The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 12, 1927, Page 4

Page Four \ THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1927 THE DAILY WORKER /The Communist International, The War ¥ WORKER PUBLIS ~. Danger and the Role of American Imperialism Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. Daily, Except Sunday ¥. 33 First Street, New York, Phone, Orchard 1680 c “Daiwork” SUBSCRIPTION RATES ; 3 By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York) $8.00 per year $4.50 months $6.00 per years $3.50 six month: $2.50 three months .00 three months i $ te w York, N. ¥. ke out ch Street, Ne “Address all ma nd 2 THE DAILY WORKER, 33 Fir "J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE MILLER. . BERT Entered as sec York, N. at New The Truck Drivers Win Their Strike. Hardly had the ink dried on the capitalist newspapers that in unison proclaimed the strike of the truck drivers to be illegal, without the sanction of the union and a blow at that metaphysical entity called “the public” than it ended with a victory for the strikers. The demand of the men for @ five-dollar a week in- crease was granted and they are now back at work enjoying the fruits of their fight. The entire labor movement of New York and of the country rejoices in the outcome of this exhibition of determination on the part of the 7,000 truck drivers. This victory is very significant inasmuch as it is in striking |* contrast to results accruing to workers who depend upon arbitra- tion and other fraudulent methods approved by the reactionary leaders of labor. It again proves that the most, potent weapon for remedying unbearable conditions is that of the strike. It is the most effective argument. The employers can alWays get clever lawyers and special pleaders to hoodwink the workers in protracted negotiations and far too frequently those supposed to present the case for labor render the greatest service to the em- .ployers. The only argument the employers really understand is that of organized power, which was so successfully used in this case. It is to be hoped that thousands upon thousands of other workers take advantage of favorable situations and again ra the strike weapon as the most effective weapon at this time in the arsenal of labor. Particularly admirable is this victory inasmuch as the em- ployers in the negotiations demanded a wage cut. The answer to this insolent demand was the strike which, culminated in victory s and a wage increase. Bolsheyist Tactics Triumph in Anglo-Russian Situation. nat the™ieaders of the British General Council of Trade \ Untions/ onthe’ payroll of the imperialists, now stand exposed be- | fore the workers of the whole world as agents of the Baldwin tory \ government and enemies of the working class is due as much to | the correct Bolshevist line followed by the All-Union Communist Party as to their own acts. Had the Central Council of Labor Unions of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republies yielded to the demands of the opposition to break off relations immediately afte the betrayal of the general strike’in Britain they would have » yendered.a great service to the Purcells and Hickses and other | -“jeaders of the so-called left inasmuch as these traitors would not | now have to expose themselves as vassals of imperialism and sup- porters of the war preparations of the British tories against the Soviet Union. The breaking off of relations by the British labor agents of Baldwin is the logical goal of the road to infamy travelled by the General Council during the past two years. The history of the leadership of the General Council is a record that parallels the policy of the tories. The labor lieutenants in Britain refused to take adequate preparations for the defense of the workers before the general strike; they placed themselves at the head of the ovement in order to betray the general strike at a moment when tt was on the ascendency and changing into a political struggle gainst the government; they betrayed the miners in the long struggle after the general strike; when Ramsey MacDonald urged the sending of greater forces into Ohina they approved this mon- strous treachery by their silence; they did not oppose the shame- ful and provocative Arcos raid or the subsequent rupture of in- ternational relations with the Soviet Union. At every stage of the developing crisis the treachery of the leaders of the General | form of calling for the soldiers of the| "ached are clear and effective in- of the tory | armies of the imperialists to go over | Structions for all of the Communist, In- | to the side of the revolutionary army. ‘arties of the world. <~ Council increased in exact proportion to.the intensity fight against the workers and peasants of the Soviet Union. ternally the policy of the General Council was to aid the Baldwin government in its offensive against labor in order to weaken the Jabor movement so that British imperialism could be assured a helpless and subservient working class as an aid to its war schemes. The final, culminating treachery of the General Coun- cil was the rupture at Edinburgh of the Anglo-Russian Trade Union Committee. It was historically essential that the initiators of this break be the leaders of the General Council, in order that they might reveal before the working class the depths to which they are capable of sinking in their subserviency to the tory gov- ernment. Had the Bolsheviks of Russia yielded to the demands of the opposition for a break at the close of the general strike, the left leaders of the type of Purcell could have claimed that not they, but the Communists of the SovietUnion, were responsible for the break. Just as the leaders of the opposition in the “All-Union Com- munist Party were guilty of over-emphasizing the importance of the creation of the Anglo-Russian trade union committee and de- clared that it would be the means of “rendering harmless reform- ism in Europe,” so they wrongly demanded a break with the re- formists when their role in the general strike showed reformism to be as loathsome as ever. i The Anglo-Russian Committee served the purpose of bring- ing the masses of workers then under the influence of the left phraseology of the Purceills into closer relations with the workers of the Soviet Union. These workers now perceive clearly the treachery of their former leaders and will scornfully reject the eadership of the General Council that so openly and brazenly serves the tories. The workers of Britain and of the Soviet Union ‘will find means of entering into closer contact for their mutual efense against the conspiracies of the Baldwin government in spite of the actions at Edinburgh of the General Council traitors. Freedom, the rebel’s star abide Like a red beacon, until at last The crimson sun at morning tide Shall see the ranks of Labor Never to let the feet retreat, And never to let the courage fail, Until the iron battalions sweep ; Over the walls of Charlestown jail! Ba é —HENRY (EORGE WEISS. massed, Epeech of ROBT. MINOR At Workers’ Party Convention. | (Continuation) | N the first place we described the preparations for war which take the form of “strengthening the rear;” and secondly the enormous increases in military preparation of the capi- talist nations for war; and thirdly the| “ideological preparation” of the} \| masses for support of the imperialist | governments in the coming war, which “ideological preparation” of the workers is being carried on system- atically by the “Socialist” parties and trade union bureaucracies. I pointed out that the coming war} will come under conditions very dif- ferent from the last world war, both} technically and politically. Now, comrades, it is necessary, as; the Communist International pointed out in its plenum, that these new con- ditions be met with a new adjustment of the revolutionary practice. Let us go into a few of the most important. It is understood that our press has given you and will give you the ater part of the information neces- for an’ understanding of this jjustment. However, to emphasis few of the more important. You know, of course, the slogans of the Bolshevik Parties of Lenin in the war of 1914, where Lenin pointed out that it was necessary for every re lution workers’ party in ‘¢ to seek the overthrow @f its jown imperialism. That there was no nation engaged im the war in which the working class had not the duty of the revolu ary opposition to the war and to its own government. The situation of today, how: already is a changed situat' illustration of that, during sub-committees meeting in Moscow, whereswe were considering the tac- tics to be employed, the question of fraternization was brought up. The question was raised, whether we ould use, unchanged, the slogan, oldiers fraternize in the trenches.” This was a Leninist slogan used in the World War of 1914. For a while there were comrades who took that slogan automatically as one which was to be continued in the present time unchanged. But further con- sideration and consultation with our | Russian Bolshevik comrades, who I lam thankful to say are still in the | lemtor our Communist International, it became quite evident that no such automatic applicati#®@n could be made in the present situation. What is the difference? The slogan of fraterniz |tion.as employed in the last war, was} a slogan intended to break the morale of two opposing armies. To break! the morale of this imperialist side and also to break the morale of that im- perialist side. That is, to cause a dis- ruption of the military discipline of the two opposing imperialist armies mutually. Is that the same problem. |we face in the coming war No. In} the coming war, not all sides will be imperialist. |lutionary and anti-imperialist _par-| | ticipants. In ‘the coming war it is/ |necessary to make an adaptation b: |which our tactics will be aimed| |against the mgrale of the imperialist | | armies but in favor, or the morale and | the discipline of the revolutionary | was the Herve conception of the gen- | war |teach workers that they can merely necessary to eradicate the last re-{ methods | maining traces among the delegates! Workers (Communist) Parties of the of the idea of the effectiveness of} |such a slogan as “boycott the war,”} upon. It came to a question of a general) strike. You may remember that in | Lenin’s instructions he gave a certain | direction wiiich was interpreted by) many to mpm that the general strike | was not to be employed as a weapon} against war. However, very detailed | explanation, carefully given by our! Russian comrades, made clear to allj delegates, I hope, that no such mechanical understanding can be} made. What Lenin warned against | | eral strike as a method—the method las it was in the hands of Gustav) Herve, the French leader, in the pre- | days. Lenin warned that to! drop their tools and be inactive on) jin the Comintern. | and tartics which the| whole world must employ are decided | I will not of coutse read to| you here this thesis of the Comintern. | I will call your attention to the fact that the Comintern instructions deal | in point after point, covering differ- ent phases, but centering upon this theme of defense, and yet again de-} fense, of the Chinese revolution. | Just_aaword about the Opposition | in the Russian party which became a very prominent feature of the last} Plenum. You know from our Party press, I suppose, that there was at the very beginning an effort by Comrades Trotsky and Bujovitch to have Zinoviev seated as a member of the Executive, after Zinoviev had re- signed from all of his responsibilities i This resulted in a struggle—I call it a struggle in spite | |for difference of time and manners, | through a general strike to the only} | meant deception and pacifist illu. }came in such a terrifically dramatic | * the day that war is declared, that the | of the fact that there was no danger teaching that they will stop war | of its going the wrong way, because without. any preparations to put | it had only one vote on the opposing |side. But it was a struggle in which e,| all of the activities of the Opposition ’\ jin the Russian party were exposed in sions for the workers. But the ques- } their ghastly qualities. Trotsky and tion of the general strike is not Bujovich openly showed themselves confined to any ‘such narrow basis |!" § nibs yer iy the: Blen- and the British general strike which | © Bhey, od fhe: SRP De ae : § bine dy spreading it in the All-Union form before the “eves of the workers | Communist Party—the propaganda of the world has compelled the most | Which in the first place was caleulaied logical conclusion of a general strik around the nearly successful efforts of impecunious Mr. Jingle to marry careful investigation of all the sig- nificance and possibilities of the gen-| eral strike as a weapon of the work- | ing class in relation to war and war} danger. It is almost inevitable that there will be a general strike ques- | tion before the British working class | in a war situation in the near future. | This makes it necessary for us to| examine the last detail and for us} to understand what Lenin meant to undermine the confidence of the R n workers in the building of Jism in Russia, and actually to undermine the working class, confi- dence in the Socialist character of the Soviet Union. There were documents spread by Trotsky and Bujovich which made the most scurrilous attacks up- on the leadership of the Russian party, upon the Comintern also and upon the. character of the Soviet jtell the story, in newspaper headline! j{tle Theatre himself, well used to poverty in his drama and fares, for that mythical, personage, “The Good Boss”, Dickens | A Play by the Other | English Humorist ~ “Pickwick,” at the Empire. Public opinion to the contrary notwithstanding, England has _pro- duced two great humorists. One, of course, is Charles Chaplin, and the! other is his predecessor, Charles Dickens. In many respects, allowing the quality of their fun is the same: that is, it is one-third pathos, and it causes the audience to laugh only by bringing them so close to tears, so} close to pity and contempt, And then relieying them from uncomfortable emotions by a sudden and surprising smack with the slap-stick. “Pickwick,” at the Empire Theatre, follows well enough various inci dents in “The Pickwick Papers,” making a sort of plot out of Pick-} = wick’s being sued for breach of prom-, Wilt play the role of Yum-Yum in ise by his hausslieener: There is much | the evi of Gilbert and Sullivan’s extraneous matter, useful for comedy |« phe Mikado,” which opens next DUTROSES) which has no relation to | Saturday night at the Royale The- the main story, however. Some of the] atre, ” best and funniest passages center money. If you have never heard Hugh Miller, as Mr. Alfred Jingle,| _ ‘GRAND style, of Spanish love and the stom- | gin st. W. of B'way. ach pump, your education is not com- : “ay STREET plete. % KOLLIES However the funniest, or the sad- spre EY He es dest, thing is to see Chas. Dickens Th e B K D 1B) E R own younger days, pathetically seek- Soles ing, even back of the mask of melo-| Bw 8:30. s Wed. and Sat. at 2:30. when| 7). F é ; he- pointed out that the general | Union. This sort of propaganda was loves to write of migery, and does it) D E SE R iy Ss ONG sirike in Moscow in 1905, which led |8¢ompanied by efforts to organize, | well, but except for “Hard Times” he itn Yone Halliday & Eddie Hwagell 46 She insucpeetibn. in. Moscowia shoe not only within the Communist Party |looks away from the essential misery | eo Tith Month lena time after and which was a factor in| °f the Soviet Union, a separate or-| of his age, the important misery, that} CASINO 3° St. & B'way. Evs. 8.20 the war situation,—that that sort of | 4?i2ation opposed to i party, but|/which had social power in it, that) __ bic AE cS tactic something different from)®Ye? 2n international organization | relative misery of the machine prolé-| yoiced approval of “something good the pacificist conception of passing | 28ainst the Comintern, against the) tariat. His chosen field is the slum |, yaweer at last,” and t sigh oe x on responsibility for a war situation) “USSan Bolshe leadership. This be ae rately ts by. merely saying “fold your arms, | have a general strike on the day of the declaratiod of war,” and to let it ‘yo “at that. “Comrades, the’ in- evitable “development of a successful general strike in,a war situation is something that not looked for by | reformists. Reformists can speak of stopping a war with a general strike | and then not'do anything by way of \ preparation..; They can betray the| as | It is no easy| matter. .to derstand the fine . dif-; ference bdtween grandiloquent} phrases about a general strike and} workers that way as completely Gustave Herve did. | actual pea in an organiza- | tional fashio: for the application 6: the tactics of the general strike to be carried through to its only possible successful development. n regard to the demand for various | types of orgalnization of military, the question of calling for a citizens| There will also be revo-| militia, ete. |We make a distinetion | danger | before . the between such countries as, for in-| stance, Syria, Egypt, Persia, where! t is still possible, and still revolu-| ionary to cali for a universal militia. | In countries of capitalist develop-| ment, on the other hand, where there! has already disappeared all pos-| \fidence of the workers throughout \the world in the Soviet Union, in our! of the armies. This idea was worked out| Sibility of a “universal militia” being’ partly in the May Day proclamation | 22Ything but a counter revolutionary traordinary plengyf of the Executive |Committee. That May Day procla-} mation of 1927, as you will see, makes | \it clear that the application of the! | fraternization slogan no longer ap-!| | pears in the simple form but in the} which was “ney before the ex-|,instrument, it is necessary to call for | the | The; | Other questions arose over | question of slogans of peace. | Russian revolution we remember |raised the slogan of bread, land, and} |peace. Some comrades have the idea | to raise this slogan “The struggle for | | peace,” and, comrades, when that) question was raised we had to search} very carefully to find out whether | there remained a little touch of! pacifist ideology among the comrades | who come. The slogan of “struggle | jfor peace” is too dangerously near | and too essentially akin to the slogan | which Comrade Trotsky mistakenly} raised during the war of 1914. We! can raise such a slogan as “war! |against war.” We find that the slo- gans which Lenin raised, the slogan} of converting the imperialist war in- to a civil war, the slogan of defeat! your own government (with the) modification which I am going to) make) still apply. When it comes to the slogan of defeat your own gov- ernment, there comes a modification. When it comes to the Soviet Union, of | course there can be no attempt on the part of revolutionists to defeat) our own Soviet Union, or its goyern-| ment. When it comes to a certain) non-imperialist nations which may! find themselves in such a_ posi ion, | for example, we may say, Persia, or} we might suppose a state of the Chi-) nese revolution, such nations, not pr ! letarian dictatorships, not imperialist powers, can find themselves actually fighting in alliance with the Soviet Union. In such situations we make a Marxian analysis and, we adopt that Leninist tactic which brings us to give active support to those powers struggling in nationalist liberation | movements against imperialist) powers and in alliance with our in-| ternational “socialist fatherland,” of) the Soviet’ Union. | It became necessary to call to mind many times during the debates in| Moscow the instructions which Lenin’ gave to the delegation which went) from the Soviet’ Union to the Hague’ aonfarence sometime ago. It, bec i he proletarian organization such as ve have in Germany in the red front | ighters, and situations where it is| ecessary to call for the arming of | the working class. Comrades, I think that the decisions Which were Comrades, we must remember that the Comintern says that the Ameri-| can party and every other Communist Party in the world has made the mis- take of underestimating the war danger. The Comintern was not able to make one single exception, because every Communist Party had under- estimated the danger of war. We were told, comrades, to rub the sleep from our eyes and to realize that the war danger is a thing of today snd not an abstraction of the future. The would have been an organization which by its very nature would have worked toward breaking the confi- dence or attempting to break the con- revolutionaty state,—ijust at the time of the war danger which first of all demands that this morale of the world working class be kept at the highest. And this opposition made a dis ful exhibition of its support to tl cial democratic and petty-bour; anarchist riff raff who are carryi on the wox'« of the bourgeoisie of a‘ tempting’ to break down the confidenc” of the Workers in the proletarian sid ‘orld war, thereby-helping t¥ make possible the mobilization of the masses\ for war against the Soviet Union j and the Chinese revolution. The ‘rotsky opposition declared plainly \ and openly that the greatest danger+-mind you, at this moment of war danger, — that~ the greatest revolutionary movement was the inner line of the Russian \party leadership. The inner party regime is the greatest danger, id Trotsky. It showed that they were on the fringe of a break with the Commukist International. On the fringe of “trek” of the weaker ele- ments outside of the ranks of the Communist party ‘and the Communist International. The only vote in sup- port of Trotsky was that at the al- ready discredited Bujovich. The Com- intern with the exception unanimously adopted the policy condemning and analyzing and ideologically destroy- ing the opposition’ In addition to that it raised the question of the ex- pulsion of Trotsky and Zinoviev from the Central’ Comm - if their con- duct in the Fai al not of a dif- ferent sort. Since then they have made a declaration which has, if I am rightly informed, settled the mat- ter at the present time with their re- maining in the party and promising to obey the discipline of the party which they have so ofte’ flouted. (To Be Continued) By Scott Nearing RUSSIA TURNS EAST By Scott Nearing FOR 50 oo AT PPECIAL PRICE Re eee GLIMPSES OF SOVIET RUSSIA CONSTITUTION—LABOR LAWS AND SOCIAL INSURANCE OF SOVIET RUSSIA 2 | Eighty cents worth of bdoks Books offered NOTE: in limited quantities. © and filled in turn as received, net ON SOVIET RUSSIA These four brief, popular beoklets offer a picture of the world’s first workers’ government in a glance. Excellent propaganda bookleis—buy these to read and then pass on to your fellow-worker. RUSSELL-NEARING DEBATE ON SOVIET RUSSIA—(Formerly $1.00) —.5) ! Oe, —10 CENTS in this column on hand All orders cash loyalty, were in the audience to\ utter crack-| again |/ proletariat, the decadent master class,| the “aristocratic English” conductor which he satirizes, and the swarm of of the very good little orchestra; who, servants, whom he extols for their) uniformed as a gallant of 1880, had ; | exactly the countenance of England’s The good ladies of last century | greatest statesman, Disraeli. —V.S. PIB Sic Anta ee \ W. Cherry, New York City....1.00 7 L, Abbott, New York City 1.00 What the Daily Worker |) & pitns? put, N.Y. “2.00 Oseifert, Fresno, Calif. . $1.00 Means to the Workers Herman DeBoer, Fresno, Calif. ..1.00 Herman DeBoer, Jr., Fresno, More Encouraging Contributions Calif. wesc ee vc este ee tenses 1.00 | Siebert E. DeBoer, Fresno, Calif. 1.00 Our ba das Fund, r., New York -1.00 R. Griefbush, New York. . 1.00 M. Becker, Monrovia, Calif... ..5.00 V. S. Vare, Long Beach, Calif.. .3.00 E. J. Buzan, Clifton, Ariz.......3.00 K. J. Malmstrom, S. Bend, Ind. .1,00 J, L. Olah, Wick., O. - 5,00 C. Jeskersen, Chicago, Ill. 8.00 F. Clement, Lutz, Fla..... 3.00 A. Fredrickson, Ferndale, Mich.. .4.00. S Slavie Fr, Imonton, Minn.. .10.00 D. Harris, Portland, Ore... 1.00 E. Parry, Portland, Ore. «2.00 Centr. Br, W. P., Balt., Md. 50.00 Wm. Schmidt, Curtice, 0. -5.00 B. Ripley, Cleveland, 0... EN Clande J. DeBoer, Fresno, Calif. 1.00 Eugene V. DeBoer, Fresno, Calif, 1,00 E. H. Hunt, Port Arthur, Texas 1.00 E. H. Breaux, Port Arthur, Texas 1.00 A. C. Stiefel, Port Arthur, Texas 3.00 J, C. Lasher, Port Arthur, Texas 1.00 Dan Jones, Sr., Port Arthur, Texas K. Kostoff, Gary, Ind. . Geo. Radosevich, Gary, Ind. . Milan J. Cunovic, Gary, Ind. . M. Briglievich, Gary, Ind. A. Shotnik, Detroit, Mich. Peter Kihalich, Detroit, Mich. Emil Tekula, Detroit, Mich. . H. Grego, Detroit, Mich. .. { Peter Vatamaviuk, Detroit, Mich. 1.00 ...4.00'Frank Risko, Detroit, Mich. ....1.00 The New Plays f MONDAY. “REVELRY,” a dramatization by Maurine Watkins, author of “Chi- cago,” of the novel by Samuel Hopkins Adams, will be presented by Robert Milton at the Theatre Masque Monday night. The players include: Berton Churchill, George MacFarlane, William B. Mack, James Crane, Harry Bannister, Jefferson de Angelis, Frederick Burton, Charles Ellis, Eleanor Woodruff, Rose Hobart, Adele Klaer and Irene Homer. MY “THE BABY CYCLONE,” a farce by George M. Cohan will open Monday night at the Henry Miller’s Theatre. Grant Mitchell, Joseph Allen, Georgia Caine, Spencer Tracy and Nan Sunderland \ head the cast. “MY MARYLAND,” an operetta will be produced by the Messrs, Shubert at Jolson’s Theatre, Monday evening. The musie is by Sigmund Romberg and the book and lyrics by Dorothy Donnelly. The cast includes, Evelyn Herbert, George Rosener, Nathaniel Wagner, Marion Ballou, Arthur Cunningham, Fuller Mellish and Margaret Merle. “HALF A WIDOW,” a musical’ comedy with book and lyries “by Frank Dupree and Harry B, Smith and musie by Shep Camp will open at the Waldorf Theatre Monday aight, presented by Wally” Gluck. The principals include Gertrude Lang, Halfred’ Young, 7 Benny Rubin, Julia Kelety and Bery! Halley. +++1,00 TUESDAY: “10 PER CENT.” 2 comedy of theatrical life by Eugene Davis, will open Tuesday at the Geo. M, Cohan Theatre. Robert Leonard, Albert Hackett, Walter Plimmer Jr., Naney Sheridan, John Wil- - liams and Patyicia Calvert play the principal roles. “THE WILD MAN OF BORNEO,” a new comedy by Mare Connelly and Herman J. Mankiewicz, will be produced by Philip Goodman at the Bijou Theatre Monday night. George Hassell, Marguerite > Churchill, Harold Elliott, Josephine Hull, Lotta Linthicum and Edward F. Nannary head the ‘cast. oe THURSDAY. “THE TRIUMPHANT BACHELOR,” a comedy by Owen Davis, will be ushered in Thursday night at the Biltmore Theatre. Robert Ames, Elsie Lawson, Mildred MacLeod and Richard Sterling head the cast of players..The Chamins are the producers, FRIDAY. “CREOLUS,” a play of New Orleans by Samuel Shipman and Kenneth Perkins will have its premiere at the Klaw Theatre Friday night, presented by Richard Herndon. The leading roles will be played by Helen ‘Chandler, Princess Matchabelli, Natacha Rambova, George Nash and Allan Dinehart. _ SATURDAY, “THE MIKADO,” Gilbert and Sullivan’s famous operetta will be revived by Winthrop Ames at the Royale Theater, next Satur- day night. The players include: Fred Wright, the English come- dian, as Ko-Ko; William Williams, Nanki-Poo; John Barclay, I The Mikado; J. Humbird Duffey, Pish-Tush; William C. Gordon, Pooh-Bah; Lois Bennett, Yum-Yum; Vera Ross, Katisha; S. Suissabell Sterling, Pitti-Sing and Bettina Hall, Peep-Bo,