The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 22, 1927, Page 6

esepay f Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TH DAY, DECEMBER 22, 1927 THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS’N, Inc. Daily, Except Sunday “83 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months. $2.00 three months. | Phone, Orchard 1680 | “Daiwork” ". Addrest and mail out checks to tes | THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. | .ROBERT MINOR -WM. F. DU E “York, N. ¥., under zi Fditor........ sa ees. Entered as second-class mail at the post-office the act of March 3, 1 t New Fighting Imperialist Reaction in China and the United States The butchery of Communist workers, men and women, which continues in China, shows with the most powerful possible force | that the Communist Party is the leader of the worker and peas- ant revolution which the imperialists and their native reaction- aries have not been able to.drown in spite of the rivers of blood which they have spilled. Imperialist reaction is trying to crush the mass revolt by terminating its leaders and massacreing thousands of the m courageous fighters in the labor unions, in the ranks of the work- ers who are still unorganized, and among the peasantry. Reaction has not succeeded and it will not succeed. But while it piles horror on horror by inventing new methods of mass mur- der it is carrying on the most open and shameless provocation against the Soviet Union. For the citizens of the Soviet Union who are in China, and even for Soviet Union officials, supposed to be protected by diplomatic immunity, are reserved the most brutal treatment. : The bayonets and cannon of the imperialist forces back up the mercenaries of Chiang Kai-shek. Were the Soviet Union fol- lowing the same policy as imperialist governments, its Red Army would be sweeping thru the western provinces of China and mak- | ing swift retaliation for such indignities as no great nation has ever been called upon to endure. No one doubts that the Soviet | Union can take China up to the Pacific Ocean fringe if it desires | to do.so. | 3ut the workers’ and peasants’ government of _the Soviet | Union knows that it is not the Chinese mas which are respon- | sible, it knows, and the whole worker and peasant poptiation of | the Soviet Union knows, that the Chinese mas are the targets of the same black for which are trying to organize imperialist | war on the Soviet Union. The revolutionary morale of the Chinese workers and peasants | has béen tested and has not failed. They are forced to retreat in | some sections but in others they hold power. That power will grow as the full meaning of the open union of imperialism with Chinese reaction is told by heaps of slaughtered workers and peasants and the bodies of hundreds of Communists who were murdered with revolutionary slogans on their lips. The Chinese revolution, with its base in the 400,000,000 work- ers and peasants will give the final answer to the imperialists and their hangmen. | Without the aid of American and British imperialism Chinese tion could not live a day. Upon the rulers of the imperialist tfens must be put the responsibility for the atrocities by which (a italists and landlords vent their rage upon the Chinese masses. « Here in the United States the workers and farmers must curet their atiack against Wall Street government. American | naval vessels murdered hundreds at Nanking. ferces now protect and strengthen the forces which are carrying cut wholesale murders of workers and peasants. Wall Street government is aiding the drive on the Soviet Union which is being prepared in the war offices of the imperialist nations. It condones the attacks on the consulates of the Soviet Union and joins with the o.her imperialist nations in shielding the criminals from punishment. | The butchery of the Chinese masses is a sample of what the | workers and farmers of all countries will face if they postpone | resistance to imperialist war until it has broken over the earth in a storm of blood and fire. | The time to come to the defense of the Chinese worker and peasant revolution is NOW. The time to demand and force the withdrawal of all troops and battleships from China is NOW. % | The time to defend the Soviet Union from the imperialist at- | tack is NOW. Our task in the United States is to aid the Chinese workers | and peasants, to defend the Soviet Union, to stop the outbreak of imperialist war by fighting with all our power against the same class and the same class government which is crushing the miners’ union and starving its members in America while aiding in the wholesale murder of Chinese workers and peasants fighting for liberation. | The “Sewer Journalism” of Hearst Senator George’ W. Norris of Nebraska in his open letter to William Randolph Hearst used the mataphoric expression that the Hearst system of newspapers, “spreading like a venomous web to all parts of the country, constitutes the sewer system of Ameri- can journalism.” | There is no exaggeration in this description of the wealthy, ignorant, vicious war-monger and his newspapers. However, while the Hearst sheets have plumbed depths of degradation below which it is impossible to sink, they represent almost the ideal from the capitalist journalistic point of view. All the other capitalist newspapers are equally sewers, but some of them have less open plumbing. Hearst’s papers represent his own interests and his classes’ interests, and when the. Mexican investments of Hearst, or rather the Mexican lands stolen by him ure threatened, he will resort even to publishing forged and faked documents furnished by professional spies and swindlers. Other capitalist papers represent.other interests and resort to similar methods, though they are seldom so crude as th of the Hearst cditors. In dealing with Hearst and his newspapers one must «lays bear in mind the fact that it is the capitalist system that spawned him and the rest of the kept press proprietors. What is of more importance than the mere denunciation of Hearst is the attitude of the senate committee that heard the testimony of Hearst and his servile minions. Here was a pub- of the country, using his power to publish the most infamous and mendacious slanders against a neighbor republic, obviously for the | purpose of inciting war. He wants the American masscs to get | excited about these fake documents so that they will be ready to} fight to defend the right of Hearst and his class to steal more. land in Mexico ard to enslave the population so they will produce more profits for Yankee imperialist bandits. Why do not these senators go to tom of the whole conspiracy and un- American armed |™ THE SHADOWER if Stalin Answers Opposition Speech Made Before the Soviet Union Communist Party Executive (This is the third of a series of articles on the opposition question, It is an answer to the previously published speeches of I. Some Minor Questions. OMRADES: First of all in refer- ence to the personal factor. You I am not at all surprised, comrades. | Why, at one time, Trotsky wrote that | Communists, cannot be allowed on the Lenin was a professional exploiter of | part of the general secretary....” Ul the backwardness in the Russian| y°q9 not deny that I am-rough with tabor movement, and if he can write | those who-try to split the Party. But s things about the after the Thirteenth Congress, when boot he is not fit ){ asked to be released from the post is not surprising, in fact, If o¢ general secretary, all comrades, in- k it an honor, that the Opposition | cluding Trotsky, Kameneff, and Zin- ould direct its hate against Stalin. | oviey, unanimously made me remain. The Opposition has moaned a great} 4 year later I again asked for re- al about the Central Committee |}ease, but the Plenum obliged me to having “hidden” Lenin’s will. It has|yemain at my post. ready been many times proven that) If the Opposition thinks it can use is “will” was addressed to the Thir-| Lenin’s “will” as a trump card they eenth Party Congress, which unani-/ wil] find it comes back and hits the nously decided not to publish it, in| Qpposition much harder, for it is a secordance with Lenin’s own desires. | fact that Lenin here accuses Trotsky Furthermore, Trotsky himself, in| of non-Bolshevism ahd states that the an article disavowing the renegade | errors of Kameneff and Zinoviev at Max Eastman, wrote that “it is calum~-| the time of the October revolution nst the Central Committee of ‘arty to talk about hiding Lenin’s were no mere chance. an ii | This means that Trotsky, Zinoviev vies i Aaaeie ry and Kameneff cannot be trusted poli- Mheywsay thes Ane thas wily Com- | stig, whereas the roughness of bece i crit bak oa tne Congress Mos | Stalin cannot be called a_ political consider the question of replacing | shortcoming. Stalin as general secretary. ‘That is | si crue, comrades; in fact, Ican read you {J, The Opposition “Program.” out that part which says that “Stalin | . is too rough, which shortcoming, while | JINOVIEV and Trotsky state that in being quite tolerable amongst us| not printing their “programme” earth the imperialist forgery factories that flourish in this and aeighbor countries? Because to do so would expose too much. Furthermore Sen- ator David A. Reed, chairman of the committee, is an agent of Andrew W. Mellon, secretary of the treasury, real boss of the Coolidge administration and owner of the Mexican Gulf oil con- cern. Hiram Johnson of California is a Hearst lawyer and one of the worst labor-haters in America, the jailer and would-be murderer (thru the frame-up system) of Tom Mooney and War- ren Kk. Billings. Bruce of Maryland is connected with Mellon by family ties, while Jones of Washington is a Mellon-Coolidge flun- key who never had an independent thought in all his crawling existence. This committee dare not demand a complete exposure of Hearst and the forgery factories because such an investigation would lead directly to the steps of the State House at Washing- ton and into the White House, involving Kellogg and Coolidge, who relied upon similar forgeries against Mexico, Nicaragua and against Count Karolyi of Hungary. Systematic forgery is part of the equipment of the administration and hence the mess un- earthed through the Hearst investigation is only part of the whole filthy business. But Senator Norris himself? He is against the forgeries of + fisher of a mighty chain of newspapers, extending to every part | Hearst that are directed against himself—but he is for the capi- | talist system and for the sewer-journalism—in general—which it breeds. Let no worker exhaust his fury against Hearst while leaving | the other criminals untouched.. In the coming campaigns this sys- tem of forgery mills operated by hirelings of the war-mongers must be an issue against both old parties and the system they support, and against also Norris himself, who is a supporter of the system. : # (Zinoviev and Trotsky.--Editor.) | the Central Committee and the Party are afraid of the truth. This is not only untrue but absurd. Verbatim reports of the Plenary Sessions of the Central Committee and Control Commission are printed jand sent out to Party members in thousands of copies. They contain both the speeches of the Opposition jand of those who support the Party policy. If we feared the truth we would not distribute them. In October, 1926, when the Opposi- tion leaders asserted that we were hiding their program from the Party, ete., they popped up at various fac- tory group meetings in Moscow, but the Communist workers gave them such a hiding that they were. com-| pelled to flee from the field of battle. Although for the last three or four | months there had been full discus- sions at all meetings, and counter | theses have been put forward at any meeting where a single Opposition member is present, Trotsky and Zin- oviev have not dared to come for- ward and speak. But the main reason why the Cen- tral Committee did not print the Op- position “program” was that it had not the right to legalize the Trotsky fraction or fractional groupings in|} general. In drawing up its program and publishing it the Opposition broke the decision of the Tenth Con- gress, The Tenth Congress resolu- tion drafted by Lenin states that the Congress “immediately dissolve any groups formed on the basis of some program or other” and that the “non-fulfillment of such a decision would incur immediate expulsion from the Party.” : If we printed the Opposition pro-| gram we would thus be helping the organization of groups and fractions. | Furthermore, comrades; the A= -«t. | tion “program” contains such calum-— nies against our Party that if we puv- | lished them it would cause irrepara- ble harm to our Party and State. If Trotsky and Zinoviev give false in- | Labor Spy MacDonald Confers A. R. MacDonald Inc., labor spy with offices at 420 Lexington Avenue is still trying to break up an or- ganization drive in the Real Silk Hosiery Mills Inc. of Indianapolis: by “showing up” Louis Francis Budenz as a “Red.” According to information received by The DAILY WORKER, MacDonald has during the last month held con- ferences with Thomas I’. McMahon, president of the United Textile Work- ers of America. One such conference was held in the office of Ralph M. Easley, president of the Nationa} Civie Federation, known to be a close friend of MacMahon. Matthew Woll, vice-president of the A. F. of L., is the acting president of the Civie Fed- eration and has frequently cooperated with that organization in his war on the left wing. a monthly labor journal published at 3 W. 16th Street, For the last few months he has been-~ helping the American Federation of Full Fash- ioned Hosiery Workers, affiliated to the United Textile Workers, organize the workers in the Real Silk Mills. MacDonald, as revealed by The DAILY WORKER on November 18th was engaged by the Real Silk Co. to emash the union drive. MacDonald is a former Sherman Service general manager, but-has since gone into the labor spy game of his own. He lists himself as an “industrial engineer.” In an effort to prove to Gustave Geiges, President of the Full Fash- |ioned Hosiery Union that Budenz is a “Red,” MacDonald has written a series of letters some of which he has also printed and circulated among textile employers to impress them with his—MacDonald’s knowledge of the radical movement. First Attacks Maurer. The first of these letters, written to Geiges, November 7, 1927 was printed in full in The DAILY WORK- ER of November 18th, In it Mac- Donald charged that Budenz’s rela- lation to James H. Maurer, Pennsyl- vania Labor Federation President, was sufficient to prove that Budenz was a “subversive radical.” For Maurer, he declared, had gone to the Soviet Union last summer with the American Trade Union Delegation against the wishes of President William Green of the A. F. of L. Now After Budenz. Meanwhile MacDonald wrote an- other letter to Geiges, progressive head of the Hosiery Workers, from whom he had received no reply to letter No. 1. The second letter which has just come into the hands of The DAILY WORKER is another attempt to spike union organization by report- ing on a Labor Age dinner held a year ago at which Maurer, Abraham Lef- kowitz of the Teachers Union, Robert Dunn, a frequent contributor to La- bor Age, A. J. Muste of Brookwood, and others had spoken. MacDonald believes he has hung the “red” label on Budenz when he re- ports in this letter that Arthur Cook, Brookwood Labor College student who spoke at the dinner, is none other than A. J. Cook, General Secretary of the Miners’ Federation of Great Britain. Although a_ self-confessed “expert” on “any subject pertaining to radicalism” MacDonald trips up badly in his Cook identification. A. J. Cook of the Miners’ Union of Great Britain has never been in the United States. The second letter follows in full: “November 22, 1927 “Mr. Gustave Geiges, President American Federation of Full Fashioned Hosiery Workers’ Union, North Fourth Street, Philadelphia, Pa. “Dear Mr. Geigas: “We are making an exhaustive study of the various elements per- tinent to the activities of LOUIS FRANCIS BUDENZ, who is acting as an organizer for your Union. We thought you might be interested in the rather stimulating and perhaps not irrelevant little article which ap- peared in the January 1927 issue of the ‘Labor Age’ dealing with ROBERT W. DUNN, so we shall quote it. January 1927, Page 9, Para- graph 2 under the caption of - “The AMERICAN BUREAU INDUSTRIAL FREEDOM “An Announcement’ at Our Fifth ‘ Anniversary Dinner “‘So it proved to be on Decem- ber 14, 1926. As the country newspapers always put it, ‘A pleas- ant time was had by all.’ Jim Maurer’s plea for ‘the filling of our jails’ as an answer to the injunction, hit home. Abe Lefkowitz’s added FOR formation to our impgridlist enemies about alleged readiness to pay debts, | ete., it would obviously only harm the | workers of the Union of Soviet So- | cialist "Republics and be of advantage | to the imperialists of all countries, I} ask you: Could we print such stuff | in our press? | These are the considerations that | compelled us not to print the Opposi- | tion “program.” (To Be Continued.) DELAY TEST FLIGHT. ROOSEVELT FIELD, N. Y., Dec. 1.—Phe load tests of the Fokker | Universal Plane owned by the Split- | lorf Company of Newark, N. J, scheduled to start at 10 a. m., today here, were postponed until 2:30 p.m. pending further mechanical adjust- ments. ‘ emphasis on that same method, and his support of the New York Fede- ration of Labor’s bill for curbing the courts inspired the audience to get out and destroy this greatest menace facing the Labor Move- ment. Bob Dunn gave us a measure of the bankruptcy of company unions with a hint as to how it can be combatted. Arthur Cook lately over from Britain, spoke of the value of political action to the British Workers and how it must be used, more now that the ‘coal strike’ is lost. The Editor ap- parently entértained the audience to their satisfaction with his ac- count of his Western trip last year, and with the message that the ‘un- organized can be organized if we can fire them with the idea that they can win. A. J. Muste of Brookwood presided in his usual happy manner.’ B x" | Budenz is the editor of Labor Age, With McMahon in Easley’s Den “«& pleasant time was had by alPt Let us consider for the moment. the group that had the ‘pleasant time,’ and after we have outlined their con- nections, you can imagine for your- self what they meant by ‘a pleasant time.’ “J. James Maurer openly advo- cated defiance of our courtst Why? “2. Abe Lefkowitz added em- phasis on the same method. (Per- haps he will teach the PIONEERS ways and means of putting such practices into effect? We under- stand he is a member of the PIONEER council). Are THESE AMERICAN IDEALS? “3. Robert W. Dunn who (we have shown in our past communica- tions) is a teacher at the Workers’ | Communist School, is also a mem- ber of the National Committee of the organization, ‘International La- bor Defense’ (endorsed by the American Workers’ Communist Party and controlled in some in- stances by the well known Com- munists) spoke on Company Unions. Robert W. Dunn is also active in the American Civil Liberties Union. “Are you using the services of the I International Labor Defense or the * Amf@rican Civil Liberties Union? The record of the American Civil Liber- ties Union is interesting. “4. Arthur Cook, the celebrated A. J. Cook, renowned exponent of radicalism in England . .. the no- torious Britisher; he who led the Communist army on its march to London; the direct Russian repre- sentative of the English Communist Party ... A. J. Cook. Nice Com- panions! “5. A.J. Muste, too, of Paterson, Lawrence and Brookwood College fame, Is it true that they teach Communism at Brookwood? “Why are Maurer, Brophy and: Muste guiding spirits at Brookwood? “6. LOUIS FRANCIS BUDENZ— What did he advocate? Upholding our laws; could this be probable? “What excuse can you offer for your conservative (?) organizer LOUIS FRANCIS BUDENZ in his selection of such associates? Is it that they are better labor men than President Green of the American Federation of Labor, President Me- Mahon of the United Textile Workers of America, and numerous others whose names we might mention, who are not only loyal union men, but real AMERICANS? “Draw your own conclusions. .. . WE DO. “By the way, does it not seem that the radicals referred. to in this article have great confidence in Mr. BU- DENZ? Is it because they have found his aims and ideals “en rap- | port” with theirs? Have you not - reached a point where you will share our opinion—that we are rendering a pronderedt service to your organiza- ' tion? awe “Please, Mr. Geigas, do not enter- tain angry thoughts toward us, for truly, we are trying to assist you, ‘ and the day may not be far distant | when you will realize that the expense | and trouble involved in our efforts to i E demonstrate our support (by educa- 4 ting you in radical activities) was | prompted solely by our genuine in- | terest in, and determination to (in ' face of all seeming obstacles) foster, |conserve, and protett through the i medium of “safe and sane” conserva- tive labor forces, the ideals, principles, and safety of our great and glorious Fatherland. WHAT GREATER TRIBUTE TO AMERICAN LABOR? That you are conservative, Mr. ° Geigas, we concede; furthermore, we ( do not hesitate to impress this fact on the employers, but Ely are you going to start the ‘ on Radicals?’ 4 “Very truly yours, ? | (Signed) “A, R. MacDonal Cy ee ¢ MacDonald, it is apparent from the: letter, is eager to have Geigas sta “the war on radicals,” the first step in the war being the recall of Buden: Donald in this enterprise is Captain G. A. Darte, Adjutant General of the Military Order of the World War, one of the outstanding “professional pa- triots” of this country recently ex- posed by Norman Hapgood in his book on that subject. Through Eas- ley MacDonald is also reported to Stop Unionization. if “You may feel perfectly free to re- quest data on any subject pertaining to radicalism in your union. We will | go even further than this—we will in- ;vite your personal inspection of our files where you can find such data— and plenty of it. We state confidently and without fear of contradiction, that we know of organization activities “President.” * ‘ » from Indianapolis so he will no longer bother MacDonald’s client, the | Real Silk Hosiery Mills. In addition to his drive on George’s organization, one of the most ag- gressive bodies in the A.‘F. of L, | MacDonald has tried to interest the jparent body, the United Textile | Workers of America. even before you do. } Cooperating with Easley and Mac- [have established connections with |Haley Fiske, President of the Metro- | politan Insurance Company. ' Viske' recently fought the unioniza- tion of underpaid Metropolitan a ployees. MacDonald is said to have aided him in his drive against the Bookkeepers, Stenographers ‘ countants Union,