The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 26, 1927, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, OCLOBER 26, 19Z7 THE DAILY WORKER) on THE coLoRADO BATTLE FRONT Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. Daily, Except Sunday 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. able Address Phone, Orchard 1680 | SUBSCRIPTION RATE; e | By Mail (in New York only): Br Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per years months $2.50 three months 00 nd mail and make out ¢ ks , 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. i “Adare THE DAILY WORL J. LCUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUN BERT MILLER Entered as iness Manag Y., ander New York, Rockefeller Mobilizes His Colorado Army Mine Company officials said the strike was growing | more serious. Additional guards have been sent to the | Colorado Fuel and Iron mines from the sieel works of the company at Pueblo. —Associated Press dispatch of Oct. 25 ilizing their The hows the Rockefel private armic on to the local goverr t forces which are theirs a iners of Colorado. Deperta are to be institut ding to} dispatcl 3 who are not citiz é proportion of the m Slav workers, the | the immigration law enthusiastically supported by the leadership of the American Federation of Labor, against thousands of the} most oppressed and exploited workers in the United States. and their families who fought and died at Lud- low were foreign-born workers. Their struggle wrote a whole chapter in American labor history. Members of the United Mine Workers at that time, the union was proud to claim them. This was in the pre-war period before the United Mine Work- | ers had been wrecked by the Lewis machine and stripped as far as possible of its fighting will and tradition. No more damning testimony to the cowardly and treacherous surrender to American capitalism of the UMWA leadership can be written than the record of the fact that today in Colorado it is on the side of Rockefeller and against the striking miners. | If in other states, Ohio, Pennsylvania‘and West Virginia, the whole power of the coal barons and their government is being brought to bear upon the United Mine Workers in an effort to de- stroy it, then there is all the more reason that in Colorado the United Mine Workers officials, having failed to organize the miners, should form a united front with the I. W. W. and other: militant elements against the Rockefeller tyranny. | Unity of Colorado labor can defeat the Colorado Coal and Tron | Company. Unity of Colorado labor can establish a labor party | which, in alliance with the farmers, can earry the fight against | low wages, company unionism and gunman rule into every city) and county in the state. | Such unity must be achieved. This is the lesson of the Colo-| rado struggle as it is the lesson of every struggle of labor in the| United States. The fierceness of the fight in Colorado is proof of the clear class divisions in that state. Recognition of this fact, deliberately concealed by the misleaders of labor, must be that basis for the | struggle against Rockefellerism. In the meantime, the Colorado miners and their organizers | and leaders must be given every possible aid—defense, strike re- a lief and the widest publicity for the heroic struggle in which they | are engaged. | Trying to Organize the Anti-Soviet Bloc One of the foreign correspondents of the New York Evening | Post, Raymond G. Swing, cables his paper that “an ambitious program for pacifying Europe,” is being discussed between Lon- | don, Paris, Rome and Berlin. Sir Austen Chamberlain and the, tory brigands are behind this latest attempt at “pacification.” | This is recognized by the Post correspondent who reports that! Chamberlain has discussed the question personally with Briand and with German and Italian representatives. H What the spokesmen for the Soviet Union have been saying about the malignant war preparations on the part of the British tories are now matters of common knowledge. Under the thinly | veiled slogans of “pacification” is proceeding the attempt to build) what is described as an “emergency bloc against Russia.” These are the exact words of the despatch. | That even the smallest details of the formation of such aj bloc have been surveyed is indicated by the report that a new) redivision of the colonies and mandates is to take place. Germany | is to be bribed with a mandate over its former colony, Kamerun, | now under joint British and French control; Italy will get the mandate over Syria, now held by France and which was “paci- fied” last year amidst the most frightful bombardment of the} native forces which culminated in the destruction of the city of Damascus; France in return for this mandate will be given com- plete domination of the Riff country in Morocco which was also “pacified” by Spanish and French airplanes showering death and destruction upon defenseless villages. It is precisely such “pa- cification’’—the peace of death, the peace of the desert—that is contemplated in the proposed alignment. What the ultimate aim of Britain may be is not difficult to discern. The temporary nature of the proposed alignment is ap- parent when we consider the fact that English imperialism will never consent to the control of Syria and Lebanon by any other country, not completely subservient to her. Neither will the con- flicts between France and Britain be permanently settled be- cause of temporary necessity. The whole arrangement is so pal- pably a war alignment that even the capitalist journalists whose | duty it is to conceal such facts now frankly admit its nature. It is not an unusual thing for ruling classes of antagonistic | | nations to unite temporarily for the defeat of their historic ene- | my—the working class. Time and again this has been the case. |! It was so in the revolutions of 1824 in Europe. The classic ex- ample is the Paris Commune when the forces of France and Ger- many that two months before had been fighting each other united to crush workingmen’s Paris. So today, in spite of thé antagon- isms between the European vandal states, they may secure tem- porary unity of action. Britain, facing nationalist revolts in its colonies of Asia and northern Africa, and unable to solve the economic contradictions at home, views the Soviet Union as the one great obstacle. But, while making elaborate moves on the checkerboard of international diplomacy, while resorting to the most astute du- plicity to gain allies in ity venture, there is one factor that can- “not be controlled by Chafiberlain and that is the working class pit ik ‘ Thrown out of House and Home by the Rockefeller Gunmen. (Continued from Last Issue.) | What the Public Wants) "HE theory upon which our great-j est of all cultures has been built is that of a fair field and no favor, and the devil take the hindmost. We Americans have always believed in| that, and up to date it has always | seemed to work. But now, for some} reason beyond our understanding, it appears that the devil is taking the foremost as well as the hindmost. We have seen during the last ten years an endless procession of plays on Broadway, illustrating the meth- ods of committing every conceivable crime; we have watched the develop- ment of every possible variety of triangles, quadrilaterals and poly- gons, up to and including the last moments in the bedroom; we have become intimately acquainted with parricide, incest, sadism and the whole index of “Psychopathia Sexu- There is nothing left but the| rarer and more obscure forms of ab- normality; and so this winter we see the sational suc with “Le ua courses in young ladies’ finish- hools in New York now include on of what this is and and it really has high | ue, being history and psy- and aesthetics as well as) ; and the very latest thing— they say it was a Rus-| dor’s daughter who first | ionable in this country, | t to the daughter of al ar he cult The use of the in the glorifi- cation of depravity is covered by a formula: it is “What the Public Wants.” You hear that formula every ten minutes in the office of every yellow jour and tabloid in Amer- ica; and likewise in the office of every popular magazine, and every producer of theatrical and cinema excrement, “Yes, I know, it’s a piece of cheese, but it’s what the public wants, and what can a fellow do?” The purpose of this book is to tell the “fellows” that their formula is twenty-five years out of date. It used to be a question of what the public wanted—until the science of psychology was put to practical use in the advertising business. Now, with “salesmanship” taught in sev- eral thousand schools, colleges and universities of commerce in the United States, every corner grocery has an expert who knows how to make the public want whatever he wants it to want. The presumptuous impulse of the public to do its own wanting is known to these ad men as “sales re- sistance,” and they lie awake nights figuring ways to batter it to pieces. They have laid down so many ad- vertising barrages that they have ~ Money Writes [man ,woman and child has to have ‘that truth will again some day be of. interest to mankind, I will set down} w everything all the time. There is a week when everybody from Maine to Manila eats raisins, and a day when every red-blooded patriot takes home |a box of candy to his mother, even though the old lady may have no teeth. The ad men all avow that what they unload on you must have “real value,” otherwise their campaigns would come to nothing. They really believe this, because the professors of applied psychology have taught them that they have to believe it be- fore they can make you believe it. They sing such things, and recite them in chorus, and dance their war- dances, and eat a million expensive luncheons every week at public ex- pense, But stop and think for your- self, instead of for the benefit of those who live by emptying your pockets. What could be more silly than chew- ing gum? Yet the whole world has to buy it, in order that our Catalina millionaire may have money to con- duct swimming races to advertise chewing gum. What could be more uncomfortable than a starched collar? Yet the collar manufacturers and the magazine publishers have conspired against you to such effect that you jcannot succeed in business, nor even be happy in company, without put- ting your neck into their white halter. Or consider the thing called “style.” Everybody who wishes to be re- spected by his fellows has to throw away his perfectly good clothes at least twice every year—and for no reason that any living being can name. except that the clothing-mak- ers may have the profit on the sale of a new outfit. ; Or consider Christmas—could Satan in his most malignant mood have devised a-worse combination of graft plus buncombe than the system whereby severa! hundred million veople get a billion or so of gifts for which they have no use. and some thousands. of shopclerks die of ex- haustion while selling them, and every other child in the western world is made ill from overeating—all in the name of the lowly Jesus? And yet so deadly is the boycott of the Christmas grafters. that these few sentences would suffice to bar this book from every big magazine and newspaper in America! The Muckraking Era Vv. Tr theory that the public should have whatever ideas it wants, and that the test of what should be pub- lished is what will sell—that theory was tried out when I was a young man, and the world moves so fast nowadays that it is ancient history, and the younger generation of writ- ers never heard of it, and will refuse to believe that it ever happened; if l assert that I lived through it, and entirely destroyed the line which used,saw it from the inside, they will say drawn between necessities and|I have a subsidy from. Moscow. s, and now in America every | Nevertheless, in the obstinate hope of the imperialist countries. Not even the most debasing service of the MacDonalds, the Thomases, the Purcells and Hickses can conceal from the workers of Europe the fact that the workers of the Soviet Union are better off than those of any other country. The recent proclamation of the seven-hour day cannot be exor- cised by any exalted imperialist rhetoric. : While Britain is trying to align the ruling classes of the im. perialist nations against the Soviet Union, the working class of the world must rally to the defense of the first workers’ and peasants’ government and thereby make it invincible against at- tack. The proletariat in the powerful capitalist nations and the exploited masses of the colonial and semi-colonial countries are the reserve forces upon which the Soviet Union must rely and in face of the capitalist unfited front we must not fail them. © By Upton Sinclair briefly the experience which bulked largest in my life as a would-be truth-teller; and which, incidentally, has determined the development of America for. twenty years, and turned my sweet land of liberty into a pay- master of reaction throughout the world. Twenty-five years ago the old an- archic idea of a free field and no favor prevailed throughout the ‘American publishing business, and it occurred to a couple of bright young ad men that the people might be in- terested in knowing how they were being robbed wholesale. They bought a derelict magazine from John Wana- maker, and made the try with Tom Lawson’s “Frenzied Finance.” To use the ad men’s own slang, it was “a knockout”; the American peo- ple showed that more than any other thing in the entire world they wanted to read about how they were being robbed wholesale. _ One publisher after another leaped to the assault on the fortress of graft—there was a whirlwind of ex- posure, “the muckraking era,” it was called, and for several years the writ- ers made thousands of dollars, and the publishers made millions. It was no uncommon thing for a magazine to take on a hundred thousand new subscribers a month; and to us young enthusiasts of those lively days it seemed that the dragon of big busi- ness was going to devour himself. But alas, a dragon does not v very much of his own tail before it begins to hurt. Big business rallied and organized itself, and the Wall Street banks got to work. You may read the details in “The Brass Cieck,” if you are one of the few Americans who retain an interest in public affairs. Suffice it to say that every magazine in the United States that was publishing any statem nts injurious to big business was either bought up, or driven into bankruptcy, and “the muckraking era” passed into unwritten history. The publie was told that it, the public, had become disgusted with the excesses of the muckrakers; and the public believed that, just as it had formerly believed the muckrakers. The public believes whatever it is told in print—what else can it believe? It was obvious enough that the “excesses” had been com- mitted by those who made the muck, not by those who raked it; and the fact stands on record that out of the hundreds of exposures published, and hundreds of thousands of single facts stated, not one was ever disproved in a court of law, Then came the war; and the manu- facture of mass-tropisms, which had been a semi-criminal activity of bank- ers and big business men, became all at once the service of the Lord, car- ried on by the organized respectability of the country, with the whole powe: of the Federal government behind it. Just who was to blame for the world war is a question which will not be settled in our generation, if ever; but this much has become clear, history will not acquit any nation of guilt, and the diplomatic conspirators of France and Russia will carry the heaviest load. I am one of the hun- dred and ten million suckers who swallowed the hook of the British official propaganda, conducted by an| eminent bourgeois novelist, Gilbert Parker, who was afterwards knighted for what he did to me. Now he grins at me behind the shelter of his title, and my only recourse is to call upon the workers of Britain to wipe out that title, and the system of caste banditry upon which it rests. Meantime, here we were, the hun- dred and ten million suckers, do- _jing everything we were officially told to do: eating rye bread instead of wheat, calling sauerkraut “liberty bbage,” saving our tinfoil and old yspapers, contributing to the Sal- vation Army, buying liberty bonds, listening to four minute orators, sing- ing “Over There,” spying on our Ger- man neighbors, lynching the I. W. W. We sent a million men overseas, and they showed themselves heroes, and we who stayed at home showed ourselves the prize boobs of history, and taught our money-masters that there is literally nothing we cannot be made to believe. Then came the Russian revolution, and gave our predatory classes the greatest shock of their lives. Before that, a Socialist had been a long- haired dreamer to be smiled at good- naturedly. The present writer, a queer, excitable youth who had “aimed at the public’s heart and by accident hit it in the stomach,” had even been permitted to publish two Socialist articles in “Collier’s Week- ly.” But now all that was ended over-night. A Socialist became a bloody bandit, who wanted to kill all the capitalists and nationalize all the women; the news art of manufactur- ing tropisms were turned from the Germans to the Russians, and today, ten years later, there are patriotic societies, having millions of dollars to spend convincing the members of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union that Jane Addams is a Soviet agent, and the child labor amendment to the Constitution a Moscow plot to undermine our young people. And don’t think that I am just amusing myself with wild words; the earnest and credulous church people of this country are taught just exactly that, and by propaganda societies which big business maintains and pays for that job and no other. So the doctrine of the open door in affairs of the mind was scrapped forever, and tolerance and fair play were stowed away in the attic of American history. No longer does a big magazine of national circulation extend to a young writer the oppor- tunity to explain how democracy may be applied to industrial affairs. There is to be no democracy for American labor, the “American plan” is another name for stoolpigeons and_ spies, blacklist and terror. Each individual steel-worker may bargain on equal terms with the most gigantic corpora- tion in the world, and if he doesn’t like the terms, he will be slugged, or thrown inw the can, or if he is a foreigner, shipped back home to be shot by his native Fascisti. And all over the world, America, which once went wild over Kossuth, now subsidizes defenders of “law and order” such as Kolchak and Denikin, Horthy, Mussolini and Rivera. Mr. Herbert Hoover’s aide boasted in the “World’s Work” how he starved out the revolution of the Hungarian workers; and Mr. Richard “ashburn Child, ex-minister to Italy, and Fascist-in-chief to the “Saturday Evening Post,” tells his friends how Mussolini came to him to ask whether the American bankers would sub- sidize the march on Rome; they would, of course—and so we have a “stable government,” which has crushed every vestige of modern thought in Italy. As I write, we are preparing to un- dermine the workers’ government of Mexico, we are waging a war to keep our bankers in control of Nicaragua and we are letting the British im- perialists lead us blind-folded into a war to defend the right of their mer- chants to ,poison a hundred million Chinese with opium raised by the labor of famine-haunted Hindoo pea- sants. - ' (To Be Continued) job. x voluntary organizer and if he is not, By T. J. O'Flaherty \*fHE Tacoma Labor Advocate does |* not believe that A. F. of L. or- |ganizers are earning their pay |checks. The organizational returns |from a year’s work are not very flat- tering to the abilities of the pay- rollers. Perhaps if they had spent as much time trying to bring work- ers into the unions as they spend driving out progressives there would be a different story to tell. This is what the Tacoma Labor Advocate jhas to say: <THE report of the executive council of the American Federation of La- bor does not indicate a very flourish- ing rate of organizational progress for the past twelve months. Some-~ thing over 8,400 members is the net gain as outlined by Secretary Morri- |son. If we credit the figures used by Stuart Chase that the workers in- crease by 400,000 annually, it will be seen that we have not assimilated any very large degree of those enga: in gainful occupations. At least there is room for improvement. ake seems to the Labor Advocate that there is no question quite as important as that of organizing the unorganized. With organization car- vied on successfully the rest of labor’s program would be easy. We might suggest that while there may be eriti- cism of organizers and officials, we cannot escape self-criticism on the Every union man should be a he is as much a delinquent as any paid official. His whole economic interest rests on getting the other fellow who is unorganized into the union. “YET we should have more results from the paid organizers. No business would continue to employ men who did not show up a better re- sult for a year’s work and a year’s salary and the American Federation of Labor thru itself and its affiliated international unions has an immense staff of well paid organizers who should be able to submit better re- sults in round numbers as a conse- quence of their labors. Those who have served faithfully and are now too old could be superannuated with a pension. It would be better for the movement and kinder to them.” ee second great Chicago fire may be called off after all. The mayor of that city is in the grip of an am- bition to burn everything British but Welsh anthracite. He instructed a noted sporting fan to unearth every piece of literature in the public library that could be construed as pro-British and burn it in an exposed place. But a Puritan by the name of Bohae stood on his inalienable rights and wants Mr. Thompson to show cause thru the courts why he may not be restrained from indulg- ing in a holocaust. So patriotism is again thwarted, but we believe that Mr. Thompson has lots of patience and since the baseball season is over the people of Chicago must be amused. ILLIAM HALE THOMPSON is a clever demagogue. Twisting the British lion’s tail was a favorite Trish-American political maneuver before the British seized on the bright idea to split Ireland into two parts and recognize the pieces. While Thompson is expending the vials of his wrath on king George his school board is trying to put over a wage cut on Chicago school teachers. i CONSTANTINOPLE dispatch tells us that Mustapha Kemal Pasha wept after he finished his seven-day speech. Kemal is presi- dent of Turkey and a pretty good president as presidents go. It is true that he chops the heads off his ad- versaries as occasion requires, but not being a Communist he does not get a bad press. Once upon a time I believed, with the majority of the human race that the Turks were blood-thirsty people, but a nation that can listen to a seven-day speech with- out resorting to violence must have Something of the Quaker in it. If Kemal pulled off something like that in New York, he would not we for the good reason that he wo have nothing to weep with. HARLES Rk. FORBES, director of the United Veteran’s Bureau can get out tomorrow provided he can rais: 000. Unless he can amass this sum he must stay in jail for thirty days more. Ten thousand dollars for | thirty days is not bad pay, but Mr. ° forbes has been in the can for two’ years and another month is not to be laughed at. Mr. Forbes is the gentle- man who got acquainted with the late president Harding thru his back-slap. ping propensities and was appointed | head of the Veteran’s Bureau for no | other reason than that he swung a | wicked paw. Those were the good old days. Forbes was luckier than his “angel” at that. There is hope be- yond the ocean, but none beyond a} fatal dose of crab meat. Ware still of the opinion that the ; winners of the Fall-Sinclair eon- spiracy suit will be the lawyers on ‘oth sides. Tt now appears that Fall nd Sinclair were concerned only with he wellfare of their country when bey became involved in the famous | “oapot Dome scandal. A lawyer that annot prove that a wealthy client is , \ patriot should take down his shingle and start reading the “hel; vanted” eolumns. ke i