The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 31, 1927, Page 6

* members of the Boston Def THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, ¥ | ..: R, NEW ynp27 Ye “IT would go to the e These were the word devotion tc The tho Solidarity ar faithful to t ashes? And altho aft clenched fist memo mobile in which she wz in in the evening visited the Casi When a DAILY WORKI talk. But her faithful friend, Bay traditions by going to the setts mill owne’ to pr nse Committee barred polic masks revent a solemn fu SR repor J ; the labor cau >, that thin made her be! Square Tue: she not come to th woman in bia 1 by millions of know she ner ial meeting from ing her her ited her fre uyvesant C. going directly to ng ma met her at the C : Hende mn, of ROSE SACCO: A ck whose work even tho husband's the “It Last night she shared a view the ton Ave., with Mrs. Sacco. the auto- the room. rs. Sacco later ino, she was too tired to d ‘oston, who flaunted Back id of two foreign-born workers framed by Tassachu- “Rose is whole-heartedly in the fight,” said Mrs. Henderson. “I have never known such a militant little woman before. She is an inspiration to me.” Mrs. Henderson was one member of the Boston Committee who kept faith with New York workers by coming to Union Square. Before she left Boston at 1 o'clock on nickerbocker,” of the Shore Line, she made every possible move to bring the ashes of the men for whom she had fought seven years along. ingle bedroom in the Hotel Sheldon, 49th St. and Lexing- “We don’t need a suite,” she said. “There are two beds in That is enough for two women whom grief has made sisters.” The two women, however, do no’, believe in perpetually hanging their heads. They have faith in solidarity and wish to arouse and organize the working class. They in- tend to train Dante Sacco, the martyi:’s son, to become a labor organizer. Mrs. Henderson had harsh words for the police who hurried the line of mourners past the Sacco-Vanzetti Memorial in the Casino, “Your New York police are just as FIGHTER By Walter Snow ASKED WHAT SHE TOUGHT OF THE COMMUNIST ANTI-AMERICAN LE- GION DEMONSTRATIONS IN FRANCE, HER EYES GLEAMED WITH FIRE. “IT WOULD BE MARVELOUS IF THE FRENCH WORKERS COULD PREVENT THE LEGION FROM HOLDING THEIR CONVENTION IN PARIS. I HOPE THE FRENCH MILITARISTS DON’T CAUSE ANY VIOLENCE, HOWEVER.” Mrs. Sacco said again and again that she wished to thank the thousands of work- ers who came to salute the memory of Sacco and Vanzetti at Union Square. “The Sacco-Vanzetti demonstrations which have extended from South America to the Soviet Union have written a new chapter in history,” she declared. Miss Luigi Vanzetti was' unable to come to New York because she was prostrated at the home of Beltrando Brini, in North Plymouth—the same Brini who, as a boy, sold eels with Vanzetti in the Italian district on the day of the South Braintree murder, Mrs. Sacco explained. Mrs. Sacco will soon return to her home in Malden, Mass., from spoke for her. brutal as the ones we have in Boston,” she said. New York. HENRI DETERDING RAGES AND TALKS “HUMANITY” AS STANDARD OIL TAKES SOVIET OIL HE LOST LONDON, apparent conf the leaders of § to the morality o oil is causing wid European oil Socony and Socony Differ. The curious thing is that the Stan- dard Oil of New York and the Vacu- um Oil Company w ying, or the conservative council of }] West country town of Barn- to prevent the Russian Oil Prod Ltd. from ‘opent ii tributing depot that overridden by Home ts at the place w: Secretary sued a circular to its representatives in Great Britain concluding with a statement to the effect that the own- selling on commission, very large| : e : = quantities of Russian oil, are the hold-|¢rship of petroleum wells in Russia ers of a large amount of Nobel Oil, has changed as a result of the rev lution which, it states, is entirely a! domestic affair of the Russians them- selves. This comes, be it noted, from a company holding parcels of stocks | from expropriated companies. | Another angle is touched by the Stock, which they purchased since the Russian Revolution. They make no scruples about doing busine. while | Standard Oil of New Jersey, who had no holdings in Czarist oil concerns are, apparently siding with the Shell interests who have alternately bought| London editor of the “Yorkshire | or bargained for Russian oil or de-{ Post.” He says, “whatever may be | nounced the Soviet “in the interests | the outcome of this conflict, some au- | of humanitarianism and business mor-|thorities hold the view that if Rus-| ality.” It is probable that the Stan-|sian oil is seriously boycotted, it may | dard Oil of New Jersey is seriously |mean that other sources of oil sup-} embarrassed by the over-production of | plies will be seriously depleted, and { their subsidiaries. and need the East-| that the position will eventually be | ern markets of their brother trusts|reached where Russia dominates the | to relieve the situation. world’s oil markets. This is consid- The Standard Oil of New York, | ered to be undesirable since it may | which apparently finds a market with-|give undue power to the Soviet in| in its areas in the United States of | this respect.” America for all, or nearly all the oil | its producing subsidiaries can deliver, | ili i has created a chain of storage and| Philippine Governor | Refuses to State His distribution plants throughout the! Far and Near East, and in East and : South Africa. Colombo and Port Said Policy; Bans Newsmen | once the important oil bunkering sta- | tions monopolized by the Royal Dutch} MANILA, Aug. 30.—The high- Shell group-—with their 60 per cent| handed and characteristic action of | Dutch and 40 per cent British con- acting-Governor General Eugene Gil-| trol—are now the arenas for a chal-| more in refusing to grant any inter-| lenfe by Standard Oil of New York. | View to Philippine newsp&permen has | The latter has now storage capacity; ™et with a reprisal in the form of a) 85,000,000 barrels in these areas | Journalistic boycott of the American and served by 43 oil tankers, a large official. No Manila paper will permit number of barges and river craft|the acting-Governor’s name to ap- sperated by its subsidiaries. Russian |Pe@% anywhere in its columns until Sc}-in-to.fill this. field. he has made a statement of his Noble Deterding Also Bid to U.S.S.R. |POlicy either personally or thru his Sir Henri Deterding, leader of the |“*2'°* 4:05 Governor had issued or- Oil of Nee Voie i atone ta hare |ders banning the Philippine news| relations with the Soviet, who he ac- | PaPermen from the Malacanan Palace, euses of using money derived from |“ Gilmore Pee Res ooeies Ge ceeien oo ee 8 0% ae Communism in| since the death of Leonard Wood and | the Dutch East Indies. Incidentally |yijs refusal to interview the native | it is reported that Sir Henri, eminent | journalist is attributed to his un-| moralist and a proponent of humani-' certainty as to what form the future} tarianism as he purports to be, made | Coolidge rubber policy in the Islands | an offer, it is rumored, in November | js to take. a of last year for the monopoly of mar. keting Soviet oil in the world’s mar- ket. The campaign agair in Great Britain is dying down, the attitude of the Government in| stimulating Russian trade, despite the | suspension of diplomatic relations, | C plainly discourages the Combine and the Rothermere Press. A recent ef- r., Aug. 30.—| cticut States sion accom- | f the Connec- | tion will make | p of the Westchester | stem on September ith a view to having a park } development policy for Connecticut. BRONXVILLE The members of th rk and Forest Cc st Russian oil AFFAIRS OF STATE |Chairman of the REVOLUTIONARY CH INESE PEASANTS é Peasant Self-Defense Corps of Hayuanchu village of Fanyhsien in celebration of their success in sup- pressing anti-revolutionists—June 13, 1925. The Peasant Revolution By EARL BROWDER. ARTICLE V. ee rise of the peasants has been accompanied by strife and blood- shed from the beginning. It is a mistake to suppose that the recent suppressions in Hunan and Hupeh are extraordinary occurances in them- selves; the new development consists only in this, that now the central | of fish in a drying pond which can neithed fly nor run away”. This | document, which contained the poli- | tical line for the 1926 Peasant’ Con- | gress in Canton, just a year before the great upheavals in Nanking, Shanghai, Hankow and Changsha, of the Chinese documents wich I gathered during my visit, it is more valuable than libraries of books writ- government apparatus has itself| ten in the West, for arriving at an turned against the peasants. The | intimate understanding of the Chinese {fundamental struggle in the villages | ?evolution. d |has been of the nature of civil war|°f the most important paragraphs: from the very beginnings of the peasant movement. A few original documents will show this better than all my own exposition. Here is the speech of Yi Li-yuan, Hunan Peasants Union, on the occasion of the Hupeh peasant reception to the International Workers’ Delegation, on April 2, 1927. It is brief enough to report in full, and is classical in its simplic- ity: = “T have the honor to represent the peasants of Hunan to attend this grand meeting today. I have also something to speak to you relating the conditions of the Hu- nan peasants. It would be great- ly appreciated if you, dear com- rades, could give us a little bit of assistance. Peasants of Hunan and Hupeh must have a close relation with one another as hands and feet of a body do. Hunan peasants’ are as poor as you are. Within this few years the rents are increased terribly by the landowners. Sixty per- cent of the harvest which we have got through our hard work must go to the hands of the landowners who use this unearned profit for their own amusement and com- fort, while we, the peasants, have little left for our living. Further- more, if the harvest is bad we have no means to pay the rents other than actioning our wives and children. Comrades, how pitiful we are! Should we not overthrow these cruel and wicked landowners? Fight Landowners Also. “We peasants want to partici- pate in that which we have pro- duced. We strike not only to exterminate militarists but also landowners. The landowners in forty districts of Hunan have The following are some } Struggle of Peasants. ) “The peasants’ struggle, caused by the suppressions, has on the one hand proved the failure of being unorga- nized, for-by want of organizations the peasants have suffered great | sacrifices, and on the other hand has | given teachings hastening their eager- ness in revolution. It also resulted in the present movement. At present, the peasants have organizations. It |is the mark of progress in the pro- jcedure of the peasant struggle. The | promotion of peasant movements and {the organization of peasant’ unions |in Kwantung were caused by two factors. “Indirectly, it was due to the ef- | fect of the world revolutionary tend- yency, owing to the achievement of |the revolution of workers and peas- ants of Soviet Russia, of the students’ patriotic movement on May 4, pro- | testing against Japan and overthrow- \ing the traitors of the first strike of |the Canton seamen, _ protesting | against the imperialists and foreign ee es | SACRIFICE! (On the Murder of Sacco and Vanzetti) By HILDEGARDE OLGA ALEXANDER For seven years you suffered Tortures hard to tell |The anguish of a mind Racked with the fires of hell. The sufferings you bore | Were for the views you held Not for the Braintree murder , Of the two that bullets felled. |The land of the brave And the land of the free | Did not fulfill your hopes | You found no liberty. For liberty was the cross They crucified you on has great historieal value; like many) been overthrown by us. them have fled and taken refuge | .in the Wuhan cities. | to help us to overthrow them too. We know that the strength of Most of You have The venerable secretary of state of the United States, Frank Kellogg, making an important speech in honor of Walter Johnson, famous baseball pitcher. Kellogg, a lame-duck senator from Minnesota, has become noted for his stupid blunders in negotiating the errands _ of the American Empire, iste j f the nationalist revolution is de- pendent upon the help of the com- munity. For this reason we must support the revolutionary leaders in order to accomplish the revolu- tion. The National Peasants’ Union has just been organized. Peasants of various provinces must work together so as to set up a firm foundation for the General Peasants’ Union. He who opposes the peasants movement is opposing the nationalist revo- lution.” * * . * In “The Plough”, organ of the peasant movement (issue No, 7), a report on the Kwangtung conditions says: “The present livelihoo? peasants in rural villages is ii) phat ° os ~ _And justice were the nails | That drove you thereupon. ' They clamored for your body, They vanquished not your soul, And, in the name of justice, | Tyranny claimed its toll. | They burned your wastd body, | Yet, could they hope to still | The voices raised in protest ; Against such bloody will? | On the altar of humanity | You were the sacrifice |'And “Justice” jeered and sneered | When with your lives you paid the | price; | But the words. of many centuries | Were echoed down to you, | Your heart cried out “Forgive them |For they know not what they do.” Your martyrdom is over Yet nothing can efface of| The cause you gave your lives for Which breathes hope to every race. capitalists, of the massacres in Pe- king and Hankow on February 7th, directly denouncing the militarists Chao Kan and Wu Peifu and indirectly against the English imperialists and American imperialists whom Chao and Wu conspired with. It is the great movement for the economical and po- litical struggle of the masses of | workers. “Directly, it was due to the peas- ants’ oppressions by the imperialists, militarists, compradores, and ,land- lords. unions, merchants have merchants associations, and students have stu- dent unions, so the peasants began to organize peasant unions. From this point of view, we may. know that the significance of the begin- ning of the organization of peasant unions is very simple. But, really, the peasants suffered a great griev- ance and hoped to have unions just as merchants, students, and work- ers to unite themselves. The land- lord class who held the economical, political and educational power of villages, upon seeing that the peas- ants rose to organize peasant unions, recognized that it would be harmful to the power of their controlling clas- ses and so suppressed the peasants more seriously and made obstacle to the peasants’ progress, ‘fabricating rumors to fool and to threaten the peasants. Indeed, they tried in every way possible to violate peasants’ unions and to suppress the peasants. In 1922, the Hai Fung landlords and depraved gentries conspired — with the militarist_ Chang Chiung-ming, ordering the District Magistrate to arrest and to imprison the peasants’ leaders of the Hai Fung peasant union. In 1928, when the peasant corps of Wan Lo village of Shun Tak district prepared to inaugurate, the local Militia Board conspired with jthe District Magistrate Chow Chi- {ching prohibiting the peasant corps to register. Escape Isolation. { “In 1924, the Kong Tung landlords ‘vonspired with the District Magistrate Lei Chai-yuen destroying the Kong Tung village peasant union, Kwong | Ning district, with armed force of | the “unlawful militia. Fortunately, {since the peasant movement, the | militia, defense board, self-control ‘union, ete., which were organized by | the landlords, gentries, rowdies, and peasants jointly, were all dismissed. For instance, at that time, peasants who used to be members of militia,! severed their connections with the militia and rose to protest against militia. Gradually, among the rural villages, two opponent organizations existed, namely, the organization of the landlord class and the organization of the peasant class; the former are | the militia, defense corps, ete., and the latter is the peasant union or- ganized voluntarily by the peasants. None of the members of the militia of the places where peasants’ unions exist, are peasants, but only the rowdies, beggars, bandits, ete. At the same time, the peasants have been able to come out of the manifold confinement of localism and clanism, and have organized village peasant’ unions with peasants under different surnames, and division peasant’ unions with a number of village peasant unions. (To Be Continued.) “Upon seeing workers have labor| © } | | (Continued From Last Issue) | This is the Seventh Installment of | the Theses on the war danger adopted jat the Plenum of the Executive Com- mittee of the Communist International | |on May 29, 1927. It gives the official | Communist viewpoint on this impor- tant question. | * * * | 24, One must differentiate between | these two forms of pacifism. While |Communists are prepared patiently for | weeks and months on end if neces- |sary to explain to the workers their errors endeavoring to draw them into a “united workers’ front” with the vanguard of the working class and helping them in the course of the struggle to overcome these errors, they must be utterly relentless in re- | jgard to the “leaders,” who, taking ad- | vantage of the confused pacifist ideas among the proletariat, give this pa- |cifism the definite form of a “posi- tion” and give various false explana- | tions of the fundamental principle. “One of the forms of deceiving the working class,” wrote Lenin dur- ing the war in the year 1915, “is pacifism and the abstract preach- ing of peace. Under capitalism and particularly in its imperialist stage, war is inevitable. . .To preach peace at the present time without at the same time calling upon the masses for revolutionary action, can serve only to sow illusions, cor- rupt the proletariat by imbuing them with confidence in the hu- maneness of the bourgeoisie and convert it into a plaything of the | secret diplomacy of the belligerent countries.” (Lenin, Vol. XIII, p. 51 “Pacifism and the Slogan of Peace”). 25,,Among these pacifist muddle- heads who “preach peace without at the same time ealling upon the masses for revolutionary action” must be in- eluded first of all, the British Inde- pendent Labor Party, which has not taken a single practical step towards the mobolization of the British work- ing class and the soldiers and sailors for the struggle against British im- perialism. The Independent Labor Party stubbornly rejected the united front with the Communist Party. It condemned the “violence” and armed struggle of the Chinese masses against the foreign imperialists, it advocated “negotiations” in order to paralyze the further development of the national revolutionary movement in China. Not less harmful is another form jof this “socialist pacifism,” namely, |the peculiar religious-mystical “anti- militarism” associated with Lansbury and supported by the Independent La- Qn War and Danger of War bor Party. It is limited to voting against war credits, to the advocacy of individual and collective refusal to do military service and to transport arms in the event of war. This group is coming more and more under the influence of the Labor Party and is capitulating before British imperial- ism. This pseudo-socialist pacifism is dangerous because it creates among the workers the illusion that social democracy, at least its pacifist sec- tion, is prepared to fight against war. As a matter of fact it only helps to suppress the question of genuine mass methods of struggling against war. Tactical Questions in the Struggle Aagainst Imperialist Wars. 26. Lenin’s presentation of the question of war determines the tactics of the Communist Parties for an en- tire historical epoch, the epoch of im- perialist wars. Slogans like “War Against War,” “Convert the imperial- ist war into civil war,” “Defeat of the home bourgeois government in’an im- perialist war,” remain today classical examples of true reyolutionary inter- nationalism. Leninism has rendered the great service of dealing with the question of war in its conerete histor- ical conditions; the following three types of wars were laid down: (a) wars between imperialist states; (b) national revolutionary wars against imperialism including also colonial countries (China); (c) capitalist coun- ter-revolutionary wars against proletarian revolution and countreis building up Socialism. The Comintern has now merely to put into concrete form—with regards to wars of the last two types—the general treatment of the question of war, which Bolshevism laid down most fully with regard to wars between imperialist states. 27. Bolshevism first of all rejects: (a) a frivolous treatment of the ques- tion of war. In his draft of instruc- tions to the Russian delegation to the Hague conference, Lenin very empha- tically warned against any frivolous treatment of the methods of struggle against war. He advised all Commun- ists Parties to take into consideration the actual conditions in which war arises; the secrecy with which pre- parations are made for it; its unex- pected outbreak, the helplessness of the “ordinary organization of the workers” even if it calls itself revolu- tionary, in the face of an actual men- ace of war; the fact that “the over- whelming majority of the toilers will decide the question (of national de- fense) in favor of their own bour- geoisie, owing to the powerful pres- sure exercised by the bourgeois state apparatus. (To Be Continued.) FOREIGN CONCESSIONS CAN | By TOM BARKER. LONDON, (By Mail) Aug. 22.—“In our enterprise we have gone back into Russia purely as business people and have been treated as such by the Soviet }Government,” said Mr. Her- bert Guedella, chariman, at the or- dinary general meeting of the Lena Goldfields, Ltd., in London on July 29th. “It is not for me to criticize the recent action which has disturbed the relations between the governments of Great Britain and Soviet Russia.” Talks About Russia. * “T presume,” he went on, “that we! may be permitted to claim some little experience of working conditions in! Russia, and that in fact we are bet- ter acquainted with them than the ‘various people who write so much in |the British press on this subject. We ‘employ many thousands of workers, and, thru the various trade unions we work under collective agreements, | which are strictly adhered to. I can assure you our workers are not un- DO PROFITABLE BUSINESS IN SOVIET UNION operate the 95-mile length of railway from the river to Bodaibo. “Engineers estimate that about 114 million eubie yards of gold bearing sands have already been proved giv- ing a gold content of about 35 cents per yard. This will give sufficient work for four of the largest type Bucyrus dredges for ten years. Our first dredge will start work next year and will be followed speedily by oth- ers, which will supersede the present uneconomical drift mining. Get Copper and Iron. “Under a fifty-year concession we have taken over the copper and iron mines and smelters and iron works of the Sissert property and similar de- posits and installations at Revda in ‘the Urals, Our chief attention will be devoted to the famous Degtiarsky copper seam which is estimated to contain 6,000,000 tons of pyritic ore, and to treat which we are consider- ing the erection of a plant with a ca- pacity of 2000 tons of ore a day.” “Our third area is 15,500 square derpaid, and their efficiency com-) miles in the Altai-Irtysh river basin pares favorably with those of other! with its immense reserves of silver, European countries.” copper and lead. I can not be con- Earlier in his report, Mr. Guedella| sidered as exaggerating,” observed showed the great difficulties associ-|Mr. Guedella, “if I use the word ated with operating gold fields in the ‘enormous’ with regard to its future inaccessible reaches of the Lena Riv-| er, which drains into the Arctic Ocean! thru a vast delta. “We have to pro-| vide not merely technical stores and spares for our business but also the necessities of life for the 5000 work- ers and dependents at Bodaibo, the} center of the Lena enterprise, but we) buy in London a variety of goods un- obtainable in Russia, We buy vast quantities of flour, ete, in Moscow, while livestock is purchased in Mon- golia and driven across the plains to Irkutsk where we undertake the nec- essary transport for the final thou- sand miles to Bodaibo.” Hard Conditions. “In winter we are cut off for sup- plies, only the mail getting thru. We possibilities.” Following the report of a substan- tial profit on the year’s working Mr. Guedella concluded “So far as possi- ble we have always endeavored to adhere to the general basis of agree- ment, but, when necessary we have not hesitated to approach the Chief Concessions Committee to point out our difficulties in certain directions. On such occasions we have always re- ceived sympathetic consideration. 1 think that it has now been recognized that our sole policy is to create and establish our enterprise on a large scale on sound and businesslike line, with results that cannot but be recip- roeally advantageous both to the Soviet Government and ourselves.”