The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 23, 1928, Page 6

ceiaseees ee ne a eo es ; their duty Page THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, JANUARY 23, 1928 THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Ine, Daily, Except Sunday 83 Fiest Street, New York, N. Y. a Cable Address: ro} f SUBSCRIPTION RATES Sy Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): #8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $ six months $2.50 three months. $2.00 three months, Phone, Orchard 1680 “Daiwork” ‘Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. gee} isditor. ...-ROBERT MINOR = Agsistant Editor.. ...WM. F. DUNNE Enterea as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥., under the act of March 3, 1879. The Goal of Wall Street Diplomacy In Havana—The Weapon of the Masses “For once,” says the New York World’s Havana correspond- ent, “it looks as if the United States had won a diplomatic vic- tory. The other delegations are puzzled where they are not muzzled.” The “muzzling” part of the above undoubtedly is true but it is not that the delegations which are entirely the private property of Wall Street are “puzzled” that is preventing an outbreak of protest against American imperialism at Havana. Wall Street diplomacy has been conducting a series of heavy- handed maneuvers in Latin America in preparation for the con- ference. It is estimated that Latin American countries expect to borrow a minimum of $300,000,000 from Wall Street in 1928 and government, provincial, municipal and corporation issues totaling this amount are ready to be placed. | There is hardly a Latin American country that is not con- templating a loan and it is here that Wall Street finds the fulcrum | from which to apply its lever of financial pressure and suppress embarrassing protests. | Just as British diplomacy was held to be the most skilled in the world when British finance capital dominated the money mar- kets and colonial borrowers were forced to go to London, so today it is possible for the correspondents of the imperialist press to report that “through the whole warp and woof of the fabric that is being woven” moves what the Havana papers describe as the ‘moble, and apostolic figure of Mr. Hughes.” The Hughes policy, when he was secretary of state, was a policy of iron—and gold. He carries out the same policy in Havana today that Kellogg and Coolidge follow in Nicaragua but, try as he may, the gilt cannot conceal the glimmer of the bayonets. The puppet delegates from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua, etc., do not need to be muzzled. Their function is to muzzle the masses. For the delegates from other countries Wall Street either dangles the golden bait of a loan or threatens to create a financial crisis by withdrawing financial support. The real representatives of the masses, especially those from Haiti and Nicaragua are kept away from Havana by the bayonets of American marines and the subservient Machado government of Cuba, which closes its ports of entrance to these enemies of American imperialism. In addition to this American diplomacy has been fanning into flame the sparks of antagonism between various Latin American countries. Its policy of Pan Americanism is actually a policy of creating and intensifying all possible conflicts among the Latin American republics. To consolidate the bloc of nations under the rule of its agents and to divide the other nations into warring groups is the main object of American diplomacy at the Havana conference. “Divide and conquer’ is the slogan of Morrow, Hughes, Coolidge and Kellogg. The Communist Party of Cuba puts the issue squarely in its Statement on the conference: “The real problems of America will not be settled in the Pan- American Conference. “Tf those problems are presented in all their crudity there is one benefit which could be derived from it: the clash between the naked truth and hypocrisy, unmasking once and for all the policy of Washington with respect to Latin America. “Aside from that remote possibility nothing can be expected. “There can be no concord between oppressed peoples and the representatives of their oppressors and dictators. : “Only through the struggle of the workers and peasants can the peoples of America obtain their liberty.” To unite the mass organizations of the workers and farmers of the United States with the mass organizations of the Latin American peoples in a joint struggle against imperialism is the way to defeat the conspiracy against the lives and liberties of the | masses that the Havana conference furthers. And the specific task of the Latin Americans is not to play the miserable roles of supernumeraries on the stage of United States imperialism as set at Havana, but to break with the agents of Wall Street and create a powerful bloc of Latin American nations against the United States ruling class. Its only allies in the United States are the workers and impoverished farmers who suffer under the Same despotism which is laying at the Havana conference more sinister plans for further ravaging of the southern republics. The Lesson Learned in Haverhill i Five thousand members of the Shoe Workers’ Protective Union are on strike in Haverhill, Massachusetts, against the latest e _ wage-cut decision handed down by the $10,000 a year “impartial” arbitrator, half of whose salary is paid by the manufacturers and half by the union. This treacherous and disgraceful arrangement was imposed upon the workers of Haverhill by the reactionary officials, Daniel J. Fitzgerald and John D. Nolan, respectively sec- retary and president of the national organization. A couple of a Seth ago these labor fakers participated in a parade through ie streets of the city of Haverhill to give’a public exhibition of the “peace and harmony” that existed in the industry. Every attempt of the rank and file to stop the series of wage- ¢ut decisions was met by the union officials with threats of ex- ‘pulsion and in one case Fitzgerald and Nolan signed the name of the Shoe Workers’ Protective Union to a strike-breaking employ- er’s advertisement for scabs. Their excuse was that a strike was ‘a violation of the arbitration agreement and that no matter how ch suffering the employers forced upon the workers it was | s union officials, to uphold the fraud even to the ex- tent of aiding the scab-herders. industry in Haverhill, indicates that at last the shoe workers have | learned the lesson that all workers must inevitably learn—that | ; there never has been nor will there ever be an impartial arbitrator | in a struggle between capital and labor. It is to be hoped that the shoe workers follow up their action | against arbitration with a definite move to eliminate Nolan and |‘ Fitzgerald, who have proved long ago, in Brooklyn, in Haverhill, and in Rochester, that they are more concerned about the welfare The present walk-out of 5,000 shoe workers, half of the entire | - of the bosses than they are about the interests of the workers who pay them their ae THE “BATTLE OF FLOWERS” aca NM MEHR INCH By Fred Ellis “We will get out of Nicaragua—as soon as possible,” says Charles Evans Hughes; “we are here by request.” The Havana Conference ---The Naval Armament Race --- Peace or War” By WILLIAM F. DUNNE, Dispatches from London state that the British foreign office “is watch- ing developments at Havana closely and that President Coolidge’s speech is undergoing the sharpest scrutiny.” The Havana conference, held at a time when Wall Street policy and methods in Latin-America are sharply outlined by the invasion of Nicaragua, is having repercussions throughout the world and especially in Great Britain. British and American Investments. British investments in Latin-Amer- ica total $5.200.000,000. This is but slightly under the total of American investments-—$5,260,000,000, ing to the latest estimates. All for- eign investments in» Latin-America total something over $7,000,000,000, exclusive of American investment, so that it is clear that British and Amer- ican imperialism are the two nations with the greatest stake in this rich field. Reasons for British Interest. The armed advance of Wall. Street government into Latin-America and its attempts to stifle all opposition to intervention at the Havana confer- ence cannot but rivet the attention of Britain, its chief imperialist rival, on develcpments there. Great Britain has not given up hope of extending her influence in Latin-America. The rise of American imperialism to a dominant position in Latin-America has taken place in the period since 1914 and was made pos- cible by the crisis in British finance precipitated by the world war. Britain and the Two Canals. Great Britain did not look kindly upon the opening of the Panama Canal which gave American goods easy access to the western coast of South America, shortened the distance to Australia and made the American navy a far more powerful factor in the Far East. Certainly British im- perialism would be only too glad to prevent the building of an additional canal through Nicaragua if a way could be found. Wall Street Strategy. American imperialist stratery has for its immediate purpose the mak- ‘ne of the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico into an American lake. This purpose has been carried out success- fully with four exceptions: outside and to the northeast of the string of islands under American domination ‘Cuba, Hai'i, Porto Rico, Virgin Is- lands) which are in reality fortifica- tions protecting the Panama Canal, are the Bermudas; inside this rough semi-circle is Jamaica; to the east and south is another group of British- owned islands, interspersed by other islands under French ownership; to the south is British Guiana (French ond Dutch Guiana as well) and to the west is British Honduras. Naval Bases. British imperialism, in addition to its huge investments, has therefore a number of potential naval and mili- tary bases in Latin-America from ich there is a possibility of threat- ing the Panama Canal and carry- ing out damaging raids on American shipping. The breakdown of the Geneva con- ference for the limitation of naval armaments called attention to the growing impe ist conflict between at Britain and America, and the Havana conference, inasmuch as it marks a further step in the applica- tion of the Wall Street program, must be judged not only from the stand- Rmot of United States ang Latin- accord- | American policy, but also from the effect is has on world imperialist politics. Whom They Have In Mind. Just as the $725,000,000 immediate building program demanded by sec- retary of the navy is planned with Great Britain and the principal op- ponent in mind, so are British naval experts and statesmen making their plans with America in mind. It is apparent from some of the recent statements that the British admiralty has not given up hope of strengthen- ing its bases at points where there would be a prospect of making an effective stand against the most pow- erful forces that American imperial- ism could mobilize. Already there is speculation as to the probability of war with the United States and the strategy and tactics that would best serve in the event such a war should ne declared, Kenworthy’s Book. Lieutenant-Commander Kenworthy, a labor member of parliament at present and a member of the Admi- ralty War Staff, 1914-18, in his re- cent book “Peace or War,”* speaks very frankly as to the possibility of war with the United States and em- phasizes the important part that could be played by a battle fleet based on naval stations in and around the Carribbean. The Canal Again. Kenworthy says: “If all.agreement for the limita- tion of naval armaments breaks down, if the Washington agree- ment is not renewed, if a naval shipbuilding race commences be- tween the British and American navies, it would be perfectly logi- eal, ard there wotld be no just grounds for complaint, if Jamaica were re-established as a great naval dockyard and arsenal. Yet it is so far inside the orbit of the Amer- ican navy that it could only be held at very great cost. Halifax and Bermuda would be more defen- sible; but Halifax, as well as Ber- muda, if prepared for modern naval needs would cause the Canadian people to think very furicusly. The fortification of Jamaica and its pre- paration to receive a British battle fleet would set public opinion in America ablaze. For a stror# naval force at Jamaica is a real threat to the Panama Canal. “Yet why should the American people complain. Let us be honest with each other.” (Our Emphasis.) Jamaica and Singapore. Kenworthy then goes on to show that Great Britain has just as much right to build a naval base at Kings- ton, Jamaica, as she has to build the one she is now working on at Singa- pore. Kenworthy argues: “Where England and America are concerned, the question of Jamaica is not different in its nature to the building of the British fleet itself “Jamaica has been British terri- tory since 1655. We have every right to do what we like on our own territory. Under the Washington troaty limits were set to the estab- lishment of new fortified bases in certain areas, But Jamaica is not a new base. The dockyards of Ja- maica and Halifax have come down to us from the Napoleonic wars. We should have as much right to bring them up to date as we have to install the latest geared turbine engines or internal combustion ma- chinery in our new cruisers. (Our Emphasis.) Kenworthy, it must be understood, is not arguing for war on America er for war against any nation. His book is intended to warn of the war danger and it is for this reason he gives the official attitude on these questions. That he speaks with au- thority cannot be doubted. The Caribbean Area. The Caribbean area is much in the minds of the British imperialists these days precisely because of the strong American offensive in*Latin-America which threatens to destroy British prestige entirely and freeze ont Brit- ish investments there. “The Recognizable Possibility.” The conclusion arrived at by Ken- worthy is that we must face “the recognizable possibility of an Anglo- American struggle.” This, he says, is what would happen in the event of such a strugg'e: “The object of Washington and London alike would be to bring such pressure to bear on the opposing gov- ernment as to compel it to sue for peace. The loss of the whole of Can- ada would not bring such pressure to bear upon the British people. Nor would the loss of the British West Indian possessions inflict any vital in- jury on the British Empire. On the other hand, successful British naval action in the Carribbean and the de- struction of the Panama Canal would inflict a heavy blow at the American ctratecical position and might decide the attitude of Japan. Our Empha- cis.) “It is awful to think of an Anglo- Japanese alliance against America, but we MUST think of it.” _(Empha- sis in the original.) Rapid Aggression. Tt is in the onward march of Wall Street imperialism into Latin-Amer- iea, its contemptuous attitude toward all rivals and the huge naval build- ing program now before congress, all carried on at a faster tempo since the collapse of the Geneva conference, that we must look for one of the principal reasons for the rapid in- erease in the antagonisms between the British and American imperialism. Land warfare on any large scale is impossible between Britain and America altho terrible casualties could and would be inflicted upon the inhabitants of the coastal areas. But the war would be fought principally by navies and naval aircraft activi- ties and this is why the attitude of the rulers of both countries on the issue of naval building programs is decisive. “Terrible’—But True. Kenworthy says: “An Anglo-American war is ter- rible to think about. But we must think of it, and face the possibility. For if this possibility does not ex- ist, why compare the respective. navies af America and Great Bri- tain? What does it matter to con- gressmen and senators at Washing- ton, and American publicists and political leaders generally, what size fleet Britain can dispose of? What Joos it matter to London, and British members of parliament, hereditary peers, civil servants, ad- mirals and journalists, how big a y America has? Yet on both of the Atlantic the cries for “parity,” “safety,” “security,” and “preparedness” rise to high heaven.” (Emphasis Ours.) The Truthful Admiral. The “hands across the sea” stuff is wearing thin. Altho Secretary of the Navy Wilbur states that his building program was planned “with- cut considering the relative strength of this nation with either Japan or Great Britain,” Admiral Hughes, who is the real organizer of the navy de- partment’s is far more frank, Testifying before the Naval Af- fairs Committee, Admiral Hughes made some important admissions. Asked by Congressman Vinson: “Wasn’t it a fact that Great Britain’s submarine program was taken into ccnsideration?” Admiral Hughes re- plied: “I would say yes.” ° Congressman Gambrill then took up the matter: “Now that the bars ere down on the subject, I’d like to ask if, in preparing this program, con- sideration was not given to the fleet Great Britain would have in 1937?” Admiral Hughes replied: “Yes.” Imperialism’s Class Enemies. Since battle fleets are not built for anything else than war. and in a war between Great Britain and the United States the navies would play a de- eisive part, it seems clear that Brit- ish and American imperialism are arming against each other. . They arm also against their own working class and exploited farmers und against the colonial peoples. The United States is experiencing in what is yet a very narrow field in Latin- America, the beginning of mass re- volts such as have shaken British im- perialism in China and India. As American policy culminates in wider and more brutal aggressions, as these in turn are met with a thousand San- dinos instead of one, the murderous role of naval armaments in colonial wars will explain much that is now covered with a veil of mystery to millions of the masses. No Place for Fourth-Raters. The Havana conference, the im- mense naval building program before congress and the world imperialist struggle cannot be separated. The composition of the Wall Street dele- gation shows that the Pan-American Union is no longer regarded as a hody to furnish places for fourth- rate diplomats. Morrow and Hughes, the president of the United States himself, are mobilized for this gath- ering which is watched so carefully by all foreign offices. Aggressive Expansion. American imperialism wants to ex- rand its Latin-American markets. It wants additional sources of cheap raw materials in Latin-America—it has its eyes on the oil resources of Vene- ruela and Colombia—as well ay those of Mexico—which Britain also needs. It wants additional fields for capital investment. American imperiaiism wants an- other canal through Nicaragua and additiona! naval and military bases. In all these fields American and British imperialism face one another as rivals--the guns of their navies are trained on each other when they can be spared from massacreing Nicaraguans, Chinese, Haitians and natives of India. When the struggle of the American and British masses rises to a high point the guns of the imperialist rulers are trained on them. 7 Havana Means New Conflicts. The Havana Conference marks an intensification of imperialist antag- onisms, the preparation for new on- slaughts upon the Latin-American peoples and increasing militarization of the masses in the United States. Wall Street government appears at the Havana conference in a more ag- gressive role—commercially, indus- trially, finencially, politically and militarily—than ever before. i The Havana conference is in this sense a war conference. Jn the United States, in Canada, in Great Britain and throughout Latin- merica the Communist Parties have program, SPARKS From the NEWS TE irregular Republican, Senator Norris, is quite excited over the turn of events in the Sinclair-Burns incident. Mr. Norris is awakening to the fact that the District of Columbia court is not trying Sinclair and Burns who are guilty of the blackest type of corruption that the corrupt American government has yet perpetrated, but is actually trying the prosecuting at- torneys, who, for a while, was com- pelled to make some pretence at pros- ecuting the culprits. The trouble with Mr. Norris and his friends and those who follow them is that they do not see far enough, Mr. Norris says, that the judge, Jus- tice Siddons, is guilty of ‘an abuse of power.” This is nonsense, Mr. Sid- dons is not guilty of any abuse of power. He is guilty of fullest use of power of the bourgeoisie. This is the mission of the American court system. The American judiciary system is the cornerstone of the whole fake democracy with which the workers of this country are cursed. Senator Norris does not realize it but the fact of the matter is that this whole line of talk of the “abuse of power” is ut- terly ridiculous and dangerous. So long as the workers are told that the courts are abusing power they will be continuing to place false hopeS and faith in:the courts. The American court system cannot be cured. It cannot be improved. The court system is part and parcel of the whole strike-breaking machinery. It is the very heart of the strike- breaking machinery. It must be smashed along with the rest of the strike-breaking apparatus at the dis- posal of the employer. As the class war sharpens, the court system more and more serves as the agency of the exploiters. The fight of the workers against the courts is not over abuse of power but over the use of the power givén them by the capitalists for destroying the labor movement. We must so develop the strength of the working class political and in- dustrial movement as to prevent the courts from using power. This is what Norris cannot see. That is why Norris is of no service to the workers and the exploited far- mers. —JAY LOVESTONE. Youth Conference For Miner Relief Starts in Boston BOSTON, Mass., Jan. 22.—A Youth Conference for miners’ relief was held here today at the Cap Makers Hall at which many young people’s or- ganizations were represented. The following organizations agreed to be- gin relief work: The youth branch of the Independent Workmen’s Circle, The Chelsea Progressive Social Club, Student body of the Workers School, Young Workers League, South End Social and Educational Club, Up- holsterers’ local No. 37, Workmen’s Educational Institute and a number of other organizations notified that they would join in the work for miners’ relief. Milka Sablich, the young leader of the Colorado strikers addressed the conference pointing out oppres- sive measures used by the companies and the government agencies against the miners. An Executive Committee composed of the representatives of all organi- zations present was elected. It was decided to begin raising relief im- mediately for the miners on strike in Pennsylvania, Ohio and Colorado, thru collections, the holding of a dance, mass meetings and contribu- tions from organizations and individ- uals. All other young people’s or- ganizations are called upon to af- filiate with the Youth Conference and send the names of their representa- tives to Youth Conference for Miners’ Relief, 5 Esmont Street, Dorchester, Mass, care of Mr. B, Clayman. USSR Minister in Japan TOKIO, Jan. 22.—Alexander Troy- anovsky, the new ambassador from the Soviet Union to the court of Japan has arrived in Tokio. Troyan- ovski was appointed to succeed Val- erin Dovgolevsky who arrived recently in Paris to take up his ambassadorial duties there. ‘ =—oOoooaoaqq___ the task of rallying. the masses arcund the slogan of “War Against Imperisiist War.” *“Peace or War?” by Lieuten- ant-Commander J. M. Kenworthy. With an introduction by H. G. Wells. Boni and Liveright. $2.50. This pope is valuable for its fisting of the férces making for war among the imperialist nations and the coun- tries dominated by them. It is also valuable as giving an insight into the Liberal-Labor mind. (Kenworthy left the Liberals and came over to the La- bor Party.) The book neglects the class struggle entirely, puts forward “nationalist sentiments” as the main cause of war without explaining how nationalist prejudices are manipulated to serve the interests of the imperi- alists. The struggle to abolish war is said to be a “contest between in- telligence and sentiment.” The au- thor advocates the “outlawing of war” as the sole remedy. : 4 |