The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 27, 1927, Page 6

‘ Seer tee hat —— & 2: Rditor......... os ..ROBERT MINOR , Assistant Editor. . ... WM. F. DUNNE lars New York, N. Y., under a 4 _ bombing planes that are held in readiness to wreak death and 4 ' _ used to re-echo and amplify the predatory policy expounded in Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 27, 1927 THE DAILY WORKER pam E “om a sas - _ . Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc, * Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. acct Cable Address: “Daiwork” ——______ : = Bocas | SUBSCRIPTION RATES _ By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months ' $2.50 three months. $2.00 three months. * Phone, Orchard 1680 ‘Addrest and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. ered as second-class mail at the post-office at the act of March 3, 1879. "The Greco-Carrillo Decision—a Victory for Labor ~ slack reaction in the United States, working hand in hand with the blood-streaked agents of the fascist tyranny of Italy failed in its attempt to railroad to the electric chair Calogero Greco and Donato Carrillo, two Italian workingmen who were marked for destruction because of their activities in behalf of labor. ‘When on Memorial day two black shirts met death in the Bronx the enemies of labor prepared to wreak vengeance upon the labor movement by selecting two victims. That Greco and Carrillo were innocent of any knowledge of the murder of the two fascists was known to all who attempted even the most trivial in- vestigation of the facts. Their alibis were perfect. It was a frame-up; another Sacco and Vanzetti case. No attempt was made by the police or the district attorney to find the real murderers, who might easily have been found in the ranks of the contemptible scum of human society who make | up Mussolini’s supporters in this country. After more than five months in the shadow of the electric chair these two Italian workers, Greco and Carrillo, are now with | their friends and families. This is a victory for labor, more far- | reaching than the mere legality involved. From the very first day of their arrest the labor movement or rather the advanced | section of that movement, recognized a new conspiracy to murder workers and mobilized its forces to stay the hand of the execu- | tioner. With the vision before us of the shattered bodies of Sacco | and Vanzetti every ounce of energy was devoted to seeing that | all the facts in the case were made public at the first trial and that | the anti-labor character of the prosecution was known to the world from the start. Let no one imagine for a moment that this victory in court would have been possible without the mass action of the working 1 class in innumerable cities in this country and the quick response of those who contributed to the defense fund. The Greco-Carrillo case is the best argument there is for the working class being ever on the alert to defend the victims of | reaction and points to the imperative necessity of maintaining and strengthening the International Labor Defense. A vast army of workers must be always ready and able to rally to the defense of victims of the frame-up so that never again will the labor haters be able to murder other workers as they murdered Sacco and Vanzetti. Lindbergh—Echo for Coolidge Imperialism ‘ihe ever recurring theme, the leitmotif, of all imperialistic observations on American aviation is that it is the duty of private capital to finance air routes to Mexico and other Latin American countries. This policy received the official sanction of the United States government when Calvin Coolidge delivered his message to the two houses of congress at the opening of the present session. Said Coolidge: “Private enterprise is showing much interest in opening up aviation service to Mexico and Central and South America. We are particularly solicitous to have the United States take a leading part in this development... The Post Office Department should be granted the power to make libera! long-term contracts for carrying our mail, and authority should be given to the Army and the Navy to detail aviators and planes to co-operate with private enterprise in establishing such mai! service. . .” _This observation was but a part of an ambitious militaristic program enunciated by Coolidge, which included the building of a/| bigger navy than any other country on earth, the building of a far-flung merchant marine that can, at a moment’s notice be| utilized for naval purposes, the building of a second inter-ccean | canal connecting the Atlantic and the Pacific, the construction of | a series of military highways reaching to the farthest point in South America, and a general drive to make more powerful all branches of the military forces of the United States. This open and brazen platform of the Wall Street government is being put into effect as rapidly as possible. The flight of Lind- | bergh on his “good-will” trip to Mexico is part and parcel of this | | | paign. It is the job of this latest and most spectacular of the recruits to the ranks of the war-mongers to blaze the air trails for the destruction upon the peoples of Latin America who resist the ag- gression of dollar despotism. The flights of Lindbergh are also _ the Coolidge message. In one of a series of copyrighted articles loaned to have been written by Lindbergh, appearing in the _ New York Times of Sunday, December 25, the Coolidge policy is _ repeated almost word for word. Says Lindbergh: ey “There should be greater support of the air mail service and the development of air transportation by business interests of the United States, even though at first it must be carried on at a loss. Certainly business men in the United States can afford to back air transport’ ; in all its forms, mail, express and Passenger service. . . There have been a few indications that business mén are ¢oming to the conclu- sion that aviation is necessary to them, and when they do there will Stalin Answers Opposition HE whole party and together with it the working class has ruthlessly isolated the opposition, because its leaders have showed themselves to be a group of petty bourgeois intellec- tuals cut off from life and from revo- lution, from the working ciass and its party. The opposition thinks noth- ing of our successes. I can name 7 chief questions in which the differ- ences exist between the party and the opposition. Denies Possibility. The first question is the question of the possibility of building up so- cialism in our country, The opposi- | tion denies the possibility of building up socialism successfully in our coun- try. By this denial of this possibility the opposition sinks to the level of the mensheviki. This was the attitude of Zinoviev and Kamenev in 1917 when they refused to take part in the October revolution. This was also the attitude of Trotzky when he took part in the insurrection for he said directly that unless the victorious proletarian revolution in the west did not sooner or later come to the as- sistance of the Russian revolution, then it would be absurd to assume that revolutionary Russia could main- tain itself in the face of conservative Europe. Kameney and Zinoviev driven into the insurrection, Lenin drove them forward by threatening them with ex- pulsion from the party. Trotzky took part in the insurrection, but with that small reservation which even then brought him close to Kamenev and Zingviev. In June 1917 Trotzky con- sidered it desirable to re-issue his old pamphlet in Leningrad, “The Program of Peace.” In this pamphlet he po- jemises with Lenin concerning the question of the possibility of the vic- tory of socialism in one country alone and declares Lenin’s views to be false. Trotsky took part in the insurrec- tion with the little reservation which brought him even then near Kameney and Zinoviev. This little reservation was the declaration that the prole- tarian power as such represented nothing in particular unless assist- ance came in time from abroad. Lenin on the other hand organized the in- surrection without reservation and declared that the proletarian power in our country would serve as a basis to assist the proletarians of the other countries to win their freedom from the yoke of the bourgeoisie. Means Capitulation. The attitude of the opposition in the question of the socialist construc- tive work in our country, its denial of the possibility of a victorious build- Speech Made Before the Soviet Union Communist Party Executive ing of socialism in one country alone, means in fact nothing but capitula- ‘tion in face of the capitalist elements in our country. The second point. Despite all this however, the opposition raises in all its declarations the question of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The opposition declares that a thermi- dorian degeneration is taking place in the Soviet Union. That however means nothing if not that there is not proletarian dictatorship in our country. This opinion is based upon the thesis of Trotzky upon Clemen- ceau. Here also the opposition has landed with the mensheviki. The third point. tion of the block of the workers and the middle-peasants. The opposition has constantly concealed the fact that it is opposed in principle to any such block. The platform and the counter- theses of the opposition are not so much remarkable for what they say as for that which they conceal from the working class. Fourthly, there is the question of the character of out revolution. If the possibility of the successful build- ing up of socialism in our country is denied, if the existence of the dictator- ship of the proletariat is denied, if the necessity of a block between the working class and the peasantly is denied, then what remains of our revolution and its socialist character? Nothing. The proletariat has con- quered power and carried the bour- geois revolution to its end, the peas- antry doesn’t know what to do with the revolution any more because it already has possession of the land, the proletariat can therefore retire and make room for other classes. That is the logical consequence of the opinions of the opposition. Fatherland Unacceptable. The fifth point is the question of the Leninist attitude to the leader- ship of the revolution in the colonial and semi-colonial countries. Lenin commenced with the assumption that a difference exists between imperialist countries and its policy in oppressed and colonial countries. Commencing from this assumption Lenin said even during the war that the idea of the defence of the Fatherland was abso- lutely unacceptable for communism in the countries of ‘imperialism and counter-revolutionary, but in the op- pressed countries carrying on war against imperialism the same idea was absolutely acceptable and justified. In a certain phase of development and for a certain period, Lenin admitted That is the ques-} be a rapid development.” __ There is a two-fold aspect involved in the Coolidge policy of ) trying to persuade private capital to engage in aviation projects to Latin America. One is to induce more American capital, more "varied: interests, to invest in projects affecting the southern re- | publics, thus increasing the number favoring intervention and “conguest. The second aspect, perhaps the determining factor, is / ihe inability of the Coolidge administration to force through eongress appropriations necessary to enable the government di- | “far-sighted patriots.” Then the Times and the other Wall Street | publications who now hail Lindbergh as an apostle of peace will change their tune and acclaim the capitalists who have financed | the air lines as national benefactors who perceived their’ country’s | need and made it possible for the government to have an adequate | ‘military air force at hand. President Callies and other prominent officials of the Mexican | government who repeat the poison propaganda-of Coolidge, the | Wall Street ambassador, Morrow, and their chief propagandist, Lindbergh, are being made pawns in the imperialist game, whether | This f Stalin’s answer to the speeches | of Zinoviev and Trotzky already | printed by The DAILY WORK- ER: Trotzky last Wednesday; Zinoviev Tuesday. vue possibility of a biock and even au alliance with the national bourgeoisie in the colonial countries when they carried on a struggle against im- perialism and refrained from prevent- ing the Communists educating the workers and poor peasants in the spirit of Communism. The opposition has broken definitely with this | SER of Lenin and sunk to the level of the Second International which denies the desirability and necessity of supporting revolutionary wars of colonial peoples against imperialism. This is the explanation for all the wrong conclusions drawn by the op- position in the question of the Chi- nese revolution. The sixth point is the question of the united front tactic in the interna- tional working class movement. The opposition has broken with the Lenin- ist tactic in the question of gradually winning the millions of the workers for Communism. The opposition flatly denies this tactic of gradualness. For a time the opposition welcomed every form of understanding as “one of the most serious guarantees for peace,” but after it was disappointed in its hopes of finishing off reformism like this, it rejected the idea of the united The seventh point is the question of the Leninist character, of the Leninist unity of the C. P. of the U. S. S. R. and the Communist International. In this respect the opposition has defin- itely broken with the organizational principles of Leninism and adopted the policy of the organization of a second party and a new international. These are the seven points and they; all show that the opposition has slid down the steep path of menshevism. Can we regard these menshevist opinions of the opposition as re- concilable with the ideology of our party, with its program, with its tac- ties and the tactics of the Comintern and with the organizational principles of Leninism? Decidedly no! Not for one moment! Where Social Roots? How was it possible for such an opposition to build itself in our Par- is a continuation of { ty? Where are its social roots? The social roots of the opposition lie hid- den in the ruin of the petty-bourgeois in the town under the given circum- stances of development, in the dis- satisfaction of these sections with the regime of the proletariat, in their ef- forts to alter this regime ard to “im- prove” it in the spirit of the bour- geois democracy. I have already pointed out how the petty-bourgeoisie, and in particular the urban bour- geoisie, is being ruined in consequence of our progress, in consequence of the growth of our industry and the growth of the relative strength of the socialist economic forms. The op- position is the reflection of the dis- satisfaction and the grumbling of these sections with the regime of the proletarian revolution. The results of this experience were represented some time ago by Comrade Kamenev in a special pam- phlet issued under the title “Two Par- ties.” I do not doubt but that this pamphlet was of great assistance for all those comrades who still had il- lusions about cooperation with Trot- sky. And now I want to ask, wouldn’t Comrade Kamenev write another pam- phlet today dealing with the results cf his cooperation with Trotsky? What is to happen with the oppo- sition? It is said that the opposition intends to lay a declaration before the congress to the effect that it is prepared to subordinate itself to all the decisions of the Party and dis- | solve its fraction, but at the same time it will continue to propagate its opinions within the limits allowed by the Party statutes. I am of the opin- ion that no good can come of this. | We have already had some experi- ence in this matter with the two de- clarations of the opposition of the 16th of October 1926 and of the* 8th of August 1927 respectively. What has this experience taught us? The results of this experience were very’ negative. It led to a double decep- tion of the Party and to a weakening of Party discipline. What right has the opposition to demand that we be- lieve it a third time, after having had such an experience? It is said that the opposition will also demand the readmission of those expelled from the Party. I am of the opinion that this is impossible comrades. (Pro- tracted applause.) (Vo Be Continued.) ARTICLE VIL. By ROBERT MITCHELL The vicious spy system which the traction interests have established will stop at nothing in order to ac- complish its ends, Not content with perjury, misrepresentation and the »ypen commission of petty crimes, it teedy to create the air routes required so that military power. they are conscious of their role or not. Under such conditions | finally resorts to the “frame up.” y keep pace with the investments of Wall Street in Latin Amer- _ teh An attempt to secure great appropriations for such a pur- pose would explode the myth of Coolidge economy as well as pro- _ veke long and acrimonious debate in which the real motives of the administration would be exposed to the whole world. _ But in spite of the internal political barriers the air lines must be realized, hence the direct governmental appeal to private pital to take up the tasks that the administration cannot openly ve at this time. Then, when a crisis is provoked and it becomes necessary for vill take over suc! itn lines at a tremendous profit to those | part of the imperialist conspiracies of Wall Street. | the masses of Mexico must now, more than ever, be alert to resist with all their might the conquest of their land by the imperialist banditti. ce With arms in their hands the workers and peasants of Mex- ‘ico have made possible the present revolution in Mexico. The ‘maintenance of the arms they now hold and the arming of the broad masses is imperative. Only thus will it be possible to beat ‘back the forces of American imperialism now bent upon ravaging |the Latin Americas of their rich natural resources and enslaving the populations. Let no Mexican or American workers be de- Street to attempt war in Latin America, the government it- ceived regarding the real character of the Lindbergh flight as a on, § bad i During the course of the threatened strike on the traction lines last sum- mer, the Interborough discharged a motorman named William Stack who was charged with being active in or- ganizing work. Under the so-called agreement with the mayor by which the strike was sidetracked, the Inter- borough on July 26th was forced to put Stack among several other motor- men back to work. Naturally, this was not altogether to the liking to the hard boiled traction masters. Therefore, certain attempts were made to “get” some of these men. The The Unholy Trinity in Traction Injunction, Yellow Dog Contract, Company Union following affidavit speaks for itself: Try to Frame Bill Stack. “Affidavit of Onofrio Gaggi, Verified August 22, 1927. “Onofrio Gaggi, being duly sworn, deposes and says: That he is an em- ployee of the Interborough Rapid Transit Company since 1918;; that he is employed as a motorman and operates the shuttle from Bowling Green to South Ferry; ... that on Aug. 6th, 1927, William Stack, a motorman... approached de- ponent while on duty and handed deponent an application blank for membership in the- Amalgamated Association . . . deponent refused. “Prior to this request and on June 4, 1927, while deponent was operating his train on Saturday, ... Stack relieved deponent for lunch. Upon returning from lunch on said June 4, deponent had diffi- culty in bringing his train to a stop; he examined his brake valves and , Imperialism on. Wing: Wings BY ADOLF WOLFF. They hail with wild acclaina And thunderous applause This gringo dove of peace That hides its eagle claws, | Armed with’a winning smile Crowned with a hero’s wreath He sways an olive branch But death lurks underneath. His masters sent him forth, Upon his southern course His mission is to be A flying Trojan horse. Ambassador today Of friendship, but tomorrow He’ll rain down on your heads Defeat and death and sorrow. RGIS fee Aisa Sie Se, found the brake valves between the cars set op release. “On June 18, 1927, deponent found the brake valves set in the same position upon returning from lunch. On both of these occasions the brakes and all the mechanisms of the train when left by deponent were in first class condition.” Here is a sworn affidavit to the fact that a worker set the brakes of a train in such a way as possibly to cause an accident, a charge of the most serious Mature. Yet tne charge bears various iuvernal evidences of beg &@ irdud aud a irame up, Meer myucuce os wrame Up In the first place the alleged acta of Stack are said to have taken place on June 4th and June 18th. Gaggi’s refusal, aeeoraing te him, to join the unien took piaee en August 6th, In vther words, the alleged reprisals for Gaggi’s refusal te join the union teek piace before the date of the refusal itself! Yet the whole purpese ef the sworn testimony is te show the rela- tien between the twe acts. Again wa may point out the extreme uniikeli- hood that any persen after he had twiee sought te wreek the train whieh ne had turned ever te another persen, would ge to that seeond persen to seek his membership in their unien. Moreover, motormen who take ever a train usually test eut the brakes and other apparatus: Gaggi would have diseovered the deed before he took out the train: In short, the whele situation is a pure frame-up from beginning te end. Whether the Interborough intends by this method merely te get rid of an undesirable union member er whether, as is more likely, it intends te fasten such acts upon the Amalgamated, re- mains te be seen. The incident, however, affords a elear picture of the depths to which the traction spy stem will steep in erder to put ever its plans, Prepares Other “Evidenee” That the Interborough if necessary will earry out its purpose finally of “framing up” individuals and perhaps the responsible efficials of the union becomes elear as ene reads more eare- fully other affidavits In the applica- tion. Joseph Rigler, an extra motorman, is made to testify that he has been threatened for his refusal te Join the union, Under circumstances no less convincing than those offered by Gaggi, the stool-pigeon, Rigler, de- clares that: “On Oct. 4, 1927, ... |deponent was proceeding inte the |yard to get (his) work train... | A +. | noises were made by men in the switchmen’s shanty and a number of stones were thrown in his direction. and landed near him.” Rigler, how- lever, maintains that he was unable to discover who the men were, Proof Always Lacking. | Another stool-pigeon by the name of Arie Dezeeuw, claims that he too has been threatened by union mem- bers. In a long affidavit he relateseof + an incident which occurred on August 27, 1927: “... while deponent was returning home from work, he was set upon and badly beaten about the head.and shoulders at the 125th Street Station as deponent was about to en- ter the local train at that station. Deponent was unable to identify any of his assailants.” Dezeeuw himself admits that he was unable to id in the act which he claims took place on August 27. No evidence whatso- ever is offered to prove that his as- sailants were Amalgamated members, Yet the whole affidavit is drawn up especially to convey that impression and the alleged attack which may not even have occurred is laid at the door of the union, What the Injunction Would Do, Here we have in their makings all the factors which characterize that budding American institution, the “frame-up.” Enough has already been said to show the lengths to which the traction espionage system will go to maintain itself. This is the system which the injunction, if granted, will perpetuate. (To Be Continued) ° * * (The next article will conclude this analysis of the “Unholy Trinity in Traction.” It will summarize the evidence thus far presented and will attempt to indicate the method by which the system of espionage and enslavement can be overthrown. Read The DAILY WORKER for all traction news. Buy several copies for dis- tribution among the traction workers. Help organize the traction workers!) tify his assailants, f hd {