The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 14, 1927, Page 6

THE DAILY bid vee 5 a NEW one: FRIDAY, OCTOBER 14, Yyz7 Page Si STANDARD. OIL IS THE BEST, ANYWAY! THE DAILY WORKER By Fred I Ellis! , | Curest pao Published AS the DAILY Wi yORKE R PU 'BLISHING ‘CO. Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. | By T. J. O'Flaherty Phone, Orchard 1680 “Daiwork” i] » not kind to William Green, president of the A. F. of L. t Tuesday when they permitted a ited States judge to hand down a ion hogtying the United Mine Workers of America in the Pittsburgh distri at the approximate moment | Mr. n was lengthily dissertating |on. the futility of a Labor Party in SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per years $3.50 six months 50 three months $2.00 three months addres ch THE DAILY W J. LOUIS WILLIAM 3 gods w it and make out checks to R, 33 First Street, New York, Editors | .Business Manager BERT MIGLER:. jecsceccss | this country. Mr. Green pointed with geet ‘ New York, N. ¥., ander | pride to the social legislation which aria y Seen eee : | | has been p in the legislative rata as | | cham of this nation thru the in- * A | 1 y of “friends of labor.” TH] iali aH 7 | are anxiously waiting for the Conscious Imperialist Reaction in Los Angeles | We are anxiously ‘waiting for the Not blind but conscious ‘tion animated the Los Angeles |} lieve the United Mine Workers of the ae ; < ij ialist reso- injunction that shackles their move- A. F. of L. conventi 1 ng down an anti-imperialist reso en PIELER: lution to the recent’ convention of the New York st h ; State F fe) bor. HORTLY after Mr. Green got thra r 4 fe ates AEN & 7 » resoluti ) |“ ridiculing Max Hayes, the speaker Not or t envention tura down the resolution but it in bekeETaha Labor Pate, he Gsued heard without protest the committee report urging adherence to sratitanioht Griticishig: Mevaction bor the Monroe Dareane and praising it as “necessary for the best the federal judge who issued the interests of > people of both Central and South America.” notorious ieueeha against rie i . ys miners, wonderin; now suc a in, The que » of the withdrawal of troops from Nicaragua was could “happen = “free mene? declared by; commit to have no connection with the gen- |'Phis judge was either a democrat or C sti n foreign policy and was thus shoved a republican. “He certainly was not eral mae oe oa one ¥ “taking his orders from Moscow.” into the bac . ig Surely the workers could not be The line of the official labor leadership as defenders of Wall | treated worse if they did not have a Street government inst its working class foes shows itself in the statement made by the committee criticising, not the imper- ialist murderers of Nicaraguans and Haitians, but state federa- tion which accept anti-imperialist resolutions and those who in- troduce them. This, the committee said, ‘inevitably leads to the conclusion that the authors are more concerned in pointing the finger of criticism at the government than they are in ascer-} taining the facts regarding the subject they attempt to discuss.” Here is the crux of the whole matter. A. F. of L. officialdom | will tolerate at certain times condemnation of various depart-| ments of the government and individual acts of government of-| Supreme Court: “You little oil grafters must be made an example—until the 1928 election is over. ficials—issuance of unctions, ete. But a general attack on| the government as a whole, or an attack on a policy which has! the possibilities-of showing government as the instrument of the capitalist class, brings into battle the whole general staff of Wall Street’s labor agents. The resolution, with its eulogy of Woodrow Wilson and ee administration, coming as it did from New York, can be-taken a maneuver of certain sections of the democrat party to em-| barrass a republican regime in advance of a presidential year.| But the section which states “that we, assembled here today, | declare our most determined opposition to imperialist policy and war,” and further, “that we demand the withdrawal of the war fleet from China, Nicaragua and other countries occupied by the armed forces of the United States,” has a determined class note which doubtless expresses the actual feelings of great numbers of workers who still blindly vote for the democratic party. This note the watch-dogs of Wall Street at the head of the labor movement were quick to detect. Such a resolution adopted by the convention of the A. F. of L. would have been an event of international significance. | good fellow, all right, Steve, but you It is that section of the committee report dealing with China, ents. Yoo ehiieal becaana ed however, that demonstrates best the tender care with which A. | want us to have our rights under the F. of L. officialdom guards the interests of American imperialism | state law. It was some of the bosses and takes its foreign policy from the state and war departments. | cere ee ae It says in refusing to endorse the demand for the withdrawal Of | beat me up. I am held under $8,000 armed forces: | bail for being at the meeting.” “A mere withdrawal now would simply result in giving cer-| : aoc tain other nations involved an opportunity, if they are so in- clined, to use the so-called American interests in China to fur ther embroil our government.’ The clear inference here is that the interests of the American) workers are the same as those of “our government” in China and that the battleships and marines which have helped to sup- press the Chinese liberation movement are instruments of demo- cracy. By their refusal to demand the withdrawal of armed forces from Latin America and China and condemn American imperial- ism, A. F. of L. leaders have once more proved the truth of Lenin’s statement: “The upper strata of workers or workers’ aristocracy, which is wholly petty bourgeois with regard to their manner of living and the size of their earnings as well as in regard to their whole world viewpoint, constitutes . the main peace-time social prop for the bourgeoisie. Jor the truest agents of the bourgeoisie in the labor movement are the labor agents of the capitalist class, (Continued from the last issue) Steve Kurepa says: cal. It is because I am chairman of | the mine committee, and I try to |make them live up to the state laws. When two boys were killed in our mine because the bosses weren’t liv- |ing up to the state law, I went and |complained to them about the con- dition, and told them I would have the state law on them if it was not remedied. The boss said: ‘Your’re a JOE PTASIENSKI, of Harwick, . twenty-one-year-old miner on ike, said: “T was arrested with Steve. They | didn’t beat me up bad like Steve. They | just hit me three or four times. I been} working in the mines five years. I | was at the meeting. It was the worst thing I ever saw. I saw more than anybody would want to see. I saw women knocked down and bleeding, and crying for help. They were hurt and couldn’t get up, and if anybody stopped to help, the police would club them down too. I saw a boy about seven or eight years old ridden down by a horse. His neck was all bloody and they picked him up and threw him in a truck. I don’t know where they took him. I am a union miner and a citizen of the United | States. I ran and got away from the; |meeting, but they caught me that night with Steve.” As a result of the incidents related “The mine bosses say I am a radi-| The united front. of A. F. of 1. leadership, police, courts and | above, twenty-one union miners, most capitalists against the Communists is easily understood in the; light of the recent developments. defenders of American imperialism in the labor movement are} making war on those revolutionary workers who try to organize |, the American labor movement for struggle against imperialism and the war danger. workshops. the whole situation. Production JOE PATSIENSKI. Drawn from life by Don Brown. ot them with families of from three to six children, are being held under bails ranging from $5,000 down to $500 on -charges of “unlawful as- sembly, rioting and inciting to riot and resisting officers.” The trials will come up shortly. The American Civil Liberties Union and the Inter- national Labor Defense have in- terested themselves in their defense, The Pennsylvania / “Coal and Tron” Terror “Law and Order” By HARRY SZARVAS. { Charley was one of a host of truck drivers employed by one of the “pro-| gressively managed” industries in a certain second-class city. was ordinarily, like that of all slaves working under the “point system,” a dreadful monotony. This year, however, had brought about some exciting changes in the routine of Charley’s existence. His boss had given him a two-weeks’ va- cation with pay, with the sole pro- vision that he spend it at one of the numerous citizens’ military training camps that infested the country. More than this, there was the Sacco-Van- zetti case. It was while Charley and his buddies were at camp that the news reached them from back home that a bunch of “wops” who were de- monstrating in behalf of Sacco and) Vanzetti, whoever in hell they were, had beaten up a policeman. It appear- ed that as the demonstrators marched | by one of the number of factories which are owned by Charley’s boss some hoodlum slaves employed in that establishment provoked the marchers by hurling missiles at them from the windows. The policeman’s interfer- ence with the attempts of several demonstrators to retaliate by return- ing “fire” resulted in a melee in which the guardian of “law and order” was temporarily incapacitated. * * * The folowing day, after the execu- tion of Sacco and Vanzetti had been postponed for twelve days, Charley’s boss ordered all of the company’s property to be “guarded.” That the guards were only placed and a well known Pittsburgh lawyer| there for the effect it would create, is in charge of the case. Mack Dies After War Play. SANTA MONICA, Cal., Oct. 13.— Hughie Mack, 800 pound stage and motion picture actor, was found by his wife dead in bed here today. Death is believed to have been caused by a heart attack. it means simply that the chief | Production which stands between them and the factories and As the unemployed army grows the competition for the job ‘increases and the bosses lower wages. This in turn aggravates per worker also increases since the bosses are able to point out to the employed workers that there is an army of jobless ones waiting to take the place of Unemployment in the United States Unemployment is making itself felt in spite of the brass band | publicity for prosperity. The Labor Bureau, inc., reports that all industries list a} smaller number of workers employed than for the same period | a year ago and that all states except California report growing! unemployment. Dispatches from Chicago tell of 100,000 unemployed in that; great industrial center. John P. Frey, secretary of the Metal Trades Deparnnene of the American Federation of Labor, reporting to the Los Angeles | convention estimates the total number of jobless at 1,000,000, with 3,500,000 workers on part time. Reports of slackness in industry come from all centers. It is clear that the purchasing power of “the highest paid, workers in the world” is not keeping pace with the increase in production made possible by centralization, standardization, im- proved mechanical processes and the speeding-up of workers. The efficiency unionism scheme foisted upon the labor move- ment by the official labor leadership is taking its toll. American capitalism is placing the burden of the contradic tion inherent in the system of production for sale and exchange} than for use, upon the shoulders of the American working class, Unable to buy back the immense quantities of commodities they |the bosses demand. | paradise. nature of high productivity. labor officialdom. | produce. Preparations must be made ployed by the bosses. they create. any one who fails to turn out awe amount of production which The American labor moyen has been living in a fool’s It has believed all the bunk relative to the eternal ‘character of American prosperity and labor officialdom has echoed the propaganda of the employers stressing the beneficial One important thing has been forgotten—or suppressed—by It is that American workers, unlike the work- ing class of the Soviet Union, have no control over the goods they Whereas the first charge upon an increase of produc- tion in the Soviet Union is an increased standard of living for *\the workers, in the United States increased production merely ‘adds to the number of unemployed and lays the basis for a na- | tion-wide attack upon the living standards of the working’class. to prevent the use of the unem- The jobless workers must be organized, their organizations must be made part of the labor movement,|the smouldering revolutionary fires the demand for their maintenance at full trade union wages must ‘be raised and fought for, it must be made clear that capitalist | |government and industry must support the unemployed army |” Unemployment is here as a permanent phenomenon. It must not be treated as a passing development but as a real and living problem which, if not met as a class issue, will become a terrible produce, the American mpsses are confronted now with a surplus! weapon in the hands of the bosses, / Ae I as was apparent from the fact that they (the guards), were unarmed and of the lowest paid and consequently of the ‘most unreliable class of em- ployes, did not matter. The “riot” was played up by the local press. Feel- ing against the “dagoes” began to run high. The air itself seemed to have become electrified, Thus, just at the height of their enjoyment at camp, Charley and his buddies were crdered to demobilize and entrain for home. They were instructed by their officer to be ready to report on a mo- ment’s notice. His life} Came the 22nd of August. Charley | reported to work in a somewhat more excited. mood than was usual with him. He requested his foreman to give him a regular schedule truck as he expected to be called out sometime during the day. The anticipated call came about 11 a.m. Walking through the factory gate he was nabbed by his major. Complying with the orders of his superior he went home, put on his uniform and reported for duty at the state armory. When he reached the armory he found several com- penies of their regiment already there, fully armed and “rarin to go.” In a short speech their officer had in- formed them of the object of their mobilization. It was to give “them ; damned dagoes, who think they can run our country,” a lesson in Amer- icanism. When towards mid-afternoon noth- | ing of a serious nature had transpired the disappointment of the boys was keen. Upon a suggestion from Charley the boys changed into their “civies,” armed themselves and went to town to see if they couldn’t discover excite- ment of some kind. Search the city as they might they could not find suf- ficient pretext upon which to “start something.” Disgusted by their fail- ure they sauntered back to the arm- ory. At the armory all through the day there was the regimental band whipping them into a frenzy. There were plenty of smokes and “trefresh- ments.” All they could eat and the more prosperous of them indulged in a little gambling. According to Char- ley, ther had “one helluva good time” until about 1 a. m. of the 23rd of Au- gust. At this hour someone suggest- ed, “Aw, let’s go home. Them sons of bitches are yeller, they ain’t got the guts to start nothing.” For a few days after the execution of Sacco and Vanzetti, Charley was the object of considerable hero-wor- ship on the part of his fellow slaves. Gradually, as the slaves forget the case of the two victims of capitalist justice, Charley sinks into oblivion, disgusted with himself for having nothing more exciting to do than to run the damned truck within the con- fines of the high barbed wire fence, Our Readers Correcting an Article. Editor, The DAILY WORKER: Comrade Bill Dunne did not include the Centralia Conspiracy of 1919 in his review of “Frame-ups in the American Class Struggle” that ap- peared in last Saturday’s Magazine Section. Surely the raiding of the I. W. W. Hall and the farcical trial at which the wobblies were charged with hav- ing caused the death of some of their murderous attackers, was a most flagrant class frame up. A year after the war, in 1919, Big Business and the Government decided upon drastic measures to stamp out in the American Labor Movement that ane ignited asker | the upheaval in "The ES W. W. which had borne the brunt of the persecution during the war and which immediately after the war still offered the most effective resistance to the bosses of one of the biggest industries of the country, were singled out for annihilation first. | The murder of Wesley Everest and the attempted murder of over a dozen of their leading members started the ball rolling for the bosses and the government. Nation-wide Red raids followed. Radical organizations were ter- vorized and Labor Unions were stepped on hard. The Open Shop Movement followed in full swing. Big strikes were crushed and revengefully and viciously the master class re- vealed itself as the most powerful ruling class in the world. The frame up and murder of Sacco and Vanzetti marked the period of the last stage of capitalist develop- ment in America, The period of the strongest exploiting class and the weakest exploited class. The capitalist class has sated it- self and its system will die. The La- bor Movement will nourish itself with the blood of its martyrs and will grow.—C. K. Miller, New York. _ WANTED — MORE READERS! ARE YOU GETTING THEM? the officer in charge and several of | | “friend” in the world than they are the alleged friends who are elected | with the aid of William. Green and phig fellow Head HAP Abas Brisbane taken Otto Kahn’s advice during the war and purchased a couple of thousand shares of General Motors stock, the noted columnist would now be worth about ten million dollars more than he is. The ‘stock was then selling for $50 a share. For every one share of G. M. stock originally purchased the holder is now hanging on to 37% shares. That’s how the big money is made, not by swinging e pick or tapping a |typewriter. © © © rn Rae Chicago jury that found Rus- sell Scott guilty of murder some years ago no doubt heatd of the de- fendant’s unforgivable sin against the palates of the Windy City’s in- habitants. Scott engaged in the dis- tribution of grape juice that was supposed to add to the gayety of the consumer after it sat for a while in a secluded place. The juice did not choose to ferment and Scott was ar- rested as a common swindler. Only poor whites and Negroes are con- victed of murder in Chicago, but a wine confidence man—well, we warn Chicago grape juice drummers to re- member what happened to one of them. ai A FEW more injunctions like the one issued against the Pittsburgh miners and William Green’s trade. union movement will be sewed up inf the judicial sack as tight as a dol- lar in a miser’s purse. % * * USTICE Jacob Panken, the socialist candidate for municipal judge, has rejected the Communist endorsement of his candidacy. Another Communist plot to keep a good man out of office! Tt must not be assumed that the so- cialists spurned the Communist en- dorsement for sectarian reasons. They are everything but that. Endorse- ments from republican and democratie politicians are always accepted. * * * pare prayers and heavy drink- ing on the part of the royalist por- tion of the populace the child born to the crown prince Leopold of Belgium turned out to be a girl instead of a boy. But by the time the child ar- rived, the royalists were se drunk that they were able to stand the shock. Always a thrilling moment to any kingdom, the coming of the royal baby to Brussels was a partic- ularly happy occasion because of the romantic figures involved.”—(The New York Times.) Now, if this na- fon happened to be a monarchy with King Benjamin of the House of David as royal head, what a great number of thrills the happy people would be on the receiving end of? * * * UEEN Mary of England showed good political judgment when she stepped out of the reviewing line to shake hands with a blind member of the American legion. : Those who have had the privilege ‘of gazing on the untouched face of the queen gay that the- blind soldier did not Ke his vision in hee i [7 may be news to many of ve read- ers that Heywood Broun ‘who lost a job and gained a lot of enviable notoriety out of his espousal of the Sacco-Vanzetti cause, received $450 a week from the New York World for turning out a daily column. Whatever one may think of his column, it must be admitted that there are few capitalist journalists who would swap the right of free expression for a $450 a week job. And Broun was due for a small raise —$50 a week—on the first of next year\if he had listened to his mas- ter’s voice with the proper degree of humility. Broun is now jabbing at prohibition and other evils in the columns of the Nation without in- terference from Mr. Villard. Any- how the Baltimore Sun is said to be willing to take Mr. Broun on at $450 per week, should Mr. Pulitzer, who is returning from a wild animal hunt in Africa be willing to forget Mr, Broun’s contract with the World. This is gossip which may be in- teresting to the type of human who likes to know what goes on behind the scenes in editorial rooms and in theatres.