The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 24, 1927, Page 8

Page Fight THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 24, 1927 THE Dp AILY WwW ORK ER: WINTER IN PENNSYLVANIA COAL FIELDS Published by the NATIONAL DAILY Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address WORKER PUBLISHING ASS’N, Inc. | | Phone, Orchard 1680 “Daiwork” SUBSCRIPTION By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $2. 50 three months. RATES ; By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 per year $3.50 six months and mail out checks _to dress THE DAILY we ORKER, 33 First Street, w York, N. Y. ~ Assistant Editor.. “ROBERT MINOR WM. ¥. DUNNE tered a8 second-class mail at the post- cone the act of March The Mass | | | $2.00 three months. | | | t New York, N. ¥., under Murder of ik Colorado and China— | Reaction in the United States | Workers whose blood boi of workers, peasants and thei the Chinese liberation strug: thinking in regard to rece: where there is no revolution in progress and where, consequently, | the ruling class is not fearful of the immediate loss of their power | and privileges. In Colorado some thirty workers, men and women, were shot down because they were demanding ter wages and working conditions. Six of them wer od. In Pennsylvania, courts and police. exposure. shop. All thru the coal fields thousands of miners, their wives and | ¢ Stalin Answers Opposition children are living on the verge clothing, in barracks erected by the union to meet the emergency created by the mass evictions. State and federal injunctions have legalized these evictions. The same smug attitude toward these horrors on the part of government officials, state and national, is to be noted that char- acterizes the statements of the ruling classes of the imperialist na- tions toward the murder of Soviet Union citizens in China and the massacre of thousands of labor unionists, labor union officials and heads and members of peasant organizations. The capitalist class of the United States and its government is just as brutal and just as bloody as the rulers of other nations. Their recent acts are proof that as the class struggle sharpens in the United States the rulers will mobilize their mercenaries for | mass murder. It can be taken record to date, that American capitalism will treatathe coming or- aers and their families are being thrown out of their homes at the point of a gun by the coal barons, their Just the other day a miner’s wife died from Strikers have been shot, beaten and jailed, all because they resist the attempt of the coal companies to establish the open | at the news of the mass murders | ders in China and who must aid } will do well to do a little more | events in the United States—| the right to organize and bet- of starvation, without sufficient for granted, in the light of the | By Fred Ellis OPERATOR: “Listen, Mr. Unionist, Me and Cal and His Honor have decided you’re going to scab or freeze!” VII. Results of Party Policy. Now let us turn to the question of our Party policy during the last few years. Comrades Zinoviev and Trotsky have stated that our policy is un- sound. Let us then examine the facts on the four main problems of our policy, referring to such decisive questions |as the peasantry, the re-equipment of industry, of peace, and finally the ganization movements and the strikes which will accompany them | growth of Communist elements thru- as insurrection—as it treats the What is the lesson? t ‘The way to learn to fight is to fight and the way to prepare for the coming great struggles against what will be fascist-mili- tary reaction, is to support now without stint those sections of the working class that are bearing ruling at present. ‘In the present period this means support for the miners and their families—-food, clothing, money and every other kind of sup- port that can be given. Let no worker, with the industrial depression that is here and rapidly growing wider and that the capitalist class has anything else in mind than destruction of the labor unions and all other organizations of the working The miners’ union’is feeling and the needle trades unions already have felt the impact of the bosses’ offensive. The American working class will do well to look at fascist Italy and at China, soaked with the blood of workers and peasants. Here they see reaction at its height. merely taking a few breathing exercises. It is only by clear thinking, the selection of militant leader- class. ship, organization and struggle, vent the rise of similar reaction Help the coal miners now. They are in the front rank of the Their defeat means victory for imperialist reaction and still more of an uphill fight for the American masses. battle. We must learn the lessons and West Virginia and put the labor movement on a fighting footing. The Chiang Kai-sheks of the American labor movement must be exposed and driven out before they can perpetrate further be- trayals of the masses to imperialism. Today they are sabotaging the struggles which are the only method by which the working class can retain and build their organizations—this is the role of the Greens, Wolls, and Lewises and nowhere does this role show itself in a ciearer light than in the lockout and strike of the coal | miners. is that the American labor movement must have broader base, a firmer organization and a more skilful leadership 1 any other in the world if it is to survive in anything but an ilegal form. It is more than probable that even then the labor ement here will be forced into actual illegality at different peoples of Nicaragua and China. the heaviest pressure from the deeper, be fooled into believing In America reaction is that American workers can pre- in the United States. of Colorado, Pennsylvania, Ohio The Workers Forum | itor, The DAILY WORKER: When you lock about you see @ver greater preparation for the next world slaughter of the working class. This cz us to wonder on which @int the Gentlemen of the Black In- ational will launch the project— they attack the lone 3 Ke spublic, (U.S.S.R.) and try MSecond—C an there be an_ honest disagreement between capitalist na- tions, wherein they will set groups of nations fighting other groups with Soyiet Russia looking on? * Third—Wiill there be a gentlemen “eement “between members of the bi rnational robbers—to have the B i pee nations invade the American a es ent of the western hemisphere Ga st tat matter? ers of the aint ask you of the ae Be: the writer of this article thinks the International “Killer” will adopt the last named plan, would set the unthinking masses afire—as for in- stance we often hear them “Tl never go to war unlesg it is to repel invasion!” Yet, if these work- ers would stop for a moment to think, | they could see that all wars have been fought because some nation invaded the other. In the next wai thst will be hatched by the gentlemen of the “High Hat” society, the youth of the land will be drafted for cannon fodder. We must hurry the message to them, teach them to know that wars, out the whole world. What was the situation in respect of the peasantry two or three years ago? You know that it was very serious. There were cases of presidents of rural executive committees and rural workers in general being killed, and the threatened assassination of vil- lage correspondents. In some outlying districts there were even bandit raids, while in a country like Georgia there was a ris- ing. Naturally, in such circumstances the “kulaks” (rich peasants) gathered strength, the middie peasants rallied to the “kulaks” while the poor peas- ants became disintegrated. The posi- | tion of the country was seriously af- fected by the fact that the productive forces of the countryside were grow- ing at an extremely slow rate, a part of the land was not being tilled at all, while the amount of land under seed was only about 75 per cent of the pre-war area. Such was the position prior to the XIV Party Conference. Concessions to Peasants. At the XIV Conference the Party made a manoeuvre, in the form of certain concessions to the middle peasantry and, calculated to accel- erate agricultural production, to es- tablish a form of alliance with the middié peasantry and to further the isolation of the wealthy peasants. At the XIV Congress the Opposi- tion, headed by Zinoviev and Ka- maneff, tried to scotch this man- oeuvre of the Party, and proposed to replace it in the essense by a policy of attacking the rich peasants and resuscitating the “committees of the village poor.” This practically amounted to reviving civil war in the countryside. The Party rejected the Opposition attack by confirming the decisions of the XIV Party Conference, approving the policy of increased activity of the village Soviets, and issuing the slogan |of industrialization as the main task of Socialist construction. The Party | made a firm stand for the policy of a | sound alliance with the middle peas- |antry and the isolation of the rich peasants. * At the present time the area under seed has practically been brought up to the pre-war level (95 per cent), we have an alliance with the middie peasants, the poor peasants are more or less organized, the village Soviets strengthened, while the authority of the working class and its party in the countrysige in general has increased. We have thus created conditions |that make it possible to proceed with the offensive against capitalist ele- ments in the countryside and to as- sure the further successful construc- tion of socialism in our country. The policy of our Party on the fundamental question of the inter- relations between the working class and the peasantry has thus proved correct. in this day and age, are started by the capitalist to kill off the surplus labor. Tell the workers to give the war mongers a full dose of their own medici jf they plot another war. “ Ny, wn . —A, ex-member North Rehabilitation of Industry. Now on the question of industry. History has shown that no young State in the world has been able to build up an industry, especi: heavy industry, without help #fro: out- side, withons fore! Speech Made Before the Soviet Union Communist Party Executive robbing other grabbing colonies, etc. That is the traditional course of capitalist industrialization. England in the past built up her in- dustry by sucking the blood from all countries and all colonies for hun- dreds of years and investing the swag in her own industry. Germany has been able to get on her feet again recently with the aid of several millions of loans from America. But none of these paths is open to us. Our entire policy excludes colonial robbery. Nor are we given any loans. We are left with one sole means, that indicated by Lenin, i.e., to build up our own industry and re-equip it on the basis of our internal accumula- tion. The Opposition keeps on whining that there is no sufficient internal ac- cumulation for the re-equipment of our industry. But the experience of the last two years has shown that we have succeeded in investing more than two milliards of roubles in our in- dustry. We have achieved what no other state in the world has achieved; we have resuscitated our industry, we have commenced to re-equip it, and we have pushed forward this work with our accumulation. Only the blind could deny the fact that the Party policy on the question of ‘ rehabilitating our industry has proved correct. countries, Foreign Policy. Now as to Foreign Policy. If we take our diplomatic relations. with capitalist states, our aim has been to preserve the peace. Whether good or bad, the fact remains that in this field we have none the less been ablé“to maintain peace. We have done this in spite of capitalist en- circlement, the hostile activities of capitalist states, and provocative acts in Pekin, London and Paris. We are not at war. This in spite of the frequent prophecies of Zinoviev and others. This is a fact that our opposition are powerless to deny. And it is impor- tant for us, for we can only get on with the building of socialism at the desired speed provided we have peace conditions. Only the blind and the deaf can fail to observe these results of our peace policy. The fourth question is that of tae state of Communist forces throughouv the world. Only the blind can deny that our Parties are growing every- where—from China to America, from Italy to Germany. Only the blind can deny that the elements of crisis in capitalism are in- creasing, and not declining. .... .... Only the blind can deny that the growth of socialist construction in our country and the successes of our internal policy are one of the main causes for the growth of the Com- munist movement throughout the world, Only the blind can deny the increasing influence and authority of the Communist International in all countries of the world. Such are the results of our Party policy on the four main questions of internal and foreign politics during the past two years. And the correct- ness of this policy above all implies the complete bankruptcy of the policy of our Opposition. VIII. “Back To Menshevism.” Wwe. this is all very well, we will be told, the policy of the Opposi- tion is incorrect anti-Party, there- ¢ the natural /conclusion is to ex- This is a continuation of Stalin’s answer to the speeches of Zinoviev and Trotzky already printed by The DAILY WORK- ER: Trotzky last Wednesday; Zinoviev Tuesday. clude them. But at one time we said that the Opposition leaders must be kept on the Central Committee. Is this a change of fronts, necessitated by the fact that there has been a fundamental “volte face” in the prin- ciples of the Opposition? Take, for instance the most im- portant question of the alleged “de- generation of our Party.” This in effect means that the work- ing-class dictatorship no longer exists in our country. At one time the Mensheviks. and Liberals and all kinds of renegades put forward the theory that our Party was degenerating. They cited as an example the fall of the Jacobins in France. Three years ago Trotsky wrote that “The historical analogies with the great French Revolution (fall of the Jacobins) with which the Liberals and Mensheviks are trying to console themselves are superficial and un- sound.” Trotsky’s assertion could not have been more clear and definite. And it was quite correct. Yet now Trotsky has abandoned this position and himself drifted to- wards Liberalism and Menshevism. He asserts now, when drawing his- torical analogies with the French Revolution, that this is real “Lenin- ism.” On the less important question of organization, the Trotskyites have also changed. This is the question of discipline. Everyone knows how the iron dis- cipline of the Communist Parties is one of the chief bugbears of all Mensheviks, which they have contin- ually tried to undermine. Although there has been continuous disagree- ment between the Party and Trotsky, there was a time when he observed Party discipline. The Trotskyites at one time were able to abide by the Party decisions. But can one now say that the Trotskyites, the present Opposition, are pifepared to accept the decisions of the Party? After having twice broken their written pledge to observe discipline, after Trotsky and Zinoviev have re- peated from this very tribune, that they would go on breaking our Party discipline. After having organized illegal printing presses in associations with the bourgeois intellectuals, there is not a.person who will now believe that the Opposition will abide by Party decisions. IX. The Internal Situation. THe leading work of our party has improved as regards quality both politically and scientifically. How- ever, there are still deficiencies to be overcome, The struggle between the old and the new, between dying and develop- ing life, that is the basis of our de- velopment. If we do not honestly and openly admit our errors like ol bolsheviks, then we bar the way for- ward for our cause. And just because we wish to continue our advance, we must openly and honestly criticize ourselves as one of our most im- portant revolutionary tasks. With- out this revolutionary criticism no further revolutionary development is possible. But in this direction there are still many failings present. Still worse, as soon as a few successes eb | and deficiencies are forgotten, com- rades become calm about the matter and even conceited. Two or three great successes and we are inclined to think we are all wonders. Another two or three great successes and we jare inclined to believe that we can settle our enemies with a snap of the fingers. But the mistakes remain, the deficiencies are still there. The sources of sickness in our party are driven inwards, A second deficiency of our Party is the application of administrative measures in the party in place of the methods of conviction which are of such decisive importance for our party. A third deficiency is the wish of a number of our comrades to swim easily with the stream without per- spective and without an eye to the future, always surrounded by holidays and festivities. That is the essence of the third deficiency of the practice of our party. With this I have touched briefly the -basic failings of our party. i And now I will deal with the ques- tions of the discussion and our so- called opposition. Sometimes it is said: Why do you exaggerate the discussion or, why don’t you settle the points in question internally and not take them out into the open? That is wrong. Discus- sion is sometimes absolutely neces- sary and unconditionally useful. It is necessary and useful when it takes place within the ranks of the party and when it aims at honest self-criti- cism and criticism of the faults of the party, when it aims at aiding our cause and supplying the working class with improved weapons in the struggle. But a discussion which does not. aim to assist our common cause, but to hinder it, which does not aim at the consolidation of the party but at its degeneration, leads generally not to the armament of the proletariat, but to its disarma- ment. Would Force Discussion. When the opposition demanded the'| opening of the discussion all over the country three months before the party congress, before the theses of the Central Committee had been worked out and before they had been published, it wanted to force a dis- cussion upon us which would only have been of use to our enemies, which would only have facilitated the cause of the enemies of the working class. And it was for this reason that the C. C. rejected the demand of the opposition. And because it re- jected this demand it has succeeded in placing the discussion upon the right lines and making its basis the theses of the C. C. for the party congress. Now we can say without hesitation that on the whole the dis- cussion ended with a plus for the party. We have never been afraid of open criticism of our errors in the eyes of the whole party and we shall never be afraid of it. The present discussion is a sign of the strength of the party, a sign of its power. In all great parties which consist partly of peasants and employee ele- ments, ete.,,there collect during the course of time, particularly when the party in question has power in its aands, certain indifferent elements. These elements form a morass in our party. The discussion forced these elements to show their colors and go over either to the opposition or to the party and thus the morass ceased to exist. The present discussion con- siderably reduced this morass, Up to yesterday approximately 724,000 members of the party had voted for the C. C. and approximately 4,000 for the opposition. (To Be Continued.) Unholy Three. in Traction Article VI. By ROBERT MITCHELL. Practically all large industries and all railroads have built up a more or less elaborate spy system. Investi- gation has shown that the introduc- tion of the company union in recent years has by no means rendered es- pionage unnecessary. On the con- trary, as in the case of the Inter- borough Rapid Transit Company, it frequently happens that the railroad spy systems beccme more elaborate in order to defend the company union in addition to the company. It may safely be said that the most elzboratg, and deep seated system of stool pigeons and professional spies operating in the country has been de- veloped on the Interborough. Spy System. Classified. There are three main forms of spy- ing activity in force on this railroad. The first which has to some extent already been pertrayed, is that of the company union delegates and cther henchmen whose chief purpose is to hold the men in line with the Interborough anti-labor policy. In this sense the whole company union may be listed as a form of stool- pigeonry. The second form is the “dollar-a- day man,’ ’a form of worker under- cover agent who is paid an extra bonus for making friends with his fellows on the job and worming out information from them. The number cf these “dollar-a-day” men is un- known but undoubtedly there are many hundreds among the forty thousand New York traction workers. “Beakies,” the Most Vicious. The third and most pernicious form is, of course, the professional spy, operating either directly in the employ of the Interborough in which he is called a “Beakie,” or indirectly from the headquarters of some strike- breaking or detective agency. Some of the activities of this third class will be given here in order to illus- trate from sworn testimony. the kind of system the Interborough seeks by its injunction to perpetuate on the railroad. The head of the Interborough “Beakie” system is a degenerate -by the name of Sullivan who would stoop to any form of activity in or- der to serve his equally degraded masters. -His work varies from that of the “responsible” control of the whole spy systern to that of ordinary “shadowing” and common perjury as will be shown in a moment. Shortly after the threatened strike of last summer it was reported in the papers that P. J. Shea, one of the Amalgamated officials in charge of organizing activities had left town. It was necessary for the In- terborevgh to verify this informa- tion. This is how it was done: Swears To Own Crime. Affidavit of Stephen J. Sullivan, verified August 3, 1927. “Stephen J. Sullivan, being duly sworn deposes and Says: That on Saturday, July 30, 1927, about 1 P. M., I called the Conti- nental Hotel on the telephone and asked to be connected with P. J. Shea, . . . After a delay a man answers the telephone and I asked if this, was Shea and he said ‘No; this is Coleman’, I then stated that I was a representative of the Brooklyn Eagle and I understood that Mr. Shea had left the city and I wanted to know if that was so...” Here is a common company spy, representing himself to be the agent of a newspaper (Brooklyn Eagle please take notice!) Then he has the audacity to swear to the fact of his crime! Another of the company “Beakies” testifies to having shadowed Joe Phelan: “. . . I know Phelan person- ally; ... On the 16th of July, 1927, J traced Mr. Phelan from his home to the Continental Hotel where he arrived at about 10:45... On July 21, I traced Phelan from his home to the Continental Hotel where he arrived at 10:10... On July 25, 1927, I traced Fhelan from his home to the Royal Flower shop .. .” and so on for a whole page of trailing and spying: Shadows Ed. Lavin. Wm. Klein, one of the cheapest the “Beakies,” disliked even by 1 fellow stool pigeons, testifies to h ing shadowed Ed. Lavin. Willi Nicollett, another. of these “Be: Ry testifies for two pages or more to his activities in shadowing “the! move- ments of Patrick J. Shea, James H, Coleman, Joseph G. Phelan, Harry Bark and others... . All this the Interborough without shame and without apology includes in the form of sworn testimony in ite application for an injunction in erder that it may thereafter continue to fasten its espionage system on the workers without any opposition what- soever But the spy system will go even further.’ From the mere gathering of evidence it turns to the aggressive acts of actually preparing a frame- up against some of the workers in its employ. This too will be shown from the sworn testimony of ‘one, Onofrio Gaggie o* * (To be continued.) (The next article will contain fur. ther revelations of the traction spy system and will show breagic that it will go to the lengths even framing one of the workers whom seeks to dispose of. Read The DAIL’ WORKER for all the traction news. Buy several copies for édistribution among the traction workers. ip traction ae I | } { j '