The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 19, 1928, Page 6

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Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Ine. “ Daily, Except Sunday $3 First Street, New York, N. Y. Phone, Orchard 1680 Cable Address: SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months, $2.00 three months. “Daiwork” "Address and mail out checks to ~ A THE DAILY WORKER, 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. Rditor.. tery . .-ROBERT MINOR Assistant Editor .. WM. F. DUNNE Entered as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥., under the act of March 3, 1879. Further Indications of a Slackening of Industrial Activity-- Unemployment-~The Fight to Overcome It Decreases in the total loadings of all commodities have been reported by the American Railway Association for the week end- ing January 7. All districts reported decreases. While total car loadings were higher than for the previous week, which included the Christmas holiday, the total was 179,828 cars below the same period in 1927 and 153,560 below the same week in 1926. Freight traffic, measured in net ton miles showed a decrease in November last of 20.8 percent in the eastern district as against the same month of 1926, the southern district showed a decrease of 13.8 percent and the western district a decrease of 4 percent. Car loadings and freight movements are one of the most reliable measures of industrial activity and these substantial de- creases in the latter part of 1927 and the first part of 1928 point to a steady decline in practically all major lines of industry. The declines in the car loadings of coal, coke and ore are espe- cially noticeable and important since they indicate the depression in basic industry. The decrease in the movements of these com- modities range approximately from 30 to 50 percent as against the same period in 1926 and from 10 to 30 percent under the same week in 1927. For the working class these figures mean that depression and | unemployment are advancing with rapid strides. Many factors are contributing to the depression and its ac- companying unemployment—the speed-up system, inability of the workers to buy back as much as they produce because of the wide margin between their production and their wages, competition in the world markets, etc.—but the effects of this condition is what workers feel. In concrete cases, such as the anthracite region, conservative labor officials estimate permanent and part time employment at 50 percent. This means that in this section alone there are be- tween 70,000 and 80,000 workers jobless. As the depression goes deeper similar crises arise in other sec- tions and while there are as yet no fully accurate figures on the number of unemployed the length of the breadlines in the indus- trial centers and the increase in the applications for aid from municipalities and charitable institutions show that unemploy- ment has set in with an intensity which gives the lie to the apos- tles of “permanent prosperity” in the United States. The labor movement can meet the issue of unemployment— a mighty weapon in the hands of the capitalists for their attack on the living standards of the working class and the crippling of “Yts organizations—only by demanding and compelling industry and government to bear the burden of maintenance of jobless workers and their families. The idea that such aid is charity must be discarded and these demands fought for as a major part of the working class program. Neither must those members of our class whom the capital- ists condemn to the heartbreaking mental and physical torture that accompanies unemployment, be left to shift for themselves. The unemployed must be organized as part of labor’s army and the bosses deprived of any opportunity to use the jobless workers to beat down the living standards of our class. Organization of the unemployed as, part of the labor move- ment, maintenance at trade union wages of the unemployed by government and industry, organization of the unorganized, the abolition of the speed-up, shortening the work day and the work week—these are immediate measures which the labor movement can press’ forward with and use the present period of depression to strengthen the whole working class fighting front. Coupled with these measures, and as their focus, the work for the organization of a labor party must be carried on with the greatest energy. Only by an offensive of this kind, the stimula- tion and organization of which is a major task of the Communists and the left wing workers, can the living standards of the masses ‘be maintained and the labor movement brought through the pres- ent crisis bigger and stronger than ever before. The Internal Conflict in Nicaragua The conservative majority in the Nicaraguan chamber of deputies, partisans of the lackey of Wall Street, President Adolfo Diaz, and his associate in imperialist grovelling, Emiliano Cham- orro, who engineered Wall Street’s coup d’etat against the duly constituted government that opposed yankee aggression, now comes forth with a tirade against certain features of American intervention. It does not oppose intervention as such, but objects to the agreement with the liberal renegade, Moncado, who, they say, is now the favorite of Wall Street. These deputies state that “The conservative party does not oppose American supervision of the elections, but it does not accept the electoral law, because it violates the constitution and infringes the national sovereignty.” It is rather late for the supporters of Diaz and Chamorro to speak of national sovereignty since they themselves were the ant tools that helped pave the road for the entrance of the United States marines and the subsequent wholesale butchery of Nicaraguans, in order to destroy national sovereignty. This con- servative majority only objects to the intervention inasmuch as it supports a proposed election law that prevents either Diaz or Chamorra running in the elections for president. American imperialist policy in relation to Diaz and Chamorro is obvious. Both these traitors to and assassins of their own peo- ple have become thoroughly discredited as a result of the debased roles they had to play in order to serve their imperialist master. Hence the Wall Street diplomats have decided to place them on the shelf at least for the present and to use the liberal flunkey, Moncado for further murderous campaigns. Hence the indigna- tion of the conservatives. It is merely a contest in flunkeyism. Diaz and Chamorro take a leaf from a chapter of the history of the labor fakers in the United States, also agents of capitalism, who only fight when their places as labor lieutenants are in danger. They fight only long enough to get their price and then again resume their roles as flunkeys. Let no one imagine that the conservatives in Nicaragua have THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JANUARY 19, 1928 R! DR. KELLOGG AND MR. WILBUR By Fred Ellis While Secretary of State Kellogg puts out fake peace programs, Secretary of the Navy Wilbur embarks on an enormous cruiser and airplane building program. Statement of Y. W. L. on the Y. P.S. L. Suspensions It has come to the attention of the District Executive Committee of the Young Workers League of America, District 2 that four members of the Young People’s Socialist League were suspended for a period of three months by the City Central Com- mittee. The charges against them were that they permitted a member of the Y. W. L. to speak at a mass meeting for Miners’ Relief held in Brownsville, Sunday, December 10, 1927. The suspensions are of the great- est importance. The leadership of the Y. P. S. L. has begun to adopt the ruthless methods of expulsion and suspension that the official leader- ship ot the S. P. has been practicing for years—first against the left wing in 1919 and thén against any ele: ments that have dared to oppcse the reactionary policies of the S. P. in re- cent years. Former members of the Y. P. S. L. went over with the left wing almost completely, eventually forming the Y. W. L., the inheritor of the revolutionary traditions of the American working class youth. In the ranks of the Y. P. S. L. today, any elements that dare fight for the united front—as Diamond and Kauf- man in 1926, who were suspended for one year—are intimidated, suspended and then expelled if they refuse to abandon their ideas. The petty bourgeois leadership of the Y. P. S. L. is clearly shown by the statement of Ben Goodman, city secretary, forbidding Communists to speak at Y. P. S. L. meetings at the very time the “Poale Zionists,” a petty bourgeois organization, was in- vited. Their hypocritical stand is made more evident inasmuch as they haye gone on record to support the “Youth Conference for Miners’ Relief,” at which the Y. W. L. and thirty-seven other youth organizations partici- pated. That there are sincere elements in the Y. P. S. L. who are honestly for a united front with working class youth organizations is shown by the vote of thirty-two to eight, allowing the League member to speak. It is the pressure of the reactionary lead- ership that prevents the broadening of the united front and a real strug- gle on the part of the rank and file, on such immediate problems as the Miners’ Relief, War Danger, Against Militarism. The Y. W. L. is the only organiza- tion that fights forthe interests of the working class youth. It is the leader in all the problems that affect the lives of the youth in their every day struggle. It carries out, as its duty to the young workers of this country, a merciless struggle against these organizations that give only lip- service to the every day struggles, bringing only confusion and vacillation into the ranks of the working youth The Y. W. L. has shown in all its activities that it has and will co Coal Operators Trying BELLAIRE, Ohio., Jan. 17.—Ac- cording to report,.the coal operators intend to open the Dunglen mine near Dillonvale open-shop. They normally employ 600 men. Near Steubenville, the miners organized 250 strong antl drove the scabs from the mine. In Martins Ferry the United States Steel Corporation owns a mill. They are starting 12 more mills and wii operate their mine (open-shop) to supply the mills with coal. In Pom- eroy, the union has been practically wiped out. In and around Gloucester and Athens, no attempts on a big scale have as yet been made to operate the mines open shop, for the men are on the watch and any at- tempt made is met by action from the men. Ohio is to be smashed the seme way they are trying to destroy Pennsylvania. The same companies operating mines in Pennsylvania are operating mines in Ohio. Operators Have Plan. Governor Donahey called the opera- tors and miners to a meeting. The miners accepted—the operators told the governor to go to hell. They have their own plans—which were an- nounced the day after the governor called the meeting. They offer $5 a, day for men, with the idea that the scale must always be a “competitive” $5, then West Virginia, Kentucky and Tennessee will be reduced, and—ac- cording to the plan—the Board, com- posed of four miners and four opera- tors, plus a “master” whom the eight would select, if they do not agree, will, after three months, gather once more and fix the scale once more. Every union miner knows what this means—a further reduction of the scale. ‘ The miners are alive to this fact— and turn down the offer with scorn. They know that the scale is not the question—but the union, They know that once the union consents to a “modification” of the scale, which means a grading downward—t he union will be shot. Some Believe Donahey Hence there will be no meeting of the miners and operators, al.hough many miners have faith in Donahey. They might as well have faith in Seeretary of Labor. Davis and, Presi- dent Coolidge, whose man, Senator Johnson of California, introduced a bill into Congress the other day, which will put an end to all strikes of the miners. And this bill was in- troduced with the approval of the administration. tS One of the worst features of the situation in the Gloucester section is that men go about openly talking about a “modification of the scale.” one—that is not competitive for the | Who but a miner not working in tie coal operators—-but fer the miners. interests of the union would do this? The moment the union miners accept 'He must recognize that a lower scale gade liberal, has sold out to the dollar despotism, and the former servants of the interventignists, Diaz and Chamorro, feel that they have been double-crossed and that Moncado is scabbing upon them. i * The internal conflict in Nicaragua is not an indication of a! change in United States policy, but merely a continuation’ of the same relentless aggression carried out with new tools. At certain stages a certain type of lackey is satisfactory. At other stages other individuals are required. Moncado will carry out the same policies that have thus far been advanced by Diaz and Chamorro. The forces in Nicaragua, now fighting with arms in hand against American imperialism in the army of Sandino, are the only determined anti-imperialist elements in that country and it is to be hoped that ever larger numbers of the population rally to the support of the fighting forces and continue the drive against suddenly become opponents of imperialism. Moncado, the rene-|the ravager of small nations—the government of Wall Street. operate with all young workers’ or- ganizations on the “Miners’ Relief” and other vital and immediate prob- lems to all young workers. The Y, W. L. calls upon the rank and file to demand of their officials a real every day struggle for carry- ing out Miners’ Relief, War Danger. Fight Against Militarism, ete. It calls upon the rank and file to de- mand of officialdom that no attempt be made to divide the forces of the young workers and to insist upon joint action of all young workers’ or- ganizations on immediate problems. The Y. W. L. calls upn the rank and file to support the fight of the sus- pended members for their favoring of united action with the Y. W. L. on “Miners’ Relief”; to let their reac- tionary leadership know that they are not fooled by paper resolutions, but want real and militant cooperation with those workers’ organizations putting up a militant struggle for the interest of the working clas: youth. to Smash Ohio Unions jwill not put Ohio in a more favored position, for it will continually be in competition with the non-union fields, and with one reduction, the read is open for continual reductions, in “competition” with the non-union 'fields. In Eastern Ohio, mines are opera- ting open shop—the Webb mine and the Glens Run mine. Scabs working for the same companies in Pennsyl- vania are being imported and put to work in the Ohio mines. ‘The “sanc- tity of property” is above the rights of miners, and the operators are given the full protection of the Iaw. But at Steubenville, the miners went out 250 surong and drove the scabs out of the camp. This was tne right spirit. With the legai allotment of pickets, the fight is becoming a joke—if not a Tragedy. At one mine the three pickets were driven off the picket line by the scabs, who were armed with picks, pick-handles and with guns. That is what the situa- tion will develop into on a broad scale if miners do not violate the injunc- tion and go out in masses on the picket line. Judges, some directly tinked up with the moneyed interests, by Coolidge appointments have is- sued the injunctions in the in-erest of the coal operatgrs. Should the miners have any regar@ for such injunctions? To do so means to play into the hands of the coal operators—and to destroy the union. “Save the Union.” The miners of Eastern Ohio recog- nize this and are beginning to move. They have heard about the conference neld in Pittsburgh on January 4th, ‘and recognize that what was dis- j cussed there applies in like measure ;to Ohio. What is to be done? The same policy must be applied-— and any one who gets in the way and tries to oppose or sabotage the policy will prove his lack of interest in the Union and must be swept aside. Starve Without Relief. Relief is the great question. Some of the locals have not seen a penny of relief—and some of them are get- ting so little, that they cannot give their men more than 50 cents in two weeks. Some are literally starving on this relief, for their credit is ex- hausted at the stores—the merchants will not carry the men any longer. What is to be done? Relief must be raised at any cost. The entire American working class must be mobilized for relief—both the organ- ized and unorganized workers. It can be done, if the cause of the miners is brought to them in the proper manner, _ The eyes of the miners are open- ing—a new spirit is entering into the fight. Pitisburgh was the beginning of a real fight of the miners to save the union. The fight will spread and will be won! Our Major Campaign By MAX BEDACHTs ae major campaign of our Work- ers (Communist) Party at the present moment is the Labor Party campaign, This campaign has as its primary object the breaking away of the work- ing masses from the support of capi- talism. Labor Party Slogan Will Win Workers. The American working class, un- fortunately, does not yet exist as an ideological unit. The American working class consists of millions of workers who are capitalists from their eyes up; and while the economic status of the worker determines his social class, yet it is the mind of the worker that determines whether he is conscious of ‘his social status and is willing to fight for an improvement for his class, or whether he is bliss- fully ignorant of his social status and is a willing fighter in the ranks of an enemy class against his own. The slogan for a Labor Party is the concrete formulation of the gen- eral aim of winning away the work- ers from the support of the capitalist class. Labor Party Is Unifying Slogan. In the future, as heretofore, our Party will react to all important events in the class struggle with campaigns. These campaigns, how- ever, will not be independent and dis- jointed actions, but will all be made to support the main campaign “For a Labor Party.” This will make possible a thorough mobilization, ideological and organi- zational, for the carrying through of the campaign. It will supply one uniting slogan to all immediate ac- tions of our Party. Labor Party in 1928. 1928 gives our Party an opening for, this intensification of our Labor Party campaign; it opens the mfhds of the masses of workers to the dis- cussion of political problems, which we know should be the workers’ prob- lem always, not only on election year, but which the workers still leave out of consideration completely except on election years. Labor Party Slogan in all Struggles. The present struggles of the work- ers in the mining field, the open use of state power against the workers, the role of injunctions, the renewal of attack against the foreign-born workers, and last but not least, the local issues in the various localities supply the base for our Labor Party propaganda and agitation. It is these issues which supply the avenues of approach to the class-un- conscious American worker. All of our Party units, especially our Agit- prop Directors in the district, sub- districts, sections and lower Party units, will take up their duties in connection with the Labor Party with a clear understanding of this only possible approach. There must not be a Party unit meeting held without discussion of methods of carrying through this major campaign of our Party. There wust not be any sort of a campaign of the Party and its units which does not lead in a direct or indirect way toward this main stream of Party ac- | tivity, “For a Labor Party.” “Doesn’t Know His Class” Reader Writes War Vet on Attack on Daily Editor, DAILY WORKER: Many letters are being received b; The DAILY WORKER citing the con ditions under which the workers ip this country are being oppressed and when they arise to protest, they ar faced with jail. It seems to me that it is new to those workers; to me it is an old story. Those workers hay been told many times and I tell ther now that as long as this old and rotten system will exist, it will al ways be oppression—as long as the workers all over the world, especially in this reactionary country, will no organize and understand their clas: solidarity, they will be shot down by thugs, murdered by militia, murdered by the imperialistic powers. I wish to say to the workers, especi- ally to the class-conscious workers that to organize themselves and to join the only organization, which is fighting thoir struggle day in an” day out, which is striving to free the workers from all oppression, from al! crimes which have been committed and will be committed by the imperi- alist powers, and this is the Interna- tional Labor Defense. I, the organizer of the Sacco-Van- zetti I. L. D. branch of the Bronx, which meets every first Monday of the month at 1472 Boston Road, ap- peal to the workers, especially to the Bronx workers and to all the unions and organizations to communicate with me or to appear at our next meeting and to join in a body or as individuals. —ISIDORE BRODOWSKY. + * * Editor, DAILY WORKER: Soon after I read the letter of Hae- drick Reid dated January 5th, hastened to reply. In threatening to destroy the printing presses which are printing the truth about the fl- legal war being waged against the small nation of Nicaragua, he, Hae- drick Reid, claims super-patriotism in sacrificing his own brother on tk- S-4 submarine which met disaster with the entire crew, and being a vet- recognize his own class, to which I think he belongs, the working class. His experiences might have taught him something more than the man- ner in which he expressed such vio- lence, The DAILY WORKER is a paper that fights for his interest and mine and of the working class of the world over, So before he even thinks! of dving such a thing, he should analyze his thoughts and read again The DAILY WORKER. Many such pa-_ triots have not that ability because they read trash in the yellow press. Think it over, Haedrik Reid —From a Long Island reader of“The DAILY, WORKER, The coming election campaign in ~ eran of the great war, he still cannot . an.

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