The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 28, 1928, Page 8

Snes AE Ammen jstance behind the move. How will Mr. Green proceed against in- Page Eight THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc, Daily, Except Sunday 63 Ficst Street, New York, N. Y. Phone, Orchard 1680 Cable Address: “Daiwork” | SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months three months. $2.00 three months. ~~~Xddres: and mail out checks to TBE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. es ROBERT MINOR ..WM. F. DUNNE FRONCOP 5 fc ssa . Assistant Editor. Ehtered as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥. under the act of March 3, 1 How Will Green Fight--and Against Whom? Officials of the New York State Federation of Labor announce @ mass meeting to be held at Cooper Union, New York City, on February 5, which it is said “will be part of a comprehensive cam- paign to promote legislation” against injunctions and against *vellow dog” contracts. No one who knows the deplorable conditions of the trade union movement in the matters of injunctions, yellow-dog con- tracts and need of legislation can fail to give serious attention to such announcement, on the face of it. But read further. What will be done about the grave situation complained of? First: Mr. William Green will be the principal speaker, and all that Green stands for in public life constitutes the real sub- junctions? His record shows that Mr. Green’s most fundamental “principle” is that of making the labor movement a force support- ing the courts which issue injunctions. How will Mr. Green oppose yellow-dog contracts? His most fundamental “principle” includes the teaching that labor must “Cooperate with the employers” and must refrain from all ideas} and tendencies of struggle as a class against the capitalist class, | and even that labor must (in fact) give up the strike weapon. Consistently with this, Green pursues a policy under which every Union agreement would have the character of a yellow-dog con- tract and the unions themselves would sink to the level of company unions. How would Mr. Green seek “legislation” against injunctions, éte.? Green’s record in this respect is an open, if shameful, book. His platform is to the effect that the working class must not have any representatives of the working class in any legislative hall. His platform is that the workers must support the political parties of the capitalist class, and that he, Mr. Green, shall peddle their votes to one of or the other of the two political parties of the capi- talist class as sheep are sold to the beef trust. According to the present bureaucracy, al] “pro-labor” legislation must be obtained from political representatives of the employing class, and must have no representatives, no party, of their own. How, then, will the bureaucrats who stand over the prostrate bodies of the trade unions obtain any of these objects which they say they seek in the coming campaign? They will not fight to obtain any of them. But there is another explanation of this gesture of the Green bureaucracy. There is nothing new about injunctions, yellow- dog contracts and lack of pro-labor legislation. What is new is that there is beginning in the trade unions a revolt against injunc- tions, yellow-dog contracts and bankrupt political policy, and against the allies of the bosses who are at the head of the trade} union movement—notably Mr. Green himself. The heirs of Sam- uel Gompers have not all-of-a-sudden begun to fight the capitalist class. They have merely found out that the movement within the trade unions for fighting the capitalist class and the individual employers, and their labor lieutenants, has grown to such a degree that it is necessary to intensify the struggle, not against the em- ployers, but against the left wing in the trade unions. Second point:- The 1928 election is coming, and it is time for Green to begin to round up what sheep he can, so as to peddle their support to one or the other, or both, of the capitalist class parties. p It is indeed time that the workers assemble to fight injunc- tions, yellow-dog contracts and for pro-labor legislation. But the announced Cooper Union meeting, if Green and his cohorts of professional traitors to labor can control it, will be made a means of leading the workers into such a course as will make them still more helpless before injunctions, yellow-dog contracts and the capitalist state. Green feels the weakening of the credulity of the workers in the treacherous bureaucracy, and he feels he must Strengthen his hold with a bluff about fighting for those ‘things which the masses of workers begin to understand they must fight for. The publicity accompanying this announcement of the open-| ing meeting contains a peculiar piece of jesuitry in the statement! that “all disputes and politica] differences within the labor move-| ment a oeing forgotten in the face of this great common dan- | ger.” hese words in Green’s mouth can only mean that “politi-| eal differences” as between the working class and the capitalist | elass shall be “forgotten” so that Green can profitably play the! game of capitalist politics and can betray the working class. It} certainly does not mean that the bureaucracy will “forget” its! political differences with those who take the working class stand, | including the program of a labor party against the capitalist | parties. The political differences between Green and the workers | ean never be forgotten as long as the contemptible agents of the | employers and traitors to the labor movement, the Greets, Woils, | Sullivans, Mahons and the rest of them are in contro] of the Official machinery, These traitors have no intention of fighting against injunc- tions in the only effective manner possible, which include whole- | gale violations of the injunctions and utilizing the fury of the masses who suffer under capitalist class tyranny to organize a labor party against the capitalist parties. _ The only force in the labor movement that can successfully fight against this sort of treachery is the left-wing and the van- uard of the whole labor movement, the Workers (Communist) arty, that, instead’of uniting with the capitalists, the exploiters of labor and their political parties, takes the lead in a drive to ¢reate a labor party, independently of and opposed to the old parties and all their henchmen within and without the labor government. The fi step to the solution of the plight in which the labor movement finds it: is independent political action through a labor party, the organization of the unorganized, the amalgama- tion of the weak craft unions into powerful industrial unions and 4 mass defensive “along the whole line against the employers. These results will not be achieved nor even worked for by the .agents of the employers who are just as guilty as their capitalist tasters of the plight in which the labor movement now finds itself—but in spite of these scoundrels and swindlers and against a. As for the announced campaign against injunctions and ellow-dog contracts and for legislation in labor’s favor—will the ‘kers take it out of ¥: pas of traitors and make.it real? pire i + ivight out. THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JANUARY 28, 1928 “CUT!” By Fred Ellis A slashing wage cut is the decree of the New England textile oligarchy against 100,000 workers and their families! This is the “Coolidge prosperity”—as it is bestowed upon the workers in the wealthiest of all capitalist countries! most heroic labor struggles as their historic background, are talking fight. be the result. the right to live. But the New, England workers, with some of the A tremendous strike thruout the New England textile districts may Workers everywhere should let their New England glass brothers and sisters know that they will be backed up in their fight for NICARAGUA, PACIFISM AND THE REVERAND NORMAN THOMAS By WILLIAM W. WEINSTONE. HE danger of world war is no longer a matter of speculation. The imperialist powers are preparing for war with mad speed. Imperial- ist rivalries can no longer be con- cealed under the veil of diplomatic | phrases. The struggle between Stan- jard Ofl and the Royal Dutch Shell interests for control of the oil resour- ces is approaching an acute stage of open warfare involving the two mightiest imperialist powers of the world—the United States and Great | Britain—which means another world war. These oil trusts do not mince words regarding the situation. They declare that the struggle for oil is now a battle which must be fought to the finish. American imperialism is active. on all sides: American marines in Nica- ragua, Coolidge in Havana, American battleships in China, the huge arm- ament plans of the Coolidge admin- istration, Lindbergh’s tour to Mexico and Central America, the announce- ment of the new governor of the Philippines, Mr. Stimson, that he will pursue the policy of General Wood, the naval maneuvers in the Pacific —these are not isolated events; they are part of one imperialist chain which shows that American finance capital is determined completely to subjugate Latin-America, in which it now has five billion dollars invested, and to obtain hegemony in the Pa- cific. American imperialism is driven to this course by the need for raw ma- terials and new markets and by the necessity of causing a redistribution of the colonies in order to secure fields for the investments of its im- mense surplus of finance capital. The American imperialists are preparing for war, for they know best that their struggle for the domination of the world’s markets and for the export of finance capital cannot be avoided by diplomacy, open or secret, or by disarmament conferences and soft prayer words by President Coolidge The rivalries must be fought out by & test of military strength such as occurred in the Idst World War. The diplomats of the imperialists try with fine phrases to gloss over these deep differences between the imperialist powers, but the military men speak Admiral Plunkett knows whereof he speaks when he says American capitalism needs a stronger army and navy. World War Coming. , War may break out at any time. The capitalist class that dominates the government, the press, the church- es—all avenues of publicity, deceives the working class and keeps it con- fused and disorganized in ortler that it may be taken by surprise and pre- vented from organizing resistance tc mobilization and war. The world is already more an armed camp than it was in 1914. Inflammable antagon- isms have accumulated to an extent that the slightest spark may start the conflagration. At this moment the greatest aid to the bourgeoisie and the greatest enemy to the working class are the pacifists and social patriots-—the Greens and Wolls, the Hillquits, the Thomases and the Garrison Villards. These pacifists who stand for the harmony of social interests in the struggle between the working class and the capitalists a same S {program into the struggles between the imperialists and attempt to har- monize the rivalries by ham proposals of “outlawing war,” by the talk of “peace” and “good will” and by the support of such war instruments as the League of Nations, the Pan-Amer- ican Conference and similar imperi- alist organizations. a In the last analysis these pacifists talk the same language as the im- perialists, who also pose as pacifists. Lloyd George, Woodrow Wilson and Clemenceau conducted the war in or- der “to bring about a durable peace” and “in order to end war for all time.” They deceived the working class with their demagogic slogans in order to get them. to sacrifice their lives in the interest of imperialist profits. The pacifists talk the language of peace when all the facts show that the world is nearer to war than ever before. and hoodwink and blindfold the masses and keep them tied to the chariot of the imperialists. Rev. Thomas Aids Deceit. This despicable role played by the pacifists is well brought out in the columns of the “New Leader” of January 14 in the discussion by Nor- man Thomas of some phases of the present war situation. Thomas en- dorses the resolution of Senator Capper in the United States senate that calls for the “outlawing of war.” He greets the efforts of Secretary Kellogg to form a treaty with France {for the “outlawing of war.” Even a child knows today, after the experi- ences of the World War, the vicious Versailles peace treaty, the intermin- able series of disarmament cémfer- ences, that such peace treaties form the basis for new combinations for waging a victorious struggle against competing groups of Imperialist na- tions, that the proposed peace treaty with France is intended as a weapor against Great Britain, and at the same time they are hypocritical man- euvers of the imperialist statesmen to deceive the masses as to the ac tual war preparation of the Amer- ican government. Referring ‘to Nicaragua, Normar Thomas declares that “our marines should be ordered immediately to stor any offensive against Sandino and arrangements should be made for their withdrawal—at least as soor as the new elections have been held.” Under the guise of pacifism he ir furnishing Wall Street bankers with the very best reason for maintaining the American marines in Nicaragua and keeping that strategic country under their control. Elections guardee by the bayonets of the American ma- rines mean elections of such puppets as Diaz and Moncado and the con- tinuation of the rule of Finance Capi- tal and Big Business. Surely the American bankers and the imperial- ists can welcome this proposal tc withdraw the marines after every- thing is settled harmoniously for them, which means after the marines have crushed Sandino’s resistence murdered the best fighters for Nica- ragua’s independence, executed thou- sands of workers and peasants, jailed masses of others and established a hired mercenary native constabulary with American battleships near enough at any time to resume the terror. Then indeed American im- perialism can announce “All is peace- ful in Nicaragua” with the same cyni- cal brutality as the czar after 1905 announced “All is quiet in Warsaw.” to build Zhe DAILY WORKE: { This liberal and socialist parliamen- tarian who believes that parliamen- tary elections are the road to the salvation of the working class does not see the elections carried out with American army forces on the spot are only a farce to fool the workers in America and in Nicaragua. An Imperialist View. Why not elections by the Nica- raguan people without the presence of American marines or the interven- tion of the armed forces of any im- perialist powers? Are not the Nica- raguan people capable of solving their own affairs or does Mr. Thomas believe them to be a “backward peo- ple incapable of self-government.” This proposal of Norman Thomas smacks of the familiar “White Man’s Burden” argument of all imperialists. It shows that he has the same con- ceptions regarding the Nicaraguan. Central American, Chinese, Hindu and all other oppressed peoples as do the imperialists who argue that they assume the “burden” of maintain- ing their armed forces in these coun- tries for the benefit of these same oppressed masses. Sandino is struggling against Diaz, the president of Nicaragua ap- pointed by Wall Street, who is kept in power only by the armed forces of American imperialism. The Nica- raguan people can be free only when they unite with the other oppressed peoples of Latin-America and with the world proletariat, to drive the imperialist forces from power and es- tablish a government that rests upon the armed power of the Nicaraguan working class and peasants, supported by their allies, the workers and peas- ants of the world. Betray Class Struggle. Norman Thomas and the pacifists fail to raise the banner of such ¢ struggle but with cringing stupidity and with social patriotic arguments they in the last analysis take the po- sition of the Coolidges and the Kel- loggs. The bourgeoisie has a thou- sand tricks (many more than they need) to catch the muddleheads. These petty bourgeois liberals are ready t leap at any glittering phrase anc bite at the smallest bait thrown out to catch them. They share and spread the imperialist ideology. Ar social patriots they gladly do the dirty work of the imperialists and the mos willing collaborators in this work are the Norman Thomases, the Hillquits and the Villards. The most ruthless exposure of the imperialist role of the liberals and pacifists is necessary in order that 2 successful fight against the imperial- ists can be carried on. Only by tear- ing the veil of liberalism and “im- partiality” from the patriots and re- formers of the type of Thomas, only by the most merciless struggle against the socialist party and the labor bureaucrats, who conceal their alliance with imperialism by mislead- ing phrases, can the working class prepare for the real struggle against the imperialists and imperialist war and bring real support to the strug- gles for Nicaraguan liberation, for the emancipation of the Chinese peo- ple, for the defense of the Soviet Union, and against the iron ring which the iraperialists of all coun- tries are trying to fasten around the first Workers’ and Peasants’ Repub- lic. This task the Workers (Com- munist) Party is carrying on, as wa- demonstrated at the huge meeting in’ Madison Square Garden. This task the entire membership must fulfil) with the most intensive effort. GREETINGS SENT “DAILY” Message From the Jewish Communists Editor, The DAILY WORKER: The National Bureau of the Jewish Section of the Workers (Communist) Party, together with the editorial staffs of the “Freiheit” and “Ham- mer” send the heartiest greetings on the fourth anniversary of our lead- ing central organ, the only Commun- ist daily in the world in the English language, The DAILY WORKER. The DAILY WORKER has been for a Communist mass organ. National Bureau Jewish Section, Workers (Communist) Party. Editorial Staff, Freiheit and Hammer. * * & Editor, DAILY WORKER: I was to the old Labor Temple, 227% Yamhill St., Portland, Ore., last night and the night before to hear one of the best, if not the very best, the last four years the champion of labor speakers I’ve heard in thirty the struggles of the American work- |years: Ben Gitlow, Communist from ing class. ‘ New York City. The DAILY WORKER is the only} He took as his subject the first labor paper in English which carries night, “Coolidge Prosperity and Work- on the struggle against American im- ing Class Misery” and the next night. perialism ‘and against the employers |“‘The Workers’ and Peasants’ Revo- and the treachery of the labor bureau- | lution in China.” eracy which have with their policy! The hall was crowded on both oc- of class-collaboration brought the American labox movement to a point of destruction. Though the language press is one of the important weapons in the jstruggle of the American working» class, we realize’ that it is our utmost duty to strengthen and build The DAILY WORKER into a mass organ that leads and centralizes the strug- gles of all the sections of the Amer- ican working class, It will be the most’ appropriate greeting to the fourth anniversary of our leading organ to pledge ourselves to help realize the aims of the Party } iN iw ‘easions, even though twenty-five cents admission was charged; the audience on both nights contributed liberally when the hat was passed around, some giving five dollars bills. He explained Communism so thoroughly that even a Missourian ‘could grasp the idea. He surely made the audience laugh heartily when he mentioned the million women’s names jin the petition to President Coolidge for “peace.” Kal told them they could add his name to the list. The floor was open for questions and five minute discussions both nights. the Communist Party on this { Wi I am sure that thousands will join | slavery. SPARKS NEWS HERE is a sweeping movement of mergers and consolidations in American industry. In fact it is now safe to say that practically all of American trade is passing into the hands of big combines. A half billion oil merger has just been announced. A two hundred mil- lion bank merger is being planned in San Francisco. A huge coal combina- tion involving 30 corporations with an output of 30 million tons, is being erganized in Virginia and West Vir- ginia. Tremendous consolidations in- volving hundreds of millions of dol- lars are taking place among the pub- lie utility organizations. These mergers are of immeasur- able significance for the American workers. Only the blind or the trai- torous of the type of Green, Woll, Hillquit, Berger and Company, can either fail to see these events or re- fuse to prepare against them. As against the gigantic corpora- tions of American capital, we have today the archaic, long out-of-date, backward craft organizations of la- bor. Small wonder that these are be- ing wiped, out. If the present ten- dency continues as shown in the con- ditions of the United Mine Workers of America, Mr. Green, Mr. Woll, Mr. Noonan and the rest of the comfort- nble heroes now enjoying themselves in Miami, Florida, will very soon be openly working as personnel man- agers of big corporations. They will be labelled, of course, as leaders of trade unions which are mere employ- ment bureaus to supply docile, obedi- ent, efficient workers. While big capital moves forward, Green is moving backward. That’s the essence of union-managementt co- operation. ‘ And that’s the price we pay—wage cuts, lengthened hours, smashed unions, injunctions, lockouts and war. —JAY LOVESTONE. “Prosperity” By M. RENUD. “Join the army,” was the reply given to me by a parasitic looking fat man in charge of the State Em- ployment Bureau, of whom I have in vain begged for work for several weeks. Our generous patriarchs are main- taining an extensive office, feeding a number of politicians and soft job individuals, but no effort is being made by them to provide employment for starving workers, who face cold and hunger. To make matters look fine every- one applying for work is registered and subjected to a regular cross-ex- amination. Among the questions are: Are you a member of some club or party; are you a citizen; were you ever jailed; have you ever taken charity? etc. + 4 « After you finally survive the in- quisition, you are told to move on, “nothing open,” and given the op- portunity of viewing the attractive display in the window telling about the wonderful things the army offers. Throughout the day there are seen bands of men, upon whose faces there is inscribed the grim sign of starva- tion, hopelessness and tragedy. The more fortunate ones return to their homes, others, the homeless and destitute, wander down to the Bowery and Zero’s, seeking shelter and pro- tection from the brutal wave of cold, only to find an inscription, “All filled up to capacity.” At night the Salvation Army gets busy; into its dirty halls along the world’s renowed trail of wretched- ness, there flock men, to warm their frozen bodies, but in return for their religious exaltation, they are not given bread but thrown out into the gutter. Come at night to the Bowery, and what you will see will surpass your imagination. Under the dim lights and the noise of the elevated, there are seen dark shadows like phantoms, wandering, where, why? Into the unknown and the dark- ness, they stream, ever increasing in number, to await another day of end- less suffering and torture. This is prosperity, our fathers have decreed; they in the palatial mansions, leading a life of bloody exploitation, knowing but of leisure and prosperity. But to the hundreds of thousands of unemployed, it is a period barely survived, it brings them near the verge of inevitable starvation for themselves and their dependents, = in the near future. It is the only thing left for the working class to emancipate themselves from wage