The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 7, 1927, Page 6

Sua? rend Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 7, 1927 Rank and File Delegation Goes to Moscow as Reaction Wars on Soviet Recognition | sy By H. M. WICKS. |THE bandit agents of American im-| perialism in Mexico have been deci- sively defeated in their latest revolu- |tionary attempt. The salutary man- jner. in which the insurrectionary jmovement was annihilated is indica- tive of the consolidation of the Calles- Obregon government and is a mile-| |post on the road to the establishment J. LOUIS ENGDABL. It happened as predicted—NO RESOLUTION HAS BEEN INTRODUCED IN THE LOS ANGELES CON-/of a permanent government that will} VENTION OF THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF |develop Mexico as a nation not sub- LABOR DEMANDING RECOGNITION OF UNION OF SOVIET REPUBLICS. It is safe to say that this could not happen in any other similar body in any other country in the world. Turkey has often been looked upon as a backward na- tion. recognized the Workers’ Republic, but has an offensive But the Turkish government, years ago, not only and defensive alliance with the Soviet Union. In the matter of recognition the American Federation of Labor is therefore not only more backward than the Turkish and the Persian nations, but also of at least a score of other capitalist governments, including both Germany and France, enemies in the late world war, and even the Fas tyranny of Mussolini in Italy. All these have recognized the Workers’ Republic. Thus the A. F. of L. reaction offers another method of meas- uring the darkness of its reactionary hue. * * * The failure of a recognition resolution to appear in the A. F. of L. convention does not mean that there is not considerable sympathy to be found among the dele- gates in favor of the Soviet Union. Every delegate, however, was reminded of the fate| meted out to Tim Healy, president of the Stationary} Firemen’s Union, because he dared champion recognition one year ago at the Detroit Convention, and because he was presumptuous enough to claim the right to be a} member of the proposed trade union delegation to visit | the Soviet Republic. Healy is no longer president of his union. The reaction has carried out its threat to THE |servient to the great powers. | The present government has weath- jered a number of s |to the fact that hi }it the exceedingly di trying to develop a capit in the period of imperialis great powers were coveting its nat-| ural resources as raw material. The} feudal elements that resisted the} {building of a native economy found} powerful allies in the imperialists. | The Mexican land laws of 1917 were} adopted as measures toward utilizing} the rich mineral and oil resources for the development of native industry. Their enforcement by the Calles gov- ernment aroused the fury of the oil barons who desired a free hand in the} pillaging of Mexico. These laws also affected the feudal catholic hierarchy | that held, in the name ef the church, vast territory. Hence the nationalist government had to wage a fight on| two sectors—against imperialism from without, and the agents of im- perialism, the feudalists, within. | as Eee quite somie time Calles hesitated | to take a decisive stand against} the intrigues of the imperialist agetits. While he was the enemy of Wall Street, the Mellon-Coolidge-Kel- logg gang at Washington thought get rid of him or destroy his union. It got rid of him.| Similar punishment has been or probably will be meted | out to those who did join the delegation that recently | returned from the Soviet Union with a favorable report. | The terroristie methods invoked against the delegates | only served to stop up temporarily but not eliminate! this source ‘of the demand for Soviet Recognition. There have been resolutions for recognition before the last eight conventions of the A. F. of L. These resolu- tions, at various times, have been signed by many rep- resentative trade union officials, some of them with] 2onsiderable following. { With all of these silenced, however, the Green-Woll- Morrison regime was fearful that some Communist| might be seated in the convention as a delegate. The} aid of the police, as well as the co-operation of the right | wing labor officialdom in Los Angeles, was enlisted to| prevent this much feared development. This resulted in the refusal to seat William Schneider- man, the delegate of the Los Angeles Office Workers’ | Union. Schneiderman was not allowed to state his case | sefore the convention. The credentials committee never | considered his case. It was merely taken up in an im-| they could force him to yield to their demands. A whole series of con- spiracies, provocations and insults were launched against Mexico, which culmniated in some of the staff of Ambassador Sheffield trying to ter- rorize Calles by showing him what purported to be military plans of the United States government against | Mexico. Calles refused to be intim-| idated and supinely to grovel before the threats of Wall Street. Instead he exposed the conspir: Kellogg and his mini in the state department had to contrive some de- fense against this brazen manouver, so they resorted to the stupid counter- charge that someone had stolen docu- ments from the American embassy i Mexico City, changed certain and had given them to Calles order to discredit the benevolent and innocent American government. There the state department apparently let the matter drop, but in reality it con- tinued its policy with different methods. The Mexican government | Wall Street's Latest ‘Mexican Insurrection |of the widespread distrust of every-| thing tainted with the dollar sign that pervades the am cot active section of the Mexican population. * * * ‘HE defeat of this latest Wall Street insurrection does not, however, eliminate the danger of intervention in Mexico. The same sinister forces that since 1910 have backed hireling military adventurers who sell out to |the highest bidder are still malig- nantly active, are still plotting to im- perialist conquest of Mexico, are still waiting for a favorable excuse to throw armies of the youth and man- hood of the United States into that country to be murdered or rot of dis- ease in the interest of Standard Oil, the holders of claims on mineral lands, or the other great land holders for whom the vile Hearst publications speak in their incessant campaign of slander against those Mexicans who resent such organized plundering of their country. With Dwight W. Morrow, one of the Morgan, holding the office of Wall Street ambassador in Mexico City and intriguing in behalf of his blood- streaked class, the conspiracies against that country will assume new, more subtle, but withal sinister and dangerous forms. There is no base device within the power of human fiendishness that will not be used to rive to embroil this country into in- vasion of Mexico. The present stag- gering defeat of their plans will only make the predatory beasts more cau- tious. ile Mee nati ‘HE workers of America must re- member the long conspiratorial history of imperialist meddling across the border. The history of the past is proof that any future war against Mexico under any pretext whatsoever is bound to be inspired by Wall Street and we must carry on such a deter- mined struggle against intervention that no government will dare invade that country. The working class of Mexico, or at least that section that has some con- ception of the proletarian struggle, realizes that in spite of the fact that the present government is not a la- bor government, but a nationalist capitalist government, it must be de- fended against the threat of im- perialist intervention. Only under such conditions can the revolutionist, the Leninist, speak of a war of defense. In a struggle be- tween imperialist nations in order to decide the question of a redivision of n| the world or any part of it there can be no such thing as a war of defense, and the so-called spokesman of labor who urges defense of an imperialist government is a traitor and disgrace to his class. But in colonial and semi-colonial countries the workers must join in the defense against im- perialist conquest. | | promptu meeting of Vice President Matthew Woll and|knew the real calibre of Sheffield. Secretary Frank Morrison, accompanied by William | His “diplomacy” was held in con- Hynes, of the Los Angeles police department, who sub-| tempt. So the Washington state de- mitted documents alleged to have been signed by Schnei-| partment quietly removed him. derman seized in a Sacco-Vanzetti raid. | she detente Schneiderman was charged with Communist activities. ALL STREET was convinced that {f he had been seated as a delegate, he would certainly | it could neither buy nor intimidate have introduced a resolution demanding recognition, if| the Mexican government, so a new at- no one else had done so. The barring of Schneiderman| tempt was made to overthrow it. from the convention, and the disfranchising of the work-. Most observers of Mexican politics ers belonging to the organization he represented, was| were unable to explain why two can- another method adopted to combat a Soviet recognition | didates appeared in the field against or other left wing resolution. | Obregon, the candidate backed by * | Calles. The reason for their can- PES ‘ : \ didacy is now clear. The most prom- But the reaction went even further. It decided to | inent of the opposition candidates was tarry on its proceedings behind a wall of police protec- | General Arnulfo Gomez, who was tion. The same police agent, William Hynes, caused the} counted on to mobilize the feudal- arrest of Sidney Bush, member of the Workers (Commu-' clerical elements against the na- nist) Party, who was searched for “dangerous” resolu-| tionalist government. The other can- tions, grilled by the police as to any knowledge concern-| didate was General Francesco Ser- ing other Communist delegates who might have slipped| rano, an experienced military leader into the convention, and finally charged with violation| who had been prominent in all the of the hideous Anti-Criminal Syndicalist Law. | revolutionary upheavals since 1910. Thus the reaction, with capitalist police aid, “pro-| They were selected as candidates only tects” the convention against any semblance of an idea| in order to use the election campaign that might attempt to seep into it. * * * But the use of the police club, to answer the demand | for Soviet Recognition at the Los Angeles convention, | will only have the same effect that the use of the iden- tical police club, under Green-Woll-McGrady direction, has had in the settlement of left wing issues in the as a pretest for organizing an in- surrection. If there had been any in- tention of going through with the election the two anti-government gen- erals would not have been permitted to divide the opposition and thereby make the election of Obregon doubly sure. But with"both of them in the Not only must the revolutionary workers try to mobilize the whole working class for defense against im- perialism, but they must also main- tain a distinct policy separate from that of the bourgeois government anda at all times maintain their identity as the most aggressive and deter- mined fighters against imperialism by constantly criticising the shorteom- ings and half-measures of the na- tionalist government and in the course of the development of the struggle convincing the masses that only the proletarian revolution can guarantee the complete defeat of, imperialism. While aiding the government against imperialism the Mexican workers must be ever watchful, con- stantly on the alert to force Calles and Obregon and the rest of the na- tionalists to take an ever more ag- gressive stand against the imperial- ists. By maintaining a_ separate policy the revolutionary workers must be prepared to take the lead in the struggle the moment the bour- geois nationalists show signs of wavering or compromising with the invaders, In such a struggle the workers of the United States must aid the work- ers of Mexico and fight with every weapon at hand to make impossible needle trades struggle :n New York City. It merely serves to anmask still further the official | * 1 " labor reaction as allies of the bosses before the eyes of} to organize an armed revolt and the toiling masses, | cause mutiny in the federal army * |they were equally useful to Wall It is very significant that the month that sees the | Street, barring of Soviet Recognition resolutions from the A. F.| . of L. convention, also witnesses the issuance of the re-| J UE attempted insurrection was port of the first Trade Union Delegation to visit the | timed. very carefully; el Abaitiak: Workers’ Republic. It is expected that this report| We Lapa Mexico ES ul ht WW. signed by a list of names headed by James H. Maurer, | ee Seat See we Hi d president of the Pennsylvania Federation of Labor, one, he, on ihe atl bass sieatal ALE of the largest state organizations of the A. F. of Lay) 55 Tact of the Well Gicee Gna will blackeye the hostility of Green-Woll-Morrison | 45° would hove been to recommend eee. recognition of the regime of the re- actionary generals as a de-facto gov- ernment. Then the Washington gov- ernment could have raised the arms embargo that now prevents American field waging a fake election cam- paign as a smoke-screen behind which * * * ¥ ” * * * It is also very significant, according to announcement | made on another page in a Federated Press report, that A. F. of L. convention at Los Angeles will have ly adjourned when a delegation of rank and file firms selling arms to the Calles gov- trade unionists will leave New York City bound for efnment and enable the military Moscow, to take part in the celebration of the Tenth|#sents of imperialism to secure arms Anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution, of 1917, |and munitions. Bas + | Thanks to the firm and decisive ac- ‘. ‘ psf F |tion of the Calles government both The actions of the reigning family in the A. F. of L.| the agents of yankee imperialism makes them more acceptable to t \ exploiting class, the | have been eliminated--as Danton in bosses, who are the enemies of the workers, But it also the French bourgeois revolution used discredits them in the eyes of the workers, who be-| to say of its enemies---permanently. come more radical under the new oppressive measures; A few years ago such an ambitious imposed on them. attempt would have thrown the coun- try into the throes of civil strife and Arthur Pugh, the fraternal delegate yom the British Paved the way for interventionist Trade Union Congress, warned that class-collaboration| *¢itation on the part of the reptile measures, so eagerly championed by the A. F. of L.| Press and might even have brought reaction, were merely the fetters of “worse slavery.” Bi est Ub se mer Re areny, bs Ene Rs Z PR i Mexican border, as the same jackal When those chains weigh heavier than they do t . ‘aY>| pack of imperialists, succeeded in do- upon the limbs of American labox, the workers will (know | a under Swoadrew Wilson fie 1916. that the Greens, the Wolls, the I rrisons helped place | The fact that the reactionary coup them there. The war waged agains} Soviet Recognition | failed so miserably and that its native * a * the success of any attempted Wall Street intervention, Detroit ‘Workers’ Team Runs Big Score Against Lancashire Soccerites By JOS. KNERLY. (Worker Correspondent.) DETROIT, Oct. 6.—That workers are able to participate successfully in sport and carry off the victory was demonstrated Sunday when the “Workers” soccer team scored a brillant triumph, 5-0, over the Lan- cashires at Ford Field in Highland Park. Altho 2 of the crack players were away, and green men_ sub- stituted, the “Workers” played a fine combination to the satisfaction of the spectators. Still, Black and Proud- foot starred for the “Workers.” The “Workers” will play Redford in Clark Park this Sunday. Sport enthusiasts will rally. Air Service to West Indies A regular air service to the West Indies will start within ten days, it was stated yesterday. Two planes, designed for passenger, mail and ex- press service will leave Curtis Field and will include in its route Santiago de Cuba, San Juan, Porto Rico; San- to Domingo City and Havana, City May Buy Rockaway Line The city of New York may pur- chase and operate the Rockaway and far Rockaway branches of the Long Island Railroad, it was learned yes- terday. The L. I. R. R. has refused will have its sequel—the cleansing » American Ja-| Mexican instigators met the fate they ‘hor movement of the reaction that j “trated it. so richly deserved is crushing evidence} yn to remove about forty dangerous crossings on the roads, Delegate Meetings Give Working Women Chance| For Social Legislation LIQUIDATION OF ILLITERACY. On January 1st, 1921, there were on U. Ss. S. R. terri- tory (minus the Red Army) 40,967 centres for the liqui- dation of illiteracy among adults. On January 1st, 1925, there were already 44,375 such centres with 1,369,021 scholars and on December Ist, 1926, 46,759 centres with 1,515,969 scholars. Work in this direction developed most rapidly in the villages. On December Ist, 1926, there were 41,220 vil- lage reading and writing schools, with 1,334,203 scholars. Village liquidation of illiteracy centres constitute 88.2% of the total number. On the whole the network of these liquidation of illit- eracy schools has taught 11 million people to read and write between 1921 and 1927, It should be pointed out that this number will be con- siderably exceeded if one takes into account the work done in this direction in village reading rooms,’ circles, and in the Red Army. In the current year 736 new schools for illiterates will be opened in the RSFSR and 231 schools for semi-liter- ate people, WORKING AND PEASANT WOMEN DELEGATES. Delegate meetings of working women are one of the special electing social organs created by the labor democ- racy of the U. S. S. R. Women delegates are elected by all the working or peasant women of an enterprise ora village. The function of women delegates is—to learn to gov- ern and develop the Soviet country. Women delegates are women who, in the opinion of the masses will have to fulfil responsible! functions in the state organism, but who have’ not yet sufficient experience and knowledge for it. It is this experience and knowledge that the women delegates must acquire. Important cultural-edu- cational work is done at the delegate meetings. More- over, women delegates are attached to departments of Soviets and to various institutions (ereches, kindergar- tens, schools, economic or control institutions) where they go through a course of practical work. While they study they also function as an organ of social control over working women. 5 Delegate meetings are becoming more and more pop- ular among the mass of workers and peasants and the number of elected women delegates as well as the num- ber of their women electors is rapidly growing. We give here figures in regard to the growth of the women delegates movement: In 1922 there were in the U. S. S. R. 95,000 women delegates, in 1923-24—208,704, in 1924-25—378,163; in 1925-26—500,000 and in 1926-27—620,000. Of the 208,704 women delegates elected in 1923-24, 51,344 were working women, 121,511 peasant ‘women, 19,681 women engaged in office work and 16,168 work- ing men’s wives. The social composition of women delegates elected in 1926-27 is as follows: 96,510 (15.6%) working women, 385,890 (62.2%) peasant women, 26,150 (4.2%) women agricultural laborers, and women engaged in agricul- tural work in general, 52,250 (8.4%) women engaged in office work and 51,240 (8.3%) working men’s wives. Most of the peasant women delegates come from the poor peasantry: in 1927 their percentage was 68.8%. An overwhelming majority of women delegates (88%) are non-Party. POWERFUL LOCOMOTIVES. The Leningrad works “Krassny Putilovetz” are just completing the first ten powerful goods train locomo- tives with a carrying capacity of 120,000 poods, speed 40 kilometres an hour. A super-power locomotive will be constructed shortly to draw trains weighing 180,000 poods with a speed of 50 kilometres an hour, 4 The Biggest Telephone Line in Europe. The new telephone line Leningrad-Moscow-Tiflis was opened Sept. 20. It is about 3,500 kilometres long and will ke the biggest telephone line in Europe, An Irrigation Canal in Georgia. The first section of the first irrigation canal in Georgia is finished. It is in the Kutais Uyezd. For the present the canal irrigates 3,300 hectares, but will irri- gate 9,300 hectares next year. Electrification of Ukrainian Villages. ? : As a result of this year’s labor 14 new electric, sta- tions will be ready for use next year. They will give light and power to 100,000 peasant farms, Moreover, the “Electric” company has made agreements with in- dividual villages for construction of another 36 electric stations in 1927-28, Machinery for the Cotton Industry. In Tashkent (Central Asia) the first big engineering works in these parts will be opened shortly. It will pro- duce machinery for the cotton industry which was for- merly imported from America and Great Britain. The works will employ 500 workers, A New Settlement. A new settlement is springing up on the third kilo- metre of the Erivan-Ashtarak high road (Caucasus). The buildings are being put up by immigrants from the Turkish town Malatia and the settlement will be called Normalatia. All the immigrants are artisans, most of them tanners. Normalatia will consist of 300 houses, a big sanatorium, a theatre, ete, Progress of Subseription to the Industrialization Loan. Industrializatio: Ssonds are selling briskly. According to statisties which are far from complete, 19,444,000 roubles worth of bonds were sold up to Sept. 17, in the three biggest towns, Moscow, Leningrad and Kharkov, alone. Cotton in Kirghizia. This year the area under cotton in Kirghizia has ex- ceeded last year’s area by 23% and has reached 33,000 dessiatins. The cotton plants are in a satisfactory con- dition, The cotton cleansing works in Karasou is the first of its kind in Kirghizia. This works will send this season for the first time 330,000 poods Kirghiz cotton fibre to Moscow. Enormous Deposits of Iron-Ore. Big deposits of tin, lead and silver have been discoy- ered in the Mertchinsk district (Siberia). ¢ In the district of the Magnet mountain (Urals) there are enormous deposits of iron-ore estimated at eleven biilion poods, a SEND IN YOUR LETTERS .The DAILY WORKER is anxious to receive letters. from its readers stating their views on the issues con- fronting the labor movement. It is our hope to de- velop a “Letter Box” department that will be of wide interest to all members of The DAILY WORKER family, Send in your letter today to “The Letter Box,” The DAILY WORKER, 33 First street, New York City. BOOKS # A BRITISH COMMUNIST ON ENGLAND’S LARGEST COLONY MODERN INDIA, by R. Palme Dutt. Published by the Communist Party of Great Britain. Price 2/6. (§.75. U. S. distribution thru the Daily Worker Publishing Co., New York.) There are 20,000,000 industrial, workers in India. That fact alone, ux- doubtedly surprising to many unionists and radicals in other countries, should be a reproof for their low state of knowledge and interest in this great country. A tenth of the British export trade goes to India. There are a thousand million pounds sterling of British capital invested in India. That is further indication of the importance this most lucrative colony in the world plays in an age where the dominant form of capitalism is imperialism. R. Palme Dutt, in a lucid, cool and careful and temperate survey of present day conditions in India, with special reference to the nationalist movement there, has packed an amazing amount of information into the 174 pages composing this book, * Briefly, his analysis is this: There were three stages of British exploitation in India. First, came the open looting by the British East India Co., when Adam Smith could say truthfully, that a man of moderate means would give 1,400 pounds for a share of stock in the company because “it gives him a share, tho not of the plunder, yet in the appointment of the plunderers.” Then came mutiny, rebellion, and the government took over: the admin- istration, adopting a harsh mercantilist policy of crushing out Indian hapdi- crafts, forcing all who work for a living into the villages, and turning the colony into a great consumers’ market for British industrial products. That lasted until about 1918, The present stage is that of industrialization of India, with British cap- ital as senior partner and Indian capital as junior, a tremendous exploitation of low-paid labor. A miner gets twenty-four cents a day; a skilled textile worker gets between twenty-four cents and forty-five cents. The textile companies employing labor at these wages make an average of sixty-three percent profit. In jute milling in 1923 the profit was over a hundred percent. The Indian Industrial Commission’s report of 1916 to the British par- liament, on the basis of which the policy was changed, was followed the next year by the Montague-Chelmsford report, its political reflex, in which the policy of drawing into a subordinate political alliance with the ruling British government the Indian bourgeoisie and intelligentsia was outlined, The policy was carried out. India now has a legislative assembly, “freely elected” by one-third of one percent of the population! * * * The effect upon the nationalist movement of India of the new orienta- tion of British imperialism was very great. The nationalists of the old days, before the Montague-Chelmsford “concessions” were led by big Indian indus- trialists, fighting really for their right to exploit Indian labor and peasant markets without the discrimination against them of the British state. That class was highly satisfied by the new situation, and ceased to be revolutionary. Ghandi led a revolt then of the intelligentsia, of the lesser bourgeoisie, of the money lenders and “zemindars” or landowners. This group at least knew that it had to appeal to the masses, and it did do so. As all liberals do, it renounced violence, tho it did nothing really to stop it until the workers and peasants who are doing the fighting began to agitate for freedom from the weight of debt and rent that crushes them down. This peasant question, just as in China later, caused an immediate split in the nationalist party. Ghandi and the Central Committee of the Indian Nationalist Congress met at Bardoli in February, 1922, and called off the revolution. Their excuse was the outbreak of violence—they took refuge behind religion—but in their resolution of six clauses surrendering com- pletely to Britain, three clauses are in defence of the “legal rights” of land« lords and money lenders, menaced by the rising tide of revolt. * * * In the intense confusion which resulted, the British government struck heavily, put the leaders of the movement in prison, and virtually, tho tem- porarily, ended it. The so-called “Swaraj” (literally “self-rule,” but not meant so by its leaders) party which followed, led by C, R. Das, was a half- hearted legalistic attempt, especially on the part of the intellectuals, as distinct from the bourgeoisie and land owners, to gain a few more advan- tages from a government to which the rest of the party leaders had yielded, It dwindled down into a mere voting opposition in the assembly, sometimes not even an opposition. The Swaraj party has, however, a policy of appealing to the masses. At present its program offers them nothing and gets no response, but there is a young left wing, represented in part by Chamam Lal, which is perhaps the beginning of a real social and political revolt, It is largely to this left wing, and to the peasants and workers of India, that Dutt addresses his concluding arguments, calling on them to adopt a program of freedom of speech, and press and association, universal suffrage, abolition of caste and religious and race discrimination. They must fight for canceling or reduc- ing the debts of peasants and workers, and must fight for the right of the’ peasants to take the land. The book contains absolute proof that the low~standards of life among the peasant population, 95 percent of the people of India, is due mostly to the smallness of their holdings, the landlord system, and the resulting low technique of culture. Indian peasants do not have a living ration, and are losing their land to the money lenders. The cultivated area is 223 million acres; 216 million acres more are idle, in big estates, or as fallow land (thru poor methods), or in cultivable waste land that the peasant has not money to develop. vatbite d Banana * * * The new nationalism, as Dutt points out, besides encouraging the peas- ant revolt, must recognize that the industrial workers are the growing class, the true leaders of any real revolution, the living symbol of the spread of the capitalist system thruout the country, as it spreads thru the rest of the world, and of the struggle for the overthrow of that system everywhere. In its movement for nationalism Indian labor and the Indian peasantry can expect the support and should receive the support of international labor, especially British labor, British laboy has nothing to gain from the subjuga- tion of Indian labor, and much to lose. The old days when British labor shared to a slight extent in the returns from British goods sold in India are gone forever. In its revolutionary struggle, Dutt argues, Labor and the peasantry can secure co-operation from some of the other classes in India, and should use them. Nationalism, complete independence, is a negative gain in the sense that it clears the way for the really important struggle of the Indian ex- ploited masses against their exploiters. Independence is necessary to the Indian masses. But independence of the sort that the present leaders of the Swaraj party think of, means merely a shift of masters for the Indian masses. iy “f * Much of the book is devoted to a painstaking criticism of the real mm‘ tives and hypocritical excuses of leaders of the nationalist movement f@ i India. The reader will be at once struck by the similarity of the situation,” and rough parallel of events, with this year’s developments in China, Dutt’s outline of the movement in India was made in 1926. It is thys at once suggested that Dutt, in picking out the laws of social revolution in India, has outlined the course that such movements will probably more or less follow in all colonial countries. And since colonial revolt is the order of the day, the importance of this can be understood without further elaboration, i : ; Dutt is a very easy writer to read. He covers a lot of ground, but in @ highly systematic way. x A —VERN SMITH. * * ——— COMMENT. THE NEW MASSES for October contains a number of splendid articles on the. murder of Sacco and Vanzetti. Michael Gold’s “Thirteen Thoughts” in the “Symposium” is one of the most bitterly eloquent things that have appeared in the magazine, And there is a poem, “They Are Dead Now—” written by John Dos Passos which is terrifying in its vividness and power. There is also an article on “Anarchists and the Revolutionary Science,” by Max Eastman, Earl Browder writes on the Chinese Peasant movement; there is a fas- cinating sketch on peasant life in the Soviet Union, entitled “Comrade Har- vest,” by Albert Rhys Williams. The present issue also contains some exe cellent book reviews by Rose Strunsky on “Memoirs of a Revolutionist”; Ernestine Evans on “Your Money’s Worth”; Harry Freeman on Browder’s “Civil War in Nationalist China.” ’ There are a number of drawings by some new cartoonists, in addition to those by Gropper, Lozowick, Klein, Sogolow and Wanda Gag. A special article by Joseph Freeman on “The Life and Death of Sacco and Vanzetti,” by Eugene Lyons, which will be published soon (Interna- tional Publishers) will appear in tomorrow’s magazine section of The} DAILY WORKER. — : , The book will be reviewed separately in this column in the near future. 7 oe ————— ee i ' it