraternal |organizations, consist of an over- |whelming majority of workers; often | the workers make up 85 to 95 per cent of the membership. These organiza- tions are supposed to be “neutral”— i.e, every sort of labor policy is; banned, but every sort of national-: tematized to the utmost. The foreign-born worker, torn from his former environment, isolated in America, not knowing the language, is an easy prey for the meanest tricks of these organizations. Through their welfare work, the worker comes to look on them as the only sort of or- ganization to which he can turn in time of trouble. Here, Republican or Democratic propaganda is obligatory in times of election-campaigns, etc, Bourgeois politicians join such organ- izations to secure votes, Here the Communists have e large and fertile field for fraction activity. The slogan of a labor party can be used ‘sere; not at once, but after pre- paratory slogans such as “Workers organizations for labor interests,” “No clique policy, self-rule by the members for the members,” ete. When such organizations are misused for di- rect republican or democratic propa- ganda, the Communist fractions should see to it that attempts are frustrated, and not only the Commun- ists, but the whole opposition that they have been able to gather around them, should at once take up an en- ergetic campaign for the laber party. The foreign-born bourgeoisie is very weak numerically. In almost every. language group in this country, istic, patriotic and militaristic pro- | paganda not only tolerated but sys-: with pretended disgust IN PUBLIC THE FOREIGN BORN WORKER AND THES ARR CARs rt the workers form at least 85 per cent of the group. The other strata are petty-bourgeois. This makes the struggle from our side in the lan- guage groups easier than in the Amer- ican organizations, but as soon as we shall have succeeded in “Americaniz- ing” these organizations in one way or another the resistance will grow, but at the same time our possibilities of mobilizing bigger masses for ac- tivity will have grown stronger, through bringing these language or- ganizations in closer contact with the decisive American masses. The points stressed above are a few of these that should be considered in By Fred Ellis ONLY, Privately all the graft our work for a labor party. But con- cerning only the foreign-born work- |* ers, they are a secondary part of our activity for uniting the forces of American labor against American in- dustrial and financial capitalism. The main field of our work is in the trade unions. But if we understand properly how to use all our connections with the foreign-born workers, then we will more easily put through our program in the trade unions. And last but not least, through such a policy we will be able to give considerable momentum to the organization of the unorganized workers, hours ago. Some of you may have read it in the DAILY already, but I believe that the young workers should get more of details. “The miners organized in a line of march to parade to the Walsen mine. As they started three rangers with big army guns blocked the cross streets and wouldn’t let them turn into a side street—so they marched right ahead. The same thing happened at every street intersection, so they turned around and started back to the hall, Details of: Massacre. “The parade was the biggest ever seen in the town; besides the men nearly all the miners’ wives and chil- dren were in it. All was in order until the miners reached the hall. Sud- denly an uproar of high-powered army rifles broke the air with a sound | that threw the town into an uproar. |Rangers came running from every street with rifles and automatics | which they fired upon reaching the corner of the I. W. W. Hall A car- load of guns was brought and a ma- chine gun was set up. The parade !broke up but the miners were so de- !termined that they would not run. | They stood still while the rangers By WALT CARMON News Item. “Ever since Tom _ Parsons, thirty-eight, was gassed while with an American division in Flanders he had fits of despond- ency. + * «6 'OM PARSONS sunk his head in his hands. “Yes, sure, I know!” he answered wearily. But his father was not to be denied. “The nation does not forget the men who have beaten back the Huns.” Tom knew what would follow. “The nation did not forget my share in the Spanish-American war. My pen- sion, ...” Tom’s; hands went to his temples, as if his head were aching. There it goes all over again! Get a man’s job at a man’s wages. Join the American Legion. Get a man’s job.... Par- ade on Armistice day .. . at.a man’s wages. Strikers’ Vivid Description of Shooting by State Rangers (By a Worker Correspondent.) WALSENBURG, Jan. 29.—One of the young strikers here has given the following vivid description of the recent massacre in the strike. “All is quiet in Walsenburg now but we sure had a hot time about five ri fired. In two minutes there were fifty armed rangers, some running into the alley behind the hall and fired point blank into it thru the back door and windows. “When the shooting ended we found cne miner shot stone dead on the floor of the hall, one shot but not dead in the street, an 18 year old boy drilled with an army rifle bullet across the street. This boy is expected to die. It was plain cold blooded murder, eyen more so than the shooting in the north, for the miners were on the federal highway No. 85, and the ex- cuse. of private property won’t hold this time. “TI suppose the papers say that the miners started the shooting but that is not true because a ranger came into the store and I asked him wheth- er the miners did any shooting and he said no. He was in front of the hall all the time. “The town is shrouded in gloom. All. theatres and pool rooms are closed, The streets are deserted. Yet behind the gloom, behind the terror there is the grim determination of the miners to continue the fight.” IS THIS THE STORY? AN IMAGINATIVE ELABORATION ON AN ACTUAL NEWS WHICH APPEARED RECENTLY IN A NEW YORK NEWSPAPER. “After all Democracy. . Damn these ever same phrases! Tom rose in despair and slammed the door after him. * 8 «6 Late at night the streets were more kind. More peaceful. The pain in Tom’s chest became easier. The throb in his head lessened and nearly van- ished. He walked down Woodward Avenue toward the Ford plant. ‘In a black frame, its blue-whte lights were weird wizardly of some other, strange world. Thru the windows he saw rows upon rows of moving machinery. Little human ants stood at the mach- ines, walked around them. Overhead, visible for a greater distance, were myriads and miles of revolving belts. A dim figure at Tom’s elbow wanted a match. The flame revealed a pre-maturely aged face. “Damn interesting?” the man ven-} you helped to save Lines on a Photograph of the Death Masks of Sacco and Vanzetti Hang it on your walls with a deep, black border And over it the red flag like a mother’ arms. And let your children say to it: A “pater” of chains to lose And an “ave” of worlds to win, JAMES A. MILLER tured. “From the outside. T know. Stay away from the inside.” He smiled. His cigarette glowed for a second an) he disappeared. ae ete | News Item: Continued. “After his discharge from the army, Parsons came to New York from his home in Detroit and was employed at a soda fountain... .” The noise and rush of the streets in New York is so great each day, the nights are beautifully quiet in contrast. Some nights in France were like that. The terrific noise and rat- tle of the day let up. A cool, kind breeze made the stench more bear- able. And it was quiet. Soothingly quiet. Like a cool, gentle hand on a fevered forehead. A heavy truck suddenly swerved from a_ side-street and broke the silence into pieces, Tom leaped un- nerved and shaken. He walked hurriedly to his habby room to toss in a rickety bed. After a while the pain in his chest would ease a little. His head. ... Gradually sleep would come. Then his job. At soda fountain there is no time to think. A sand- wich, a soda, a sundae, male, female —all one seemingly never-ending stream. Like the belt at Ford’s, Like soldiers. Noise, din, rattle, giggles, laughter, “Waiter! Waiter!” One long monotonous movement of feet and hands until the end of a day and re- lief. It paid for the rickety bed in a shabby foom. The food didn’t mat- ter. Any food. His chest was all that mattered. His head. His head. . + Peace was all that mattered. * * *. New Item: Continued. “Last evening Parsons was passing the Hotel Flanders, No. 163 West 48th St. Whether the sight of the hotel’s name did something to the inside of his head will never be known... .” A lumbering truck came clattering over the roughly paved street and sharply turned the corner only a few steps from Tom Parsons. The racket bounded and rebounded between the buildings, hollow and many times magnified. Parsons stood rooted for a moment. The sound tore him from his thoughts and set his body trembling. The sounds. Those sounds of terrible nights when the earth shook, when he smelled burnt human flesh. ... He stood for a moment, then dashed blindly towards his rickety bed in a shabby room. The pain in his chest thumped madly. Dizzily, he threw his hands to his aching head. Before he reached the street his strength was spent. If he could only lose that infernal racket. If only his mind could be at peace. He continued un- steadily to his room. A shaft of light cut his path. He looked into the glaring lights thru blurred eyes. He stared, wiped his eyes unbelievingly and looked again. It was.... But he could not make himself believe it. He spoke to the doorman. “Hotel Flanders, buddy.” It was! It was! * * s Someway, somehow, the pain in his chest seemed to leave him for the moment. For a moment his head felt at ease and clear. He halted, thoughtfully. Then he laughed, a deep laughter from the leathery chest of a soldier. “Damnd if it isn’ Flanders!” He laughed again as if enjoying a crude, course joke told in the army. “The. . .Flanders! ...” And again he burst into laughter as he walked thru the doors to the desk. “Damn nice to our boys—calling it the Flanders?” The clerk hesitated for a second. Then: “Yes, sure. . .yes sir.” Tom looked at him closely thru glassy eyes. “What for?” “Well, they fought for cracy. ” His answer sent Tom’s laughter ringing thru the lobby. “So you call it...Flanders!” He was still laughing. Then as if sobered he repeated quietly: “Flanders ...a place to slesp in...” For a moment neither said a word. Then, Tom Parsons. spoke agaim calmly: “My head keeps me awake nights. I need the air. Fix me up with a room as high as you can?” Head raised, soldier fashion, as if going to an attack, he followed the bell-boy to a room on the sixth floor of the Hotel Flanders. * * * News Item: Continued. “... In any event, Parsons en- gaged a room on the sixth floor and at 1:15 a. m. jumped to his death from the window of his room to a court-yard. The night manager searched the hotel when several guests heard the sound of a falling body and a ery, but. failed to discover Par- son’s body. It was not found un- til 7 o’clock this morning.” 't It’s the ..s demo-