The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 9, 1928, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MO oa eoaeiee Y, JANUARY 9, 1928 THE DAILY WORKER) Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS’N, Ine. i Daily, Except Sunday 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: “Daiwork” SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months. $2.00 three months. Phone, Orchard 1680 Addrese and mail out checks to _ THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, w York, N. Y. ROBERT MINOR Fedttor......00 o teee Assistant Editor... Entered as second-class mail at ihe post- .N. ¥., under the act of March 3 Let Us Learn From the War on Nicaragua That Wall Street's Spokesmen Are Murderous Liars—Always The war on Nicaragua is part of the program of Wall Street conquest of Latin-America. This is clear. It is also part of the whole scheme for world domination and is especially connected with American imperialist ambitions in the Far East since the canal route through Nicaragua, while designed as part of the “de- fense” of the Panama Canal, is also intended to and will at least double the mobility of the navy—make transfers of battle fleets between the Atlantic and Pacific far speedier. But while the intentions of Wall Street government are clear, its bloody war on the Nicaraguan people is marked by some special features worth noting. Not the least important of these special features is the low intrigue which has. marked the process by which the state and war departments have brought the conspiracy against the liberties of the Nicaraguans and the rest of the Latin- American peoples to the point of open warfare. Lying, chicanery, intrigue, forgery, bribery, procuring mur- der of “inconvenient” individuals, perjury, wholesale deception of the masses—these are inseparable adjuncts of the imperialist pro- gram. On the face of it, it is impossible that Nicaragua, with a total population of 640,000, could bé. a menace to American im- perialism of sufficient force to justify the dispatch of a powerful battlefleet, a sizable army and the occupation of the country. The most feeble-minded flagwaving babbitt will not believe such a preposterous statement. It was necessary therefore for the spokesmen of Wall Street to conjure up a whole series of bogeymen ranging from “Bolshe- vist plotters” to a Japanese invasion. The state department ran the whole scale of lying about more or less vague dangers originating in Nicaragua until it discovered that even the usually gullible American public was not swallowing its weird tales. Then, at the Associated Press banquet last year, President Coolidge spoke openly of the “special interests” of the United States in Nicaragua. These special interests are principally the privilege of building a canal across Nicaragua and of establishing nayal. bases on the Corn Islands and at Fonseca Bay. | Having acquired these privileges by the simple process of Wall Street financed uprising and the outright purchase of presi- dents and cabinets, the American government proceeded to con- solidate them. (In 1908 the Nicaraguan canal was already an issue. In April of that year a squadron of cruisers among which were the Washington, Colorado, South Dakota and Albany, were sent to Nicaraguan waters, with a landing force of 4,000 men. The commander, Captain Moore, had instructions to find an excuse for landing his troops. This force supported an uprising led by one Estrada who afterwards in the New York Times of September 12, 1912, admitted that he had been financed by American money. Under the Taft administration the customs receipts of Nicaragua were taken over and,a permanent force of marines established ‘in the capital.) The present President Diaz was actually elected aboard the cruiser Denver in the harbor of Corinto in October, 1926. Under the watchful eyes and in front of the bayonets of U. S. marines; a Nicaragua congress confirmed the battleship election. Diaz then asked for American aid to put down the revolu- tion against him. It was forthcoming immediately and generously. Accompanying his request for Amercan aid was a parallel re- quest for a loan of $20,000,000 and the offer to accept Wall Street financial control. Large forces were landed to suppress the popular revolution. After bitter fighting it was officially reported that the rebels were crushed. Colonel Henry L. Stimson was sent to “make peace.” He finally reported that agreement had been reached, that tp rebels had disarmed, with the exception of ‘a small band of jbandits under Sandino,” and that Diaz would remain as president with “free elections” to be held in August, 1928. Sacasa, the popular candidate against Diaz, did not agree to these proposals but his opposition was not taken seriously by the state department. Shortly after Stimson’s report was made public, new reports of desperate fighting were cabled from Nicaragua. But the state department stuck to its “bandit” story. Then came the Ocotal massacre with its estimate of “300 bandits” killed. Since then there has been continuous fighting between the American forces and the popular army led by Sandino. Then came the recent defeat of the American forces and the state department’s “bandit” myth was exploded. There was some- thing in the nature of a panic in the state and war departments and naval ‘and military forces of: major proportions were rushed to Nicaragua: The strike of the longshoremen in Corinto and the ability of Sandino’s forces to elude and harass the far better equipped and numerically superior American forces show that the Nicaraguan revolution is no “bandit uprising” but a revolution backed by the majority of the Nicaraguan people and having the sympathy of wide masses of the population in other Latin-American countries. Wall Street’s state department and its press has been caught in a monstrous campaign of lying which if believed by any great number of the American masses would take a terrible toll of workers’ and farmers’ lives in the United States and Latin-Amer- ica. the toll is already too heavy. The time has come to call a hait. But Wall Street government plans to continue its bloody con- spiracy against Nicaragua and the rest of Latin-America at the coming Pan-American Union Conference in Havana. Dispatches from Washington state that the American dele- gation will deliver an ultimatum to the conference that the Nica- raguan invasion shall not be discussed. Morrow, Coolidge, Kellogg, Hughes, Fletcher and the rest of Wall Street’s delegation will re- fuse to discuss the mass murder of Nicaraguans. From the labor movement of the United States, from the workers’ fraternal societies, cooperatives, farmers’ organizations and all other sections of the population which bear the burden of NO TALK! ———4-— PAN— AMERICAN CONFERENCE ——— By Fred Ellis While the murder of Nicaraguans continues under orders of Coolidge’s Wall Street masters, the Pan-American Conference will meet at Havana to consolidate the Wall Street empire, and the little emperor, Coolidge, orders that all delegates are to be gagged against any talk of the Nicaraguan crime. © must come such a storm of protest that for once the conquest-mad rulers of this country will know that they dare not continue their | mass murders of a people fighting for independence—mass mur- ders so brutal and shameless that history furnishes few com parisons for them. Demand the withdrawal of all U. S. armed forces from Nica- ragua. A united front with the peoples of Latin-America against | Wall Street aggression. g Learn from the war on Nicaragua that the spokesmen of imperialism are murderous liars—at all times. Do Senators Represent the People of Their States? Mr. Frank L. Smith, an Illinois politician who received his training in the notorious Kankakee political machine of Governor | Len Small, appeared before a senate committee the other day and demanded that he be seated as United States senator before any committee examines into his fitness to sit in that body. He claims he ought to be seated because the people of the state of Illinois are entitled to “full, equal and continuous representation.” This again raises the question of precisely who is represented in the houses of congress and other branches of the government.4 In the specific case of Mr. Smith it is not hard to ascertain the | fact, that his pleas on behalf of the people of the state of Illinois | are in reality camouflage to conceal his desire to sit in the senate as the agent of Mr. Samuel M. Insull’s electric power and public | utilities trust—that same Mr. Insull who made such generous con- | tributions to various shades of capitalist politicians, any one of | whom he could rely upon to serve his interests. Insull admits that he gave $125,000 to Smith’s campaign; $15,000 to George L. Brennan, the democratic opponent of Smith; $10,000 to Charles | S. Barrett associate of States Attorney Robert E. Crowe, in the| Crowe-Barrett organization; $10,000 to Roy O. West, head of the anti-Crowe republican forces, under the leadership of Senator Charles S. Deneen; besides contributing $32,000 for anti-world court propaganda. Thus, it is Mr. Insull and his interests that Smith will serve | if she is seated. When he pretends to be concerned about the rights | of the people of the state of Illinois and cotends that ¢hey now only receive half the representation to which they are entitled he really means that instead of Mr. Insull’s Illinois interests being defended only by Senator Deneen, they should be defended by both Deneen and Smith. The senators do not strive to represent the people of their states, but to represent the corporate interests AGAINST the people of their states. On a small scale the Smith episode dramatizes the whole function of the government at Washington. Certain senators rep- resent specific capitalist interests, while collectively they repre- sent the interests of the capitalist class as a whole. Above them stands the executive department of the government—at present Coolidge and his cabinet—as the executve committee of the na- tional capitalist class, The structure is capped by the supreme court composed of nine corporation lawyers, appointed for life and from whose decision there is no appeal short of revolution, which is absolved from being swayed by any momentary ‘political considerations, and who can always be relied upon to hand down decrees designed to maintain the supremacy of the ruling class against all the rest of society. . No one should labor under the illusion that the Illinois and Pennsylvania election scandals involving Frank L. Smith and William S. Vare are exceptions to the general rule or that they alone represent corporate interests opposed to the inhabitants of | their states. Every other member of the senate represents equally | sinister interests and is equally the enemy of the masses of work- | ers end farmers. The difference is that Smith and Vare used| methods so crude as to be easily detected, while the others were. more subtle in their methods of waging political campaigns and | |} were able to conceal the source of their funds more effectively. |against the frame-up system. Then there is also the capitalist politician whose “honesty” and “incorruptibility” are his chief political assets and who pretends not to be aware of efforts of the corporate interests in his behalf, Such people are so thoroughly reactionary, so incapable of think- ing in terms other than those of the dominant class that they can be relied upon always to defend the worst forms of reaction. It is this type that make the very best capitalist lackeys. Against the agents of the capitalist combines the working class and the exploited farmers should unite in a class party and select candidates that will represent their interests. Only. by eliminating the government of Wall Street and putting in its 100 N.Y. Labor Spy Agencies Organize Association Here By ROBERT DUNN, (Federated Press). Detective agencies in New York City are organizing a “One Big Union” of their own. Its chief purpose is to combat any legisiature measure cailing for regulation of dealers in labor spies. Such legislation has been partially |the campaign. |them by organized labor. successful in Wisconsin, under a law passed in 1925. A bill to investi- gate spy agencies has been introduced in Congress by Senator Wheeler. The Baumes Commission in New York City has been critical of certain agencies in their relation to crime. But the undercover men fear more than anything legislation aimed at Hence they are organizing, at least the smaller fry. A hundred such agencies were represented at a first meeting at the Bar Association Building. : Spies Incorporated. _ Appointed to the committee to draw up a preliminary charter of organi- zation and ‘secure a certificate of in- corporation were, among others, Harold Keyes, who is described as a “former secret service man;” Max Sherwood, William Garvin, a former Burns manager in New York City, and a number of ex-police captains and professional scab distributors. Keyes was exposed by the Young Democracy, a pacifist youth organi- zation, a few years ago. After being booted out of this group he was next heard of, in a few months, when he| dropped a forged letter addressed to| himself. The letter was signed by The following appeal to American workers has been written by Calogero Greco and Donato Carillo, who re- cently escaped the electric chair: “Our first thought upon our release and victory at the trial is to thank the thousands of comrades and friends and express our gratitude and ap- preciation to those who fought for our liberation from the net of fascism and the frame-up system. “The result of our trial was a vic- tory over fascism, not only of Italy, but of the hideous elements in this country that are growing in power with the aid of the reactionary forces .of American capitalism. It was a victory of the strength of the soli- darity of labor over the black forces of the frame-up system which im- prisons and kills our best fighters. To Continue Fight. “The working class, which fought with such readiness for two anti-fas- cist workers, has gained in self con- fidence and the assurance of the power it can exert against its enemies when unity and solidarity arid clear- sightedness are its weapons. It is our duty how, with this newly gained confidence, to continue further the fight which has already brought us one victory. “We heartily support the campaign the International Labor Defense We know the victims of this established institution of Amerioan capitalism. It brought to the death, on the scaffold of Cook County, the martyrs of Hay- market. It has kept imprisoned scores of the best representatives of the American working class. It con- tinues to confine labor fighters like Tom Mooney and Warren K. Billings, the members of the I. W. W. of Cen- tralia who are in Walla Walla peni- tentiary, Dominic Venturato, the of Smash the Frame-Up Greco, Carillo Urge Workers miners of Zeigler, the workers of Woodlawn and Passaic, and numerous place a workers’ and farmers’ government can the masses estab- the war danger with which Wall Street government confronts us, r lish machinery that can be used in their behalf. others in all parts of the country. It sent to the electric chair the two in- nocent martyrs of the working class, none other than Nicolai Lenin! William Garvin, former Burns manager, received full reports on Burns spies operating in Arizona mines when they were demoralizing the Industrial Workers of the World in 1928. A Hearst Spy. Max Sherwood is still more notori- ous as a union destroyer. In one strike of pressmen in New York he passed in a bill of over $100,000 for guards, commissary, and service in beating up strikers. The New York Journal, owned by Hearst, paid the bill. One of Sherwood’s right hand men then was Jerome Baum, a close friend of Hearst, who has since gone into the brokerage business. He was recently in Mexico and has been men- tioned in connection with Hearst’s pub- lication of Avila’s forged documents. Sherwood has worked on many strike breaking jobs with Nathaniel Shaw, who attempted to break the Passaic strike of 1926 for $20,000, part advanced by the mil) owners. Val O’Farrell, well known industrial operative, of 500 Fifth Ave., New York, called the dicks’ organizing meeting. System! Sacco and Vanzetti. It tried to send us to the same terrible death. The frame-up system has become an ever- ready weapon in the hands of the capitalist class in its fight to enslave the workers and crush the labor move- ment. “We must begin a campaign throughout the country to smash this poisonous system, to root it out, and to release its victims from, their prisons. Especially must we fight energetically for the release of Tom Mooney and Warren Billings, whose cause was first in our minds when we were freed in the courtroom. Those courageous and noble fighters who have suffered the frightful torture of ten years of imprisonment solely for, their loyalty to the cause of the work- ing class have a great appeal and firet claim upon the labor movement. We must fight for their active return in the same spirit and with the same energy with which the working class fought for Sacco and Vanzetti. “In our case, the lessons of the Sacco-Vanzetti fight were well learned by those who rallied to our cause. The movement of defense was already at hand when we were being prepared for the trial. The defense was ready and on guard, as it will be in the future; before we were placed in the death cell for execution. At the first sign of the plans of our enémies to send us to our death, the defense movement’ was on hand prepared for a vigorous struggle. Our case demon- strated more than ever the value of the International Labor Defense, which is constantly ready with the machinery of defense, the means of organizing the protest movement and providing legal defense and public agitation. The need of such an or- ganization, when the arrests of work- OUR MAJOR \ CAMPAIGN By MAX BEDACHT. The major campaign of our Party at the present moment is the Labor Party campaign. This campaign has as its primary object the breaking away of the working masses from the support of capitalism. Slogan Will Win Workers. The American working class, un- fortunately, does not yet exist as an ideological unit. The American working class consists of millions of workers who are capitalists from their eyes up; and while the economic status of the worker determines his social class, yet it is the mind of the worker that. determines whether he is conscious of his social status and is willing to fight for an improve- ment for his class, or whether he is blissfully ignorant of his social status and is a willing fighter in the ranks of an enemy class against his own. The slogan for a Labor Party is the concrete formulation of the general aim of winning away the workers from the support of the capitalist class. Labor Party Unifying Slogan. In the future, as heretofore, our Party will react to all important events in the class struggle with cam- . paigns. These campaigns, however, will not be independent and disjointed actions, but will all be made to sup- port the main campaign “For a Labor Party.” This will make possible a thorough mobilization, ideological and organi- zational, for the carrying through of It will supply one uniting slogan to all immediate ac- tions of our Party. Labor Party in 1928, The coming ‘election campaign in’ 1928 gives our Party an opening for this intensification of our Labor Party campaign; it opens the minds of the masses of workers to the dis- cussion of political problems, which we know should be the workers’ va —— lem always, not only on election year. but which the workers still leave out) of consideration completely except ot election years. Slogan in All Stroggles. The present struggles of the work- ers in the mining field, the open use of state power against the workers, the role of injunctions, the renewal of attack against the foreign born workers, and last but not least, the local issues in the various localities supply the base for our Labor Party propaganda and agitation, It is these issues which supply the avenues of approach to the class-un- conscicus American worker. All of our Party units, especially our Agit- prop Directors in the district, sub- +’ | districts, sections and lower Party units will take up their duties in con- nection with the Labor Party with a clear understanding of this only pos. sible approach. There must not be a Party uni meeting held without discussion of methods of carrying through this major campaign of our Party. There must not be any sort of a campaign of the Party and its units which does not lead in a direct or indirect way toward this main stream of Party activity, “For a Labor Party.” } Renan work in behalf of victimized and persecuted workers. “It was gratifying to know that in this case was unity of all forces and all shades of opinions in the labor movement. We believe that such unity as was shown in our defense is ex- emplary and must be maintained in the movement for the release of all working class fighters who are in prison or on trial for their devotion to our cause. “We feel a strong responsibility for the honorable discharge of all finan- cial obligations incurred in our de- fense and we hope that the sympa- / thizing workers will all assist in the collection of the funds still needed for this purpose. Plead For Exiles. “We appeal likewise for the victims of Italian fascism, thousands whom are today in the clutches of t! blackshirted beast, imprisoned in foulest dungeons ‘or exiled to a ter- rible existence in the islands of the | sea. Thousands of the flower of the Italian proletariat have been murdered by the blood-maddened agents of Mussolini and every day scores are added to the long list of his victims, And the fight against Italian fascism must not neglect the struggle against the fascisti in this country who initia- ted the frame-up against us. Like the fascisti in Italy, they are prepared to destroy the labor movement, to crush it or drive it underground, Their violence* and hatred is directed not only against the Italian workers this country, but against the entire working class. Ths workers must prepare now to fight them bitterly before they are confronted with a much more powerful monster that 4 will seek to crush and tear them « “Workers of America! The potsof, \ of fascism and the frame-up system) must be counteracted by our own) powerful movement of solidarity and struggle. It is a fight in which every worker must join with conviction and militancy. In the name of the blood of our martyrs and our class com- rades in the prisons of capitalism we appeal to the entire working class for | | | | fe 4 (ay j ers is growing throughout the coun- try, is more imperative than ever. Appeal to Workers. “We appeal to all class conscious workers to join the International La- bor Defense and support it in its great concerted and irvesistible action. “Rally for the struggle against in- famy and terror, against the frame- up system! pra “Free the working class soldiers from the prisons of capitalism!” —