The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 6, 1928, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Ine. | Daily, Except Sunday 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: SUBSCRIPTION RA By Mail (in New York only): By Ma $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 pe $2.50 three months, 4 Phone, Orchard 1680 | “Daiwork” | (outside of New York): $3.50 six months months, ‘ ar ‘Address and mai THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, > ROBERT M *, DUN Entered as second-class mail at the post- | the act of March 3, 1879 | of Merrie | | The Daily Worker’s Birthday One week from today The DAILY WORKER celebrates its | Fourth Anniversary. This is more than a recognition of the pass- | ing of time. It has deep political significance for the working | class of the United States and of the world. It proves that the ruthless drive against labor on the part of the mightiest imperial- ist ruling class the world has ever seen has failed to stifle the} voice of the vanguard of the working class, the Communists. When, in 1923, the drive to launch The DAILY WORKER was started, the labor mvvement had reached’ a high stage of militancy. The labor party agitation was at its peak, with hun-| dreds of thousands of workers striving to create machinery with | | which to combat the parties of capitalism. The agitation, for | amalgamation of the craft unions into powerful industrial ynions ; had profoundly affected the labor movement, even to the extent of enlisting the mildest of trade union progressives. In general the movement was on the up-grade. | In such an environment the Workers (Communist) Party waged a campaign to launch its official daily organ. But the/| reaction had set in before the first issue was off the press. The| so-called progressives, frightened at the magnitude of the move-| ment which they, themselves, had helped to build, went over to, the camp of the reaction and have since ttied to outdo in sub-| 4 » under | THE KINGLY SPORT OF FALCONING THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JANUARY 6, 1928 * were always avowed opponents of independent class action on the part of the workers. The first year of The DAILY WORKER saw the merging of a great part of the labor party sentiment into the swamp of petty bourgeois “progressivism” as exemplified by the LaFollette third party movement. Of especial significance, in this regard, was | the fact that even the Gompers machine could not support the two old parties because of the effectiveness of the labor party agi- | tation against them during the two preceding years, and found itself trailing in the wake of the LaFollettites. The favorable conditions for the survival of a Communist daily existing previous to the publication of our first issue turned leditorial dedling ‘with’ thé ‘herolé into its opposite, and a period of blackest reaction swept the labor | struggle of the Chinese masses in movement. This reaction was characterized by failure of the of- fee which shows, in addition to ficial leadership of the labor movement to fight even against the |@ complete misunderstanding of the capitalist attempts to destroy the mildest and most conservative Se or an hiner of the craft unions. When this treachery was pointed out by the | - Z . . The Statement. Communists the right-wing leaders turned with unexampled fury! ‘The writer recites some incidents serviency to the master class those in the labor movement who | By WILLIAM F. DUNNE. NDUSTRIAL SOLIDARITY in its issue for December 28, wherein the jeditor states that “policy of Industrial Solidarity is an expression of the General Executive Board,” carries an ers and not merely used all the machinery at their command | 4000 of the most militant workers _. ##ainst us, but made the most open and brazen alliances with the | ¥°° massacred and then reaches the a ne th li d th tat di hate drived: t following conclusion for which every amployers, the police an e courts in a desperate drive to exter- | imperialist, social democrat and paci- minate every vestige of revolt against wage-cuts, lengthening of | fist will thank him. hears and introduction of the whole policy of treachery known) “Movements of this kind are a he higher strategy of labor,” that euphemism for a policy of doomed to failure; the reaction de- sélling out the workers to the employers. [stroye What Cree eee ae In spite of the reaction, in spite of the drive against labor, | derstand the capitalist system are B in spite ‘of the imperialist policy of trying to crush labor at home | naturally curious as to why Commun- 4 in order that no power would challenge the international rapacity |ists Seek, encourage and _ develop . A ay wee uf A sop these abortive revolts. In doing so Fe | of the yankee imperialist monster, we have held to our course over | they act conteary to the interests of the tempestuous seas of the cla: struggle. On countless occa- | the labor movement.” (Our emphasis.) sions it seemed as though we v d be swallowed up in the hur-| A few historical comparisons will ricanes that raged against our craft. But we have weathered all help to make clear the fact that the storms and still press onward with our sails and our standards of | #ove statements, if the ideas they ’ revelution defiantly floating were incorporated into a policy for t working class, would leave There has not been 4 singi ment that could be called fa-{no recm for a struggle for power or vorabie to our existence since the day the presses at Chicago first began to grind out the Ja y 13th, 1924, edition of The DAILY | jeven for militant strike action. Some Questions. 1 WORKER. But next week. it: spite of all, we celebrate our fourth | bd anniversary. Is the writer of the statements 2 r quoted prepared to argue that the iF Paris Commune was “contrary to the The workers of the United States have an organ that can de-| interests of the labor movement?” fend their interests against the combined forces of the enemy. | Is he prepared to state that, the 3 The workers of the world, the seething masses of the colonies and | Russian Revolution of 1905. was ‘'con- | = . eM p | trary to the interests of the labor } the semi-colonies that groan under the blight of Americah im-| ovement?” ; perialism know that even here, on the soil from which sprang Is. the fact that the struggle is se 4 that imperialism, there is an ever-growing force, defiantly revo- | sharp, that workers and their leader: } lutionary, that challenges dollar despotism and calls upon them|*n the risk of being killed, to b: against all who fought for the elementary demands of the work- |of the historic struggle, says that|’ Coolidge, with his diplomatic retainers and his trained hawk, Lindbergh, goes to Havana to engage in the kingly sport of destroying the independence of some twenty Latin-American republics, By Fred Ellis Not to Support the Chinese Revolution A REPLY TO AN ARTICLE IN “INDUSTRIAL SOLIDARITY” ;used to prove that struggle should be abandoned? If this “logic” is applied to the Colorado situation, for instance, the editor of Industrial Solidarity should be clamoring for the expulsion of the leaders who permitted and led the picketing at the Columbine mine where the gunmen and state police killed five workers and wounded an- other score. Should picketing stop, the strike be called off and the miners go back on Rockefeller’s terms because there is danger of bloodshed? The Question of Guarantees. What guarantees of success does the writer in Industrial Solidarity de- mand before he will agree that strug- gle is justified? His answer probably would be that in China the workers should wait until capitalism has attained a de- velopment sufficient to make industri- al unionism possible and place the working class in a position where they could be independent of the peasantry. What This Means. To say this is to say in almost so many words that the Chinese masses are fighting a hopeless struggle and that it is far better for them to lay down their arms and wait and suffer while the imperialist powers estab- lish modern industry in which big unions can be organized. | The social democrats say it a little differently but they mean. the same thing. They maintain “that the sup- port of nationalist movements in the colonies has nothing in common with the labor movement since they aim at setting up national capitalism. The objeetive ly counter-revolutionary character of this doctrine is proved by the fact that social democrats, tike Maedonald in England, are the worst enemies of the colonial peoples and agents of imperialism. to fight with every means at hand with us in order to put an end to our joint servitude. And The DAILY WORKER is living as- surance of the vitality of this force. + Every worker who knows of the valiant history of our paper should show his or her loyalty to the cause by rallying at the various places throughout the United States where anniversary celebrations are being held, and here in New York, the capital of jonly qualification for office is a the celebration and concert at Mecca Temple one week from to- night inorder that we may be able to start the Fifth Year with more determination than ever. Little Davie Hirschfield on Dignity of Courts Magistrate David Hirschfield recently held four Communists in heavy bail for a higher court for distributing handbills against government by injunction as specifically applied to the proposed sweeping injunction against all members of the labor movement who may now or hereafter try to organize the slaves on the New York traction lines. His explanation is that he must uphold the dignity of the courts and shield them from attack. Hirschfield, himself, is a bright and shining example of the luminar who occupy the bench. Formerly a Tammany Hall henehman; he fell into disfavor when the defeated and discredited c own, ex-Mayor John F. Hylan, was beaten by a more loyal Tam- manyite. Before Hylan relinquished the office of mayor éw York, he made a number of lame duck appointments by way of rewarding his political supporters. Hirschfield, who could not get elected to a job as dog-catcher, was one of the bene- ficiaries of this policy, being appointed to his present job as magis- trate for a period of ten years at a salary of $10,000 a year. This puny individual, dwarfed mentally and physically, a. political hanger-on, after the gang he trained with is kicked out of office, is able to sit pompously upon the bench and hold workingmen a thousand times his superior in high bail because they dare to criticize the tyranny of the higher courts, presided over by crea- tures such as he, ¢ This despotic and arrogant action of Hirschfield is one more reason why the workersdgf New York should organize a labor embodied in the theory and prac “comrade.” the leaders of the coal strike in |relief of the strikers. tage it, with the result that the bor unions. murdered by the leading referred to as stinking on. prominently in the socialist Milw William Coleman, “socialist” assemblyman, state secretary of the Wisconsin socialist party and county organizer of that party has resigned all his jobs in Wisconsin to take the managership of a Colorado mine producing gold, silver, copper and lead and known | as the Butterfly Consolidated Mining and Milling Company. Vic- tor L. Berger’s Milwaukee Leader boasts of the promotion of this party. This would be the first step toward electing to office can- didates who represent the working class instead of men whose venomous hatred of the working class and a‘supine grovelling before the corporations that are wag- |ing a campaign to destroy the labor unions, American imperialism, our supporters should fill to overflowing | A Socialist Party United Front Adherents of the- second international the world over oppose unity of action on the part of the working class against the capitalist class, but they can always be relied upon by capitalism to make a united front with it against the working class. A bit of news, confirming the fact that the socialist party of the United States is a true representative of social treachery as tice of its international, appeared aukee Leader the other day. Mr. Simultaneous with this announcement A. 8. Embree, one of Colorado, endeavored to persuade the socialists of Milwaukee to arrange a united front meeting for Instead of aiding the cause of the strikers the Milwaukee socialists did everything in their power to sabo- committee for the strikers could not arrange a united front meeting in that city. Prabably they were anticipating the time that their cpmrade mine manager, Mr. Coleman, would have labor troubles of his own in the state blessed with Rockefeller company unionism and a savage force of gunmen to prevent the functioning of gentine la- ‘t was this brand of socialism that Rosa Luxemburg, later des” of the second international, From Strike to Revolution. It seems a little strange that the official organ of the Industrial Work- ers of the World, which supported the strike of the Chinese seamen in 1922 and other great strikes in other industries since that time when the working class was the base and the driving force of the nationalist move- ment directed against imperialism, should now be taking potshots at these same workers and their revolu- tionary party—which is the Commu- nist Party—when their struggles have developed to a higher form—that of open fighting against the capitalists, landlords and militarists who have sold out their country to the im- perialists, a struggle in which work- ers and peasants have joined and in which they oppose their state instru- ment — Soviets — against the state power of the imperialist agents. Another Misconception. But this attitude of Industrial Soli- darity does not seem so strange ii we read carefully the article in ques- tion and find the writer saying that there was “a controversy in the Rus- sian Communist Party, as to whether they had bet on the wrong horse in supporting what is fundamentally a bourgeois nationalist | movement.” (Chiang Kai-shek.) The inference here is that a basic question of policy was involved and that the question at issue was whether nationalist movements in the colonies should be supported by Communists and the Communist International. The Case and the Policy. This was not the case. So far as this question entered into the discus- sion at all it was relative to the method and extent of the support which should be given in this speci- fie instance and the relationship of class forces involved. The policy of the Communist Inter- national on the question of its rela- tions to nationalist revolutionary movements was adopted at the Sec- ond Congress in 1920 and was for- mulated by Lenin. We quote some extracts having a direct bearing ,on the matter we are discussing: “Foreign imperialism, imposed on the Eastern peoples, prevented them from developing socially and econo- mically side by side with their fel- lows in Europe and America. Owing to the imperialist policy of prevent- ing industrial development in the col- onies, a proletarian class, in the strict sense of the word, could not come into existence there until re- cently.... The great bulk of the population was kept in a state of illiteracy. As a result of this policy, the spirit of revolt latent in every subject people, found its expression only through the small, educated middle class.” (Our emphasis.) The Role of the Middle Class. We see then that the fact that na- tionalist movements against imperia]- ism usually are led by middle class elements in their beginning is not due to some arbitrary reason but has a historical foundation. To continue the quotation from the theses: “Foreign domination has obstructed the free development of social forces, therefore, its overthrow is the first step towards a revolution in the col- onies. So to help to overthrow the foreign rule in the colonies is not to endorse the nationalist aspirations of ‘he native bourgeoisie, but to open *he way to the smothered proletariat there. (Our emphasis.) Here we see that Communists do not support nationalist movements because they are fooled by the na- tionalist leaders into believing that they are proletarian leaders but 5 y ¢: cause their anti-imperialist activities serve “to open the way to the smoth- ered proletariat.” When Policy Changes. *When the leaders of these move- ments cease to be anti-imperialists they are fought by the Communists. But perhaps the editor of Industrial Solidarity will ask the question: “Why support leaders and_ social groupings that are bound to become enemies of the masses,” and then draw the conclusion that such sup- port tends to confuse the workers. But Communist policy in these struggles is not onesided and does not consist of unqualified support of purely nationalist groups even in the campaign against imperialism. The manner in which the campaign of the Communists is carried on and the reasons therefore are as follows: “There are to be found in the de- pendent countries two distinct move- ments which every day grow farther apart from each other. One is the bourgeois democratic nationalist movement, with a program of politi- cal independence under the bourgeois order, and the other is the mass ac- tion of the poor peasants and work- ers for their liberation from all sorts of exploitation. The former endeavor to control the latter, and often suc- ceed to a certain Heats but the Com- munist International and the parties affected must struggle against such control, and help to develop class consciousness in the working masses of the colonies. For the overthrow of foreign capitalism, which is the first step toward revolution in the colonies, the cooperation of the bourgeois na- tionalist revolutionary elements is useful.” “But the foremost and necessary task is the formation of Communist Parties which will organize the peas- ants ‘and workers and lead them to the revolution and the establishment of Soviet republics. Thus the masses in the backward countries may reach Communism, not through capitalistic development, but led by the class conscious proletariat of the advanced capitalist countries. (Our emphasis.) Outstanding Facts. Is the editor of Industrial Solidar- ity opposed to this policy and method. of procedure and if he is not why does he say that “movements of this sort are doomed to failure?” Certainly the most outstanding fact in the international class strug- gle today is the rise of colonial in- dependence movements in the colonies and semi-colonial countries which strike heavy blows at the foundations of imperialism. Imperialist Corruption. These movements have not been successful as yet but the reason is not that success is impossible, These movements have suffered temporary defeats because the working class of the imperialist countries have not as- sisted them sufficiently and this is to say that the working class is still too much under the influence of the de- mocrats and sugh ideas as are put forward by the editor of Industrial Solidarity. Furthermore, the editor of -Indus- trial Solidarity, after saying that “movements of this sort are doomed to failure,” continues and says that “veaction destroys what organization has been already established.” A Bad Statement. This appears to us as a more or less deliberate attempt to make it appear that the Chinese revolution has been wiped out. If this were true there would no longer be any reason for support of the Chinese revolution and it is in this respect that such statements are ‘objective } id to the imnerialiats. The Workers School The New National Training School course planned by the Workers Party to be held in New York under the auspices of the Workers School, will be the most ambitious effort ever made in the direction of training lead- ing party functionaries. Every district is sending one of its outstanding comrades for further development. It is hoped that out of the courses will come new district organizers, agitprop directors, and other leading officials. Many Courses. The courses present a theoretical and practical development for these comrades and show a marked em- phasis upon the special meeting of American problems by the methods of Marxism-Leninism, The instructors are the best that the Workers School affords for the various special subjects that are be- ing announced. The list of courses and instructors is as follows: 1. Marxism-Leninism. Three times a week for three months. Instructor, Bertram D. Wolfe. 2. History of the United States and American Political Problems. Twice a week for three months. Instructor, Jay Lovestone. 3. Theory and Practice of Trade Unionism and Special Trade Union Problems. Twice a week for three months. Wm. Z. Foster 4, Party Organization. Theory and Practice. Three times a week for three months. Jack Stachel. 5. History of the International Labor Movement. Three times a week for one month, Alexander Bit- telman. 6. History of the American Labor Movement and of the Party. _Three times a week for two months. Max Bedacht. 7. Marxian Economics and Ad- vanced Marxian Economics. Twice a week for three months. H. M. Wicks. 8. Methods of Research, Six hours only. Alexander Trachtenberg. 9. Methods of teaching in workers’ classes. Six hours only. D, Benjamin (Assistant Director of the Workers School). 10. Public speaking. One night a week for three months. Carl Brodsky. 1.. Workers Correspondence. One night a week for three months. Art Shields (Director of the New York Branch of the Federated Press). Special Lectures. In addition to the above courses, there will be a few special lec! Ss on outstanding problems before Party, and it is hoped that all stu- dents will be given the opportunity to attend the Plenum of the C. E. C. of the Party, which will be held a few days before the opening of the course. The Base of the Revolution. The Chinese mass liberation move- ment has not been destroyed. It re- ceived a heavy blow but certainly no heavier than that dealt the Rus- sian revolution in 1905. In a num- ber of districts the worker and peas- ant forces are maintaining their gains and have set up Soviets and are ex- tending their organization for further struggle. The base of the revolution is firmly rooted in the ranks of the workers and peasants and can not be crushed as it could have been in an earlier stage. Not Isolated Incidents. “These abortive revolts,” to use the phrase of the editor of Industrial Solidarity, are not isolated incidents. They are part of the whole struggle of the Chinese masses against im- perialism and its native agents and must be viewed in historical per- spective. Only a person who has a distorted and narrow view of a_ revolution which affects 400,000,000 workers and peasants could, for instance, at- tempt to use the geographical toca- tion of Canton as an argument against the prospects of the success of the revolution, as the editor of Industrial Solidarity does. Getting More Support. With the relationship of class for- ces slightly different, with the work- “ ers in the imperialist countries com- pelling their rulers to withdraw sup- port from the counter-revolutionaries, the internal geographical situation of Canton would make little difference in the result. One of the ways to secure more support for the Chinese revolution from the American working class would be for the editor of Industrial Solidarity to picture the revolution as it is—one of the outstanding struggles of the working class and peasantry in all history Some Suggestions, * Perhaps the editor of Industrial Solidarity “did not take seriously enough some recent criticism accus- ing him of writing “petty personal prejudice” into editorials. _ Perhaps it would be well for mem- bers of the I. W. W. who understand the revolutionary struggle against imperialism better than he appears to know it, to point out to him that when a working class editor explains the failure of a worker and peasant revolt by the fact that the “U.°S, gunboat Sacramento and the armored craft of Standard Oil” commanded the city where the revolt took place, it is likewise his duty to urge work- ers to demand the withdrawal of im- perialist armed forces—and not to make the categorical—and ‘false— statement that great mass movements like the Ghinese revolution “are doomed to failure,” t)