The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 30, 1927, Page 6

By J. NEVAREZ and LEO) The approaching imperialis in addition to once again drz to its bloody mire the ma Europe, and of sure to spread Be- of ¥ idden Amer next time i to the nations of South America. cause of the ever arpening riv between the imperialist inter Great Britain and the United in Latin America, the nations 0 continent will soon find them ved in a most horrible . Ousts British From America. World Prior to War, capital e , Yanke South America in ever portions i Bri has given » Yankee. Thus accord to Max Wink pert of t G prior to t ments in L $100,000,000, ment are 000. The reached this during were in the h supremacy Reyolts. cing the onies ite ploit re- volt over con- trol, the vestment mined to c¢ foothold in In this can the Ameti- of e the sole es, and the a. th American nation to open hos are ments. er the nitrate Arica is the spark that re- 1 of Tacna off the conflagration. All to have Chile, Peru, and| noes arbitrate and come to a son for this becomes h. and itish i s_ in Bolivia .ex- ceded tho: e United States by 0,000 the total U. $. investments being $15,000,000. Today, U. S. in- vestments 80 mi rpassing the en a strong- mt, Ameri- have risen from 2 to $400,000,000 at hold for can investments $15,000,000 in 1¢ the present da In Peru, ritish investments are still in the lead with 25 million over the 100 the U. S. investments The Argentine-Brazil Dispute. Identical is the threatening war be- tween Brazil and Argentina. British WAR ON WAR, IS CRY OF THOUSANDS WHO THRONG THE BIG f | millio ettlement have thus far} cognized that the} risen to the| he War Danger in Latin America nvestments in Argentina still 1 United States. The Br figure 31,900,000,000 and that of the 50,000,000. In 1920 U. S, in- Argentina were $40,- o that we can see that U. ments are gaining very y and in a few y will su those of (¢ . nB Chile ther al inv other South Ameri rican investments reach 00,000,000. (Statis s American Foreign investments by Robert W. Dunn). for a war between 3razil is the dispute ion of an important , the Rio de Ja Plata, in the hands of Argen- but has long been claimed ky of the certainty a war above the m by and $s race now in the South American govern- ists Finance Armaments. , with the money extended to the foreign bankers in the form » make no it i the t battle fleet uth American ot view Peru's with folded arms, and spent 430 million Chilian dernizing her old battle In Per Argentina does not remain behind nd init ar expended 100,000,000 and modern arma- continuing to spend The naval ministry gentina in 1916 spent 36 million fo and r ments, is enormous sums. pesos for the purchase of 2 cruisers, destroyers, torpedo boats, and sub- arines. Sometime ago the bour- press of Argentina announced the government will spend 80 gold pesos for the further purchase of armaments. This re- ed in sueh a wave of popular in- mation, that the bourgeois. press forced to “correct” its statement with the announcement that the gov- ernment would spend 80 million in paper, which has the value of-a thin of the gold. But as result of a quar- hat rel among the leading politicians, it| leaked out that at a secret session of ;the chamber of deputies the naval minister solicited and obtained an ap- propriation of | gold. = Brazil’s Armament Race. In view of Argentina’s preparations Brazil also does not seek to fall be- hind and is arming to the teeth. | These countries are arming to the teeth not |for ‘any decorative purposes, but for the sole reason that they know that very soon, their British and Ameri- can imperialist masters will com- ;|mand them to- fly at each others throats, and m ever, befallen the continent. The imperialist interests have in the different governments which they jinftuence, their agents who are con- sciously preparing these countries for war out of which the only ones to gain will be the foreign interests, and the native masses the sure losers. The Communist Parties of~South America, under the guidance of the |Communist International are making thus will kindle the South American million dollar representing | every effort to make clear the im-| | Pending situation to the Proletariat, ae if united, is the only force in South America that can prevent the loutbreak of the war. é CLEVELAND PEACE By M. DWORKIN. Night. Thousands of toil-worn men and women, of all colors and races, with a deep protest in their hearts against war have gathered. Fighting War. Public Square, Cleveland, Ohio. Un- der a still glowing red sky, after a hot summer, day they have gathered in thousands from the big industrial city in protest against war. They who are usually the first victims of every capitalist war stood in #aonster demonstration determined to wage war upon the war makers, Surrounded by a glowing city the public square became a seething black monster of wronged men and women who pinned their hope of liberation on no one but themselves. Veterans Against War. Everywhere in the huge throng of protestants were to be seen the wounds of the last war. There were thousands of ex-service men grim- faced and determined to fight the next war at home on those who be- trayed them once. Here is a tall-stalwart Negro, a giant of a man, standing at Tom Johnson’s monument. He is an ex- vice man, a southerner, His are shooting fire, red and almost pop- ping out, every time the speaker on the rostrum in the distance thunders out the shuddering. word “War.” “No Mo’ War!” “There’ll be no mo’ wah fo’ me” he grins out determinedly and with rage .in his voice. He looks up to the fifty- two story giant of a union station under construction on the south east- ern corner of the public square and laughs. “I've worked there in the basement four weeks and now I am idle four weeks. What chance does I have?” And he ends bitterly. “and me goin’ to war?” ! RALLY One woman, a typical American | mother, spoke bitterly about her un- | healed wounds of the last war. Re- }Spectably dressed and outwardly cool |she was typical of any women who | stood gathered there. | “War? The last war left me with | plenty to be bitter about. My son, who like all the rest of the boys were promised everything when they re- jturned from the war for Democracy, could not even get a job and as a ‘result, from privation and prolonged | idleness his nerves were affected and ‘now I have ‘an insane son on my hands. And now,” she added, “the | youth who was hailed as a great pa- | triot, is supported by his mother who goes out daily to work for the fat |parasites on the ‘heights.’ ” The exhausted industrial city has | Somewhat hushed down. It is late at night. Public square is still crowded | Here is a tallstalwart Negro, a and never sleep, lest the enemy should perpetrate another “patriotic” crime | similar to that of 1914, They will not jsleep from now on, the thousands |who were deceived once into a hide- 5} ous bloody debauch, called war. These have nothing to lose and \everything to gain. And if a war |must be they will war on the war | makers, . | Editor Dies. KANSAS CITY, Mo., Aug. | Irwin R. Kirkwood, editor 29.— of the jin Saratoga Springs, N. Y., aceord- ing to a message received here from the United States Hotel in Saratoga, Cause of death was not given. _ BUY THE DAILY WORKER NEWSSTANDS AT THE 75 million pesos in| leading South American! st horrible catastrophe that has| Kansas City Star, died early today | aa THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY. AUGUST 30, 1927 a A John Reed -- Revolutionist By SAM DARCY. of John Reed. He was no “outsider” | lagers), a gaunt youth leaped to his There is a difference between a|in the revolutionary movement. In the | feet and cried passionately: ‘From the worker who deserts his class and be-| bitterest factional struggle, in the |workers of Serpukoy, take this word comes ‘a lackey of the ruling class, and |days. immédiately after the Russian to our brothers in America. For three jone of the ruling class who aligns |himself with the cause of the work- ers; for in the former case the individ- ual sells his soul for reactionary aims and in the latter case the individual aligns’ himself with historical prog- Se Pohn Reed Liyes Forever. History gives many examples of | both types. But those who serve reac- ;tion have sunk into inglorious ob- livion and today we know little of |them. But to those who have aligned themselves with the oppressed and who. often because of superior educa- tion and training have become leaders of the oppressed, to those we feel grateful for having served our cause, the caust of posterity and we there- |fore keep their names alive. John Reed was one of these. Though a graduate of Harvard and classed among the bluest of the Blue Blood, he yet had enough vision and enough courage to break from his | surroundings and join the revolution- ary proletarian movement. It is true he belonged to the intelligenzia but |then he was distinguished from the (rest of the intelligenzia in that he | réally had intelligence and not merely }@ Veneer with which to hide stupidity. | Goes to Mexico. | Hn 1914 he was in Mexico, almost posit. ot after he left the uni- | ¥ersity, officially reporting the revo- lutionary events there, hut actually studying them and feeling a deep sym- pathy which he coupled with a cri- tical understanding of the revolution- |ary movement which was then agi- |tating all of Mexico, and which was | being utilized by a military clique for | their own purposes. He wrote a book lon his findings there called “Insur- |gent Mexico.” In discussing what he | characterized as the “opportunist, re- |formist, and self-seekihg bourgeois character” of the leadership of the | Revolutionary Army, he recognized | the weakness of the Mexican revolu- | tion. ‘ Reed’s cause in Mexico was as one | who knows Reed would expect, the jeause of the peon. And all through | his activity in Mexico just one vein of |thought ran through his mind, his writings and hfs activity; namely, |how best to utilize the events that the peon from the economie and po- | litical bondage with which he was so heayily burdened. Thus he denounced | the so-called revolutionary generals \of the time, for he despairéd of their milit€ry and nationalist narrowness. | He bitterly complains, in his book, that “during all the time I talked with them (Carranza, and the other | generals) I never detected one gleam of sympathy for, or understanding of, | the peons,” s Scored Bourgeois Honors. | Then the war broke out. John Reed }who was already back in the United | States joined the revolutionary move- |ment. He had been working for a | bourgeois newspaper in New York but he used his income and his major ‘energies for the revolutionary move- ‘ment. The bourgeoisie acknowledged | that he was a brilliant writer and cer- tainly one of the greatest war corre- |spondents that ever lived. They of- fered him every honor (honor as they |saw it) but this meant nothing to Reed whose only conception of honor |lutionary proletariat. “The Masses,” | the “Liberator,” the organ oF the left wing of thé socialist party, the left wing and the Communist Party them- ‘selves all are witness to the activities vf | were taking place for the freeing of | was honor in the service of the revo-, revolution when there was no clarity in our movement, .ohn Reed was as | closely involved in every fight as was | the most hard-boiled worker, Many of us who were in the left wing, in the Communist Labor Party, etc., will undoubtetdly remember the athletic hulk of John Reed, which had given him football fame in exclusive Har- vard, pulling his trousers up and tightening his belt in preparation to delivering a broadside against one or another faction within the Commun- | ist movement. We do not pretend that he was a theoretician. His revolutionary spirit was born out of a deep sympathy for} the oppressed but because he was not) a theoretician we cannot afford to! vunder-estimate the role he played in| our movement. Today, we lead the} workers’ struggle in the clear light of | the teachings of Marx and Lenin but | ‘years the Russian workers have been bleeding and dying forthe revolution and not our own revolution but the ;world revolution. Tell our American ‘comrades that we listen day and night \for the sound-of their footsteps com- |ing to our aid. But tell them, too, that jno matter how long it, may take them, we shall hold firm. Never shall the Russian workers give up their revolu- \tion. We die for socialism, which per- haps, we shall never see’.” f | The* eloquence of this spirit could ouly be communicated to America ‘through such as John Reed for he was one of the few whose pen was gifted with the fluid of fire. Gave Life for Revolution. It was while he was carrying on this work that he fell\ sick with typhus. At first he disregarded his ill health and counted on his splendid physical frame to resist this dread it was not always so. Many a revolu-| disease. But his frame had lost its tionary figure who has played a noble | role and has made sacrifices which have emblazoned his name forever in | history did not understand fully the class forces at work in a particular | historic era or the relation of that era to other eras and the developing forces in their influence and in their results. Thus we must understand John Reed for what he was, a noble, fearless fighter whose healthy in- stincts made him fight with the work- | ers and against. capitalism and who did not hesitate to pay any price nec- essary to carry that struggle to a successful end. Made Revolution Live In Words. | The revolutionary events in Russia | would not let him rest in the United States, and it was not long before he | passed through the blockade and en-, tered_the First Workers’ Republic. The stories of. his. adventures from | America to the scéne of the Russian | revolution as told both by himself and | many others who participated would in themselyes make a book and must be found elsewhere than in the space | of this article. However, after he) landed in Russia, his activity on be-| half of the revolution was without | limit. He was among its publicists, | writing to. the workers of the world, the wonderful story of the -revolution as he saw it through his- youthful | eyes unhampered by traditional con- | servative ideas. He was among it: best fighters helping to organize revo- lutionary regiments both of foreign- ers and Russians in order-to go to the front and fight in defense of the revo- lution. He: was one of the best sym- | hols-of the Russian revolution in that | he helped to complete the interna- | tional character of that world-shak- | ing event. And possibly, greatest of | all he was one of those who organized | the révolutionary forces against the | counter-revolution among the workers and-peasants in those heroic strug- gles against the blockade, counter-re- volution and economic bréak-down, He | travelled through all of Russia in this | work, 5 | Brought Workers’ Message to U. S,: In a series of articles that he wrote | for the “Liberator” in the middle of | 1920 he tells of the suffering and sac- rifice of the Russians who were work- | ing with him, Throughout his articles | it seemed never to have occurred to him that he was going through these struggles with the same heroism that | he was crediting to the Russian masses. In one of these articles he says: : “And when I was ‘done. saluting them in the name of the American revolutionists (in a meeting of vil- early -health in the severe days of revolutionary struggle, and he suc- cumbed among those others of his Russian comrades who had contracted the same disease in the same strug- gle. Finally, on October 17th, 1920 he died. The Russian workers knew him for his work and they deeply felt the loss of him. They buried him with the honors they gave only to the most be- loved of the revolutionary dead. And now, undearneath the great Kremlin Wall he lies in close proximity to the | &raves of the dead of the October Re- volution, the great Mausoleum where Lenin lies and beneath the niche that Comrade Ruthenberg has won within the Kremlin Wall itself. 3 A Heroic Figure.’ John Reed has made a, great con- tribution not only to the Russian and World Revolutions but most’ particu- larly to the American Revolution, for John Reed is a great example to the | American youth. Let none scoff at his lack of clarity on some of the teachings of Marx and Lenin for his revolutionary work is a powerful light that pales into insignificance the vaporings of those who only pretend to know. A real Marxist-Leninist will appreciate the true greatness of John Reed’s contribution. Let us therefore all remember him for what he was and hold him aloft as one of those ‘heroic figures which the struggling revolutionary proletariat of the United States wifl in historic persepctive learn to love and honor for what he gave to our cause. Lenin Flats Are Best, in London’s Working Class Section of City LONDON, Aug. 29.—The Bethnal Green Borough Council has just-built a block of flats that is called the Len- in Estate. The rents range from $2.75 to $5.75 a week’ including elec- tricity. ‘ In contract to the old broken down tenements that surround it, the build- ing stands out most conspciously. It is-claimed by many that they are the finest and most modern flats in Lon- don’s east side. im There are 82 apartments which fe flank the sites of a quarrangle. Each has a separate entrance and all are two three bedroom type, with eom- plete modern equipment. Artistic dresser and cabinets are built in. There is a generous supply of hot! water, . THINK OF THE SUSTAINING FUND AT EVERY MEETING! | F ’ professional | anti-Soviet campaign, this treachery | | tended to disorgenize the Soviet rea \Tyaction endeavors to assume an in- Hi the war in China. I } On War and Danger of War (Continued From Last Issue) jillusions. In this respect it must not This is the sixth installment of the! be for a moment be forgotten that, Theses on the war danger adopted| the so-called “left” social democratic at the Plenum of the Executive Com- | leaders (such ag Paul Levi in Ger- mitte of the Communist International | many, Bracke in France, such repre- on May 29,1927. It gives the official] centtatives of the British Labor Communist viewpoint on this impor-| Party as Maxton and Wheatley, and tant question. such “left” trade union leaders as ia . iy! |PPurcell and Hicks) are the most 18. The so-called “ultra - left’ | dangerous enemies of Communism in groups have played no small part in|the labor movement. Even the more the work of demoralizing the prole-' sincere leaders of the left opposition tariat. While in the campaign against | within the social democracy in so far the Soviet Union the social.democrats | us they.merely waver and chatter, were an echo of the bourgeoisie, the hut refuse to dissociate themselves ultra-lefts were an echo of the social | organizationally fromt he social demo- democrats. Now when the prepara-| cratic leadership, the Communist Par- tion of an attack on the Soviet Union ties are obliged to criticize most ig becoming self-evident, when the/strongly and to expose their role as house-breakers - from | deceivers of their working class fol- Scotland Yard are raiding the prem- | lowers. ~ ses of the Soviet representatives in | London, the objective meaning .and | gnificance of “ultra-left” treachery perfectly clear, In the light of the But at the same time the winning jover of the- left social democratic | Workers and also of their leftward in- | clined workers such as the anarcho- syndicalists for a revolutionary united proletarian front, in the struggle ainst war was never such an im- portant task as it is at the present time, Disarmament and P. appears as one of the elements in: the event of war. In as far as this ternational character, it constitutes an | element in disorganizing the struggle of the Comintern against war. is m. 22. In view of increased prepara- 49. The attitude of the Second In-| tions-for imperialist wars, the talk ternational on the Chinese question |f the bourgeois governments and of was no less, treacherous than its at-| the petty bourgeois pacifists about titude towards the Soviet Union. The | disarmament is the acme of hypocrisy Second International did not move a|8"d mockery (sabotage of the Wash- finger, to. prevent the concentration | mSton agreement of 1921, concerning of foreign troops in China. Its lead: | limitation of naval armaments, fail- ers are cynically and impudently for| Ure of the Coolidge “disarmament!” If such a leader | Proposal, failure of the Geneva Con- in the Second International as Thomas | ference of the League of Nations in disagreed at will with the policy of |March 1927). Communists must ex- his government in regard ‘to the Chi- | Pose in every possible way the false nese question, it was only in the sense | and reactionary meaning, as long as that the government was not sending the capitalist system still exists;~of enough troops and should send more. | the slogan and of disarmament ad- Another leader of ‘the Second Interna-| vanced by the bourgeoisie and their tional, MacDonald, declares that the |2@¢nts, the social democrats. To sup- protection of British interests” in| Port such ‘a slogan means to sow. il- China demands the presence of an | lusions that it is possible to do away adequate armed force in the “settle-} With war without the abolition of ment.” The Second International | Capitalism. No proposals of the bour- openly supports the Chinese Gallifet, | feoisie and the social democrats con- Chiang Kai-shek, after the Shanghai | cerning the curtailment of armaments shootings (see “Hamburger Echo” of | 2nd the reduction of war expenditure April 19, 1927). The efforts of the | can reduce by a single iota the danger Chinese proletariat to. secure hege-|0f war during the imperialist epoch, mony over the national revolutionary) The only country which has ‘really movement are meeting with fierce op- | reduced its army to a minimum is the position on the part of the entire in- | Soviet Union. Among all the existing ternational social democracy” | states, it is the only sure buttress of 20. Nu less criminal and infamous Peace. Emerging in October 1917 is the attitude to the war question |from the struggle against the imper- cf the so-called “left” section of social | ialist war, it has been for ten years democracy (Otto Bauer, Paul Levi| like a heavy weight round the neck of and others). the European imperialists, preventing (a).—This wing of social democracy | them from hurling the various sec- is disguising its criminal passivity in|tions~of the toiling masses against regard to the war, which has already | one another. It can fulfil this role begun in China, by talk about the | also in the future, provided its policy peril of imperialist wars in genera!.|has the support of the international (b).—Together with Hilferding they | working class. “The policy, of the Sov-~ keep alive the extremely dangerous |iet Union directed towards disarma- illusion that imperialism itself is not | ment is the policy of a siate in which? dangerous, that it only becomes dan- the proletariat is the ruling class an¢ gerous if accompanied by reaction |is laying the foundation of a new so- (Austrian social democratic organ} ciety which makes war impossible. “Kampf”). The attitude of the world proletariat (c).—In their campaign against the | t0 the position of the Soviet Union on Soviet Union they use the same | the disarmament question must there. poisonous weapons as the right wing fore differ in principle from its atti: of the social’ democrats. tude towards the hypocritical disarm. This..wing of social democracy. is ament plans of the bourgeois states, ~ 28. There /is no doubt about the tod b f its i spunea dicaiin the Headrest fact that the millions of toilers whe of the right social democrats with| Went through the great imperialist war of 1914-18 do not want a new “left” phraseology, because they al- ways save at the critical moment the | Wat. The wounds of the last war art right social democrats and the bour- | Still too fresh. These workers sin- geoisie, and by misleading the work- ey pete to aera ae the bi isie to cai ut | ceived by the social démocrats, y re Lele Poureyetsis gate do not yet see their war clearly, an¢ its plans. 4 . : 21. The Communist Parties in their | hAve yet no revolutionary basis. This is the source of the vague and sen. struggle against imperialist interven- 4 : tion in revolutionary China and their}timental “pacifism,” from which the struggle for peace with the Soviet | Working class still suffers. This pe; ‘Union, cannot renounce the united! cifism has nothing in common with front ‘tactics. Gn the contrary. In| the deliberate deception carried “or this struggle the widest possible ap- by the bourgeois pacifists, clergy anc plication of the united front tactics | other charlatans whose task is to pro is a necessary condition both in the | Vide palliatives for the negative sides interests of the mobilization of the | f capitalist society. broad masses of the workers, peas- |. (To Be Continued.) ants and oppressed nations and also in the interest of exposing pacifist’ Keep Up the Sustaining Funé NEARING SEES UNEMPLOYMENT sRoW } ». By SCOTT NEARING (Federated Press). . Traveling through the United States and Canada from Ney York to Vancouver I made the following observations: , 1. In all of the industrial centers, there is unemployment, nowhere serious, but everywhere sufficiently threatening to wor- ry the workers. Many of them are asking, when will the haré times come? mieetae 2. Among the farmers exists a reasonable hope this year of harvesting crops that will pay the costs of the farms. But a ‘growing consciousness that they are playing a losing, hopeless game. They feel that they are in the grip of the bankers and that there is no escape. Farms by the thousands are for. sale everywhere. : ‘ 3. Each worker is making a desperate attempt to save him: self from the system—by buying a home, a piece of land, a little stock, or some type of an insurance policy. Hach man for him- self to be the rule and the workers are following the game as it is played. A few are winning, easily.. The great bulk are strug: gling desperately and just keeping their heads above water. They amuse themselves and divert themselves in many ways—movies, Tights, races, fancy clothes—but the struggle remains hard, ~ 4. In.drder to provide the wherewithal for the “each man for himself” game, the workers are leaving the unions, working overtime, taking cuts in piece rates, doublipg up on jobs, and doing whatever else they can to make ends meet. The intensity of labor is increasing with the intensity of the survival struggle, 5, There-was an immense interest in the Sacco-Vanzetti case, a. great deal of interest in China, much interest in the Soviet Union, some little interest in Nicaragua and in the prospect of ‘ hs y aah, a