The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 10, 1927, Page 6

THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1927 Page en — A WORKER'S REACTION AGAINST {yfachine Lumbering In| PITTSBURGH TERMINAL COAL 0, ROMAIN ROLLAND'S LETTER Soviet Karelia Inroduces| USES PECNAGE TO RUN SCAB MINE This Is the Season of Fake Uprisings Within The Parties of Capitalism By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL, tion within the national re- There will be an op publican convention next year, but there will be no split of the republican party. The opposition will be weak and vacillating. In many it will be difficult to differentiate as between the ionists and the regulars, the latter having care- successfully won over the former in many ways oppos fully and Tespects. It is, therefore, i ing to learn that some of the so-called “insurgent western republican senators” have just had a meeting in Washington with the avowed pur- pose of raising the standards of opposition in the next republican convention against the possibilities for the presidential nomination already guard. These include such reactionaries as Hughes, | Hoover, Lowden, Dawes—a dollar loving quartette be- yond cx e. ’ * * The “insurgent’ eeting was held in the office of Senator William E. Borah in Washington. It was this same Borah that visited the Roosevelt “insurgents gathered in the Auditorium Theatre, in Chicago, in 1912, after they had effected the split of the republican party, immediately returning to the Coliseum, however, where the “regula convention was in session, and there giv- ing his a! and support to the candidacy of William Howard Taft, who was defeated by Woodrow Wilson, o be sure, but who was promoted to become of the United States supreme court. ition,” therefore, that is spawned as one of the conspirators against the old re- gime, thus ‘ays its weakness. Borah played host to Senator nith W. Brookhart, of Iowa, and Senator Gerald P. Nye, of North Dakota. It is planned to hold another meeting this week to be attended by Senator George W. No of Nebraska, Senator Robert M. La- Follette of Wisconsin, Lynn J. Frazier of North Da- kota and Robert B. Howell of Nebraska. These names are set down here because they have all been used to mislead workers and farmers in the middle west, if not the whole country, in the past, and will be so used again. * * * The fraudulent nature of this “opposition” is seen in the announcement that several senators composing it will be content with the nomination either of the multi-millionaire, former governor of Illinois, Frank 0. Lowden, or Vice President “Hell ’n Maria” Dawes, the Chicago banker. Both Lowden and Dawes supported the fake McNary-Haugen farm relief bill, the spur- ious nature of which has not yet been successfully re- vealed to the wide masses of the suffering agricultural population. lieve that the McNary-Haugen bill furnishes a cure-all for their every woe, and that any supporter of this legislation is therefore “A FRIEND!” * * * It is peculiar, however, that neither Senator Charles McNary, of Oregon, head of the senate committee on agriculture, nor Representative Haugen, of Iowa, head of the house committee on agriculture, is mentioned as a present or prospective member of Borah’s little in- surrection. If McNary and Haugen are wedded too closely to the republican machine, then the legislation they sponsor should be just as unsatisfactory. * * * The McNary-Haugen measure can in no way benefit the four millions of farm workers and the four millions of tenant farmers. Yet it is these, as well as the small farmers and the well-to-do farmers who are drawn into support of this relief measure. It is only with the support of these elements in the agrarian popu- lation that the Borahs and Nyes, the Norrises and La- Follettes, the Howells selves in power. There is no doubt that a watered McNary-Haugen bill -will be one of the first bits of legislation to be intro- duced in the session of congress that convenes in De- cember. It may even be tempered to receive the sig- nature of the White House. If this prophecy comes to pass then the whole “in- surgent” outfit, Brookhart, Norris, Howell, Nye, Frazier and Borah, will stump the country to win votes for their party, the republican party. They will go through the middle western country, forget all about the tyranny of Wall Street and the exploitation of the ruling class generally, and argue with the farmers that there is no need for independent political action for the Labor Party. Thus they become the best agents of capitalists. * * * There is the side show by-play, by which Norris men- tions Borah as a possible candidate for president, with Borah doing the same honors for Norris. There is no doubt that puffy orators, sweating with the effort, will nominate both Norris and Borah, and perhaps other “insurgents” for the presidential nomina- tion at the republican convention. The Butlers and Smoots have heard such nominating speeches before. At the same time they have settled the nominations in their own hotel rooms. And the “insurgents” have agreed, ‘ * * What the workers and farmers must decide first is Whether they are through with the political parties of bosses. -If they have decided to act as a class, and nearly 300,000 voted the Farmer-Labor ticket at the last state election in Minnesota, then there is no fraud that can win them back again, even a McNary-Haugen bill, es- pecially one that gets the joint support of both Dawes and Brookhart. * * * The ease with which these “insurgents” bridge party lines is shown by the fact that Senator Norris, of Nebraska, has an eye to the possible democratic nom- inee, Al, Smith, of New York, as a “progressive” presi- dential candidate. This is another suggestion to work- ers and farmers, that if they are not satisfied with the republican party, then they should turn to the demo- erats. Anything is better in the eyes of these capi- talist politicians than permitting the workers to sever their relations completely with the old parties and es- tablish their own independent political power. ; * . * William M. Butler, chairman of the republican na- tional committee, had a conference last week with Sen- ator Borah. Butler, the New England textile multi- millionaire, head of the reigning oligarchy in New Eng- land that murdered Sacco and Vanzetti, could have given Borah no better orders than to hold his little insurrectionary tea party in an effort to give the work- ers and poor farmers impression that there is a rebellion growing within republican party. But the workers and farmers will\not be fooled, The old par- ties belong tq) capitalism, The exploited mentioned by the old, 2) with | In fact, the farmers have been led to be-| and the Fraziers keep them-| By EMILE ZENBERT. “My testimony will aps have a! certain value,” writes Romain Rol- | d in a letter on Sacc ich was recently ation.” Other than t ing him among the lil nd Vanzetti | als, the re for and a trifle above the yellow socialists his testimony, -beautifu written as it is, has no value at all.} We will see why. To him “the most terrible side of the tragedy is the abyss which this offense has now dug between the | United States and the rest of the peo- |ple of the world.” | It is not exactly No! By no| means. What of Mrs. Sacco? | In\ this trag there is no ticular “most rible si y | side is terrible and every terrible. The life of torment, of tears | and sleepless nights that Mrs. Sacco had to endure, a life practically | closed now by the murder of her hus- band, was not bright. Even though | accustomed as she must have become | to hear of her husband’s execution, | it must have been unbearable for her} to survive, still to breathe the air of hatred and prejudice that burnt Sacco | to death. | Could not her fate be considered as | “the most terrible side of the trag-} edy”? | What of the Workers? | And what about the working class of the world, not the “people’—the word people is too vague a term to \have a definite meaning—is not their | side of the tragedy also most “ter- rible”? Sacco and Vanzetti belonged to the working class as much as they | belonged to their family—and perhaps more. How does the class-conscious worker feel now when two of his most | militant leaders were murdered? Was not this a most terrible, a most flag- rant, a most heinous, bloody slap at | the working class. “Hey you, you bas- |tards, you see what happens to you | when you want freedom? Down, you |bastards, on your knees, on your |belly, and crawl and slave and shut jup, not a word of protest, or the | deadly breathof electricity for you, | deadly breath of electricity for you, | What “Barbarous” Country? Further, our highly beloved author, says that “the two unfortunate men | were subjected to a cruelty such as the most barbarous country in our world today, Bolshevik. . .would have thought too cowardly, too in- human.” If Russia is barbarous, what is Eng- land, France and the United States? | Bolshevik Russia has not, so far any- | how, bombarded foreign towns. Bol- | shevik Russia has not yet slaughtered | thousands of helpless men, women and | children. Bolshevik Russia has not yet ravaged foreign countries and oppres- sed and murdered their inhabitants. To mention a few cases, does Romain Rolland know what is going on in China and in Nicaragua? And invar- iably, the reports and comments of | those non-Communist Europeans and | Americans who have visited the | ““Workers’ Fatherland” are indicative |of peace, of growth, of freedom, of | contentment, certainly not of barbar- | ousness. | And like all the liberals the author jof “Jean Christophe” commits the |same yellow-socialist error. He en- treated Fuller for mercy. Since Ro- | main Rolland knew that “savage and | blood-thirsty souls exist,” did he ex- | pect to move them by pleading for |mercy? What is mercy to men sym- | bolizing murder, blood, greed, oppres- Romain Rolland deplor that no offi J ial of the 2 audible exp: anity.” How child- Murders of that nature, Sacco are being perpetrated if not in the ernment ish! and Vanzett not in China, it is in the Philip- if not in the Philippines, it is a. And what American ever protested these horrors, these crimes? against Then’ we learn that those who were most overwhelmed were “the liberals, the Christians, the saner and better- balanced. elements of Europe.” | So what were those elements who protested openly, those workers, men }and women, who went out on strike, who demonstrated in front of Amer- ican ‘consulates, who begged not for mercy and life imprisonment, but who demanded freedom, immediate reedom, who defied the police and he soldiery, who were in constant danger of being clubbed, or shot, or thrown into jail, or being deported, who did not stay home to weep and pray and hope and send letters, beau- tifully written letters, while the whole | of mankind that is strong, that is young, that is militant, that is fear- less, demanded a general, a universal loud and revolutionary protest to save the lives of Sacco and Vanzetti -were these men and women not “most overwhelmed” by the murder of the two martyrs? It is because too many people stay- ed home and not enough workers went out on strike; it is because there was no general and universal strike; it is because the “liberals, the Chris- tians, the sane and well-balanced ele- ments of Europe” and America again betrayed the working class in gen- eral and Sacco and Vanzetti in par- ticular, and not because America did not have a Voltaire, as Romain Rol- land writes, for a thousand Voltaires could not have done what a thous- and power-house workers, a thousand railroad workers, a thousand trans- portation workers vould have effected -that Sacco and Vanzetti were murdered, In ending his letter Romain Rol- land states that he loves “America.” There are two Americas only: the proletarian and all that is not pro- letarian. And it is certainly not the proletarian, particularly the militant, the class-conscious proletarian Amer- ica that the author of the “Enchanted Soul” loves. So that the fellow who was exiled from France during the war because of his pacifist tenden- cies, loves the non-proletarian Amer- ica—the most powerful imperialist, the most reactionary country in the world. America, divorced of Thayer and Fuller, Taft and Coolidge, is great? People persist in holding this view, upon remaining blind, upon not see- ing that it was not Thayer and Ful- ler that executed Sacco and Vanzetti, but that it was a great yet. rotten murderous system, the foundation of modern society, known as capitalism, that murdered the two men. And if as Romain Rolland says, “that a blow in history is always sooner or later given back,” I hope that he himself and all the others like him should live to see that telling blow given back. I hope that they should live long enough that the truth may be re- vealed to them. I hope that they may yet see the day, although it may hurt their eyes, accustomed as they were to live in constant darkness, when capitalism, the chief perpetra- tor of all crime, the gigantic breeder of all criminals, from the gangster to the general, will crumble, will be | sion? destroyed and in “its stead Commun- ism will be established. | eS GSES Ne Senora Bra PAUL CROUCH By COVAMI. We have heard lots from the capi- |talist press of “Unknown Heroes,” {but Paul Crouch is not a hero to plute, either known or unknown. Paul, it is true, is, or rather was, a soldier in the army of this great trustified democracy. But Paul made a mistake no loyal soldier can make and have any chance of becoming a hero. Paul began to think, and think- ing in a private soldier is nothing short of sedition and maybe treason, Well, Paul began to think and, look- ing on the state of the working classes in all the lands where he was ordered to carry on for civilization, Paul’s thoughts soon became “danger- ous thoughts,” as the Jap Mikado has it. Thinking such thoughts and be- ing both a soldier and workingman, Paul began to agitate and organize within and around the army, saying to his fellows: “Why should we be al- ways slaying our fellow workers’ should kill them? And, when we |nor the American workers. I say it’s ‘all wrong. Let’s organize and say so out loud and maybe we can stop it.” Paul thought he and the boys who | tional right to so say and act, and lit did look that way—on Thinking they were American citizens with American rights, Paul and his bunch were soon making soldiers and other proletarians sit up and take notice, Hawaii, where they were stationed, was soon buzzing with ex- eitement. This finally excited the moguls of the army, They told ‘aul to shut up, Paul wouldn’t, hold- What have they done to us that we| kill them, who gets the goods? Not us |joined him had a perfect constitu-' paper. | {ing that he was an American citizen ‘and had as much right to think and ; Speak, even if he was nothing but a | private, as did the officers. Paul kept | at it and the more he did the madder officers got. Finally they could stand his “treason” no longer. They j had him arrested. He was brought ‘before a court organized by the offi- | cers and was tried by the. officers. | Though his accusers were judge, jury, sheriff and prosecutor, the trial was, jas. usual, “fair and impartial” in ;every way. All the officers said so, and all officers are “officers and jgentlemen.” After this “impartial | trial” was over, Paul found himself | facing a life sentence in the peniten- \tiary. It was not an enviable life to jface, but Paul faced it without apologizing or begging for mercy, | So raw was the deal handed him | however that a roar of protest went jup over the country. Even the | President heard this and came to vie conclusion that three Ss was enough to “teach Paul a lesson.” So he cut the 40 years down to three, }and Paul is now out of durance vile, He seems to have learned his lesson | well, too, for he is on the road now | telling about the Chinese revolution {and calling on the workers and far- i mers to unite and free themselves from imperial slavery, no matter how | “glorious” it may seem. This indi- cates that while Paul may not be a “Hero”—that he is a MAN, and one well worth all workers and farmers and lovers of liberty hearing, for a man always has something to say that’s worth hearing. . BUY THE DAILY WORKER it at THE NEWSSTANDS t is in. China; | {Cooperation Into Practice (Second Article on Soviet Karelia.) Special DAILY WORKER Correspondence. By WILLIAM F, KRUS HE pine tree might well be adopted as the symbol of |4 Karelian economy, just, as the codfish used to serve | Massachusetts before the regime of Murderer Fuller, |the execution of Sacco and Vanzetti, substituted the elec tric chair for that older emblem. The surface of Karelia |may be apportioned roughly as follows: one-fifth farm and town land, one-fifth water, and three-fifths forest. | Practically the whole of the rural population engages in lumbering during part (or all) of the year, more than half (52.39) of the industrial workers are directly engaged in working up timber in the mills and other wood-working establishments, the income from their products accounts for 72% of the total returns from Karelian industry, and lumber yields 60% of all state revenues. Truly the pine tree is the “Christmas Tree” jof Soviet Karelia’s Yuletide feast, with the products of other industries—fishing, quarrying, farming, metal- working, etc.—only serving as spangles. The world market for Karelian lumber is said to be without any limit. Russian timber occupies first place for quality mainly because its supply is so plentiful that the producers do not bother to try to work off second- |rate sticks among the higher grades—it is not worth while to transport anything but the best. Then, too, the backwardness in exploiting the forest for by-prod- j}ucts such as resin and pitch assures foreign lumber buy- érs of timber from which no strength has been. drawn. In the future the trees are to be tapped for one year for resin here also—but in America it is said that the timber is often bled five and six seasons before the lumber is marketed. There is one limit, however, to the amount of timber Soviet Karelia can put on the market—a purely domestic limit—the amount of labor power to be thrown into.lum- bering, and also its productivity. The economic impor- tance of the forest has already been stated—industry, government, social development are all based upon the productivity of the forests. In one way or another the shortage of labor power must be overcome. This is being accomplished along two lines. The first is through the importation of workers from other parts of Russia and from foreign countries, chiefly Finland and Sweden. Thus last season 1000 peasants and large numbers of horses were brought in from other parts of Russia to work in the north woods. The restlts were not especially satisfactory, because, unaccustomed as the newcomers were to the climate and to the vigorous pace of the husky Karelian and Finnish lumberjacks, they could not produce more than one-half or even one- third of the local norm. A much more promising meth- od of increasing the amount of available labor power is the practice of active government help to new settlers, homesteaders or “colonizers” as they are known here. This will be dealt with in a later letter. Machines to Help Out. The second way in which the vital question of short- age of man power is being met is by mechanizing the work in the woods. Thus far this is in its experimental stage but the plans are so carefully worked out and so thoroly adapted to local conditions that success seems certain. An area of 106,000 hectars of virgin forest has been assigned for the experiment, and of this 50,000 can- not be logged under the old methods because of a lack of water transport. So by means of gasolene band-saws, caterpillar tractors and trailers a new solution to this basic problem is to be sought. But there is much more involved in the application of machinery to the forest than just the logging of oth- erwise inaccessible areas. With the introduction of ma- chinery they are to go over from extensive to intensive lumbering methods. Now practically all lumbering here is extensive, i. e., a virgin area is denuded of its lumber, the waste (sometimes as high as 50%) remaining to rot on the ground, where it chokes off all chance for the growth of young trees. Sometimes this waste is burned on the ground by peasants seeking a few years exploita- tion of virgin soil, and in this process large areas of nearby standing timber are also burned down. On the average the cut-over land simply degenerates into scrub within 6 years, This terribly wasteful method has al- ready been checked somewhat by introducing the 20- year extensive lumbering method, under which only one- twentieth of an area to be cut is taken each year, with provisions for cleaning up the cut-over land sufficiently to give the young trees a chance to grow. , Under machine lumbering, however, there will be no denuding. After the first clean-up of the forest—in which about 10,000 hectars are worked to the extent of 80-50 cubic meters per hectar—only the best mature trees, or those which give no promise of further develop- ‘ment, will be taken each year, thus “farming” the forests | on a perpetual long-range perspective. After the first year the amount taken out annually will be reduced, but the proportion between good timber and firewood (which at first is 30:70) will gradually be reversed, While the present forests seem to be inexhaustible, actually there is no such thing. Experts estimate the present annual growth of Karelia’s forests at 0.5% to 0.7%—but with the present wasteful methods the amount of lumber taken out during 1927-8 already ‘reaches this annual replenishment growth. Thus if the old methods were to be retained an increase of exploitation could be effected only at the expense of the lumber reserves and if continued would lead to a condition of affairs like that in the United States—where the people have been despoiled by rapacious lumber men of almost the whole of their lumber heritage. Under the proposed intensive will rise to 3.0%, thus allowing a six times greater ex- ploitation while at the same time conserving the forests in permanence. . Machinery the Road to Co-operation. The mechanization of the woods will bring important. social changes also in the division of labor and in the establishment of village organization and industry. The woods will be worked by artcls’ (co-operative gangs). of 16. men each, cutting a norm of 180 cu. meters per 8- hour day. Each gang will have one motor-driven saw manned by two tenders, a mechanic and an apprentice. They will cut down ali selected timber aboye 12 inches in diameter, about “half, while four men with hand saws will account for the smaller sticks, One or two axe-men will cut the kerfs, while the remainder will trim off the branches and peel off the bark, _ The artel will be a permanent voluntary organization of local peasants who will have a permanent interest |in the preservation of tho forest assigned to them, In- stead they now often seek to denude as much land as ‘possible, and with a maximum of waste timber left on the ground to be burned as fertilizer, for meadows which lumbering methods the annual replenishment growth) they will exploit on descending bial for about pix | well-paid and enjoy all | (Continued from page 1) | |faree, their presence means at least |a bluff at legal responsibility for | what goes on in the camp. With their }removal the situation is left com- pletely in the control ef the Coal and Iron gunmen, responsible to none but|* the coal. company that hires them, And then too, the one railroad into the camp is owned by the company, so that its despotic rule can reach out ,| beyond’ its: own mine, and force the smaller mine owners in the section to remain shut-down, even though most. | of them are willing to operate on a | union basis, by refusing to provide them with railroad cars in which to | ship ‘out their coal, | Some “Born Scabs.” The scabs come hurrying along the road with their dinner buckets—some {regular slinking scab types—‘“Scab- |naturally born scabs,’ one of —the |Negro pickets puts it; and some are |miners from non-union fields where things are so bad that the men think even working in striking mines will be better. But many are men tricked into coming down under false pre- tences by the employment agencies in Pittsburgh and other cities acting ‘for the Terminal Coal Company. Three Negroes stop eagerly as a |picket approaches them—they want | to get out of the camp only the com- pany refuses to give them a cent of pay and they’re penniless and unable to pay their fare out. Its useless for them to wait in hope of getting any- thing out of the company—they’ll only aiter fortnight, the pickets tell them, {and the union will pay their fare out. threateningly and a trooper gallop- jing through reins up sharply—the men hurry on. ‘They will be out by night. Quit The Mine. Up in the Miners Hall, a large room in the second story of a frame building away from the company property, a dozen men just brought in by the pickets are sitting around and warming themselves at the stove. They will get their fare back to the city, and wait undeér the protection of the strikers till traintime. Two hag- gard Polish miners tell how they left West Virginia, with the starvation conditions prevailing in the mines since the operators succeeded in smashing the union and opening up on an open shop basis, tramped around Pittsburgh looking for work, and were hired by the Avella No. 9 mine Superintendent down at the em- ployment agency in search of scabs. “No trouble at the mines,” they were told, “good houses.” Were Tricked. As soon as they reached the train they saw they had been tricked—but then it.was too late, they were herded into a separate scab car under guard of Coal and Iron police, with guns ready and locked in with the guards as soon as the car was filled. None was allowed to leave the train until it reached Avella station, where more Coal and Iron police and troopers with guns and tear-bombs hurried them into automobiles and rushed them to the scab stockade. Next morning, when they again in- sisted on getting out, the company officials demanded a dollar’s pay- ment for the night’s “lodging,” and put them under arrest by the Coa) and Iron police until the dollar was paid. A group of Negroes say that they were sent down from an agency for “construction work.” bin’s their trade, some men ’re jest) | be put off from pay to pay, fortnight | The Yellow Dogs approach the group | When they re- | fused to go down the mine, they were |foreed down by Coal and Iron police. stories all have the fullest dboration from hundreds of men. | Even boys below 16 brought in under me pretext have been forced to go down into the mines. Men are put on | work in dangerous places, where they lean not be placed under union con- | ditions, and upon insistent refusal, leither forced to work there by the | guards, or put on dead-work, unpaid lin seab mining. There are many | s of men who said they wanted to e, and were sent back down the |mine for their tools by the police— jand never seen outside the company stockade since. | No Real Money. .Pay isin scrip, that can only be exchanged for goods at the company store, and the pay statements are | juggled so that large numbers of the jscabs especially inexperienced Ne- |groes from the South, are kept eter- |nally in debt to the company. When they try to escape from the mine |with the rotten working conditions jand police terror and constant acci- jdents occurring from green men be- ing put on unfamiliar jobs, they are told they will have to stay till the |debt is worked off. | And yet, with all the misrepre- |sentation, and strong arm methods the Pittsburgh Terminal Coal Com- |pany is using in its attempts to run its mines on a scab basis and with all its huge Coal and Iron police pay- roll, the mines are badly disorganized and the company is losing heavily. The Chicago Journal of Gommerce re- cently reported that the losses of the Terminal Company for the first three months of non-union operation of its |mines during the present lock-out, amounted to $200,000 loss, as against $70,000 profit for the first quarter of | this year, when the mines were still under union operation. At Avella No. 9, with the lock-out commencing April 1, the company did not succeed in opening up its mine till August 1,.and in the two months since the opening over 2,000 scabs have been shipped in by the company —and out again by the union. The company cannot succeed in getting a working force of more than about 200, in a mine when before the lock- out 700 miners were employed. From 5 to 10 “flats” or railroad cars of coal a day are produced now, the men say, where around 70 a day were be- ing produced before the lock-out. Injunction to Save Money. The injunction against picketing and permitting evictions sought by het Pittsburgh Terminal Coal Com- pany is sought as a measure to cut short the period of loss which the company is undergoing, and hasten the time when it can open up full blast on a non-union basis, without the stubborn resistance of the locked- out miners to cripple its efforts. Now the company is preparing to throw all its resources into the battle to break that resistance. Here and throughout all the locked-out districts the struggle is sharpening. Coal and Tron police and Cossack violence against the miners and their families, and today, in the seventh month of the lockout, starvation looms as e potent ally of the coal-operators. The situation is extremely grave and only the utmost efforts of or ganized labor as a whole, particularly in the crucial matter of providing adequate relief for the lock-out miners, can assure the victory of the miners in their struggle against the destruction of their union. ’ | Letters | From Our Readers | Makers. Editor, the DAILY WORKER: I attended a meeting of Local 144, International Cigar Makers’ Union, in Roam 16, Labor Temple, East 84th St., held for the purpose of hearing a report of the delegates to the 26th convention of the union in Chicago, and to nominate officers of the local for the coming year, The officials proved to me how utterly devoid of principle they are, when, after the report of the delegates, Brother Van- prati took the floor and gave what he called a minority or progressive report. He was continually heckled and interrupted, particularly after he had tried to show that the union must be in a sorry plight when the dele- gates, nearly all of whom are officials of their resywetive locals, could be as- ‘tounded by the report of the president jon the financial situation. He was |also interrupted when he showed that the change from the election of the | international officers by referenda to the convention would be ezarism. For the first time in many years the progressives will be able to vote |for a candidate who, in my opinion, is a progressive, at the election to be held in the same room on October 25th. For after the present secretary of finance has refused the nomination only Vanprati and Gralinger were left as nominees for the office. Van- prati, who seems to be a glutton for, punishment, is a candidate for the Joint Advisory Board and the City Trades and Labor Council of Greater New York and vicinity. | voting for this members cannot go! Progressive Candidate for Cigar since the trade is also entirely dis- organized and the bosses are reaping a harvest. —A TOBACCO WORKER. ° New York City. | Small Models of Sacco-Vensett i . Urns Urged. Editor, The DAILY WORKER: / I have been reading the lettgr's anc articles pertaining to the and Vanzetti case. And having seen the urn’which was in Union/ Square, 1 wonder if it would not possible ta reproduce it on a smafl scale, say about three inches over model. It could be sol and the proceeds divid tween | Mrs. Rosa S: sister, and the Inte: Defense, This urn ie keep the memory of the two murde: workers green in the ‘hearts of class-conscious workers all over the. world.—B. J. Fanning, International | Seamen's Club, New York City, Wants to Live to See Bosses Ga, Editor, The DAILY WORKER: “IT am 81 years old and walk with crutches, I live in a hamlet calley Davie. All the inhabitants are har up and don’t know why. Iam har) up myself till my pullets bring m, some income in the Fall. I got thems» cane, but they did not provide mé@ ty any means to feed them till lay. t snared I enclose a dollar but I just can’t do more at present, I have spe many a dollar since 1865, but I onl: live a little longer ac from the Red Cross after the hurr.