The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 22, 1927, Page 4

_ the most malignant enemies are precisely the socialist leaders of Page Four THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JULY 22, 1927 THE DAILY WORKER fhe Drift of the Trotzky-Zinoviey Opposition Published by tie DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. Daily. Except Sunday | 85 Firat Street, New York, N. Y. Phone, Orchard 1680 Cabin Addrezs: ‘ SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in New York only): By mail (outside of New York): 68.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per year 96.50 six months $2.60 three months $2.00 three months ee Address all mail and make out cnecks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. . -Editors J. LOUIS ENGDAHL ; usiness Manager WILLIAM F. DUNNE BERT MILLER. ———— ———eeSeSEeSeSeSeSESeSeSS Entered as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. Y., undez | the act of March 8, 1879. Advertising rates on applicutioR. | “Daiwork” =>, Sacco and Vanzetti Know the Verdict. | Why doesn’t Governor Fuller and his dual commissions, one comprising the state executive council that must finally pass upon all: recommendations for clemency, and the other his “advisory” commission, appointed by himself, have the courage to announce to the world their conspiracy to further torture Sacco and Van- | zetti, these two victims of class vengeance in Massachusetts, whose | case has aroused every awakened worker on the face of the earth? Ts their decision so vicious that they dare not expose it to the light of day? Do they think that the workers do not know what they | are doing in spite of their secrecy? One thing is certain and that is that the victims know what is in store for them if Fuller, the multi-millionaire exploiter of non-union labor and his commissions have their way. They them- selves cannot issue proclamations from behind the walls—the same walls that hold the death chair already prepared for them. Their hunger strike in the silence of Charlestown prison is the only method they can devise to inform the workexs.on the outside that they know their class enemies are relentless and intend to carry still further their appalling brutality in order to wreak revenge upon these two workers who have been chosen as a salutary ex- ample to other workers not to dare challenge the power of the Massachusetts textile barons and expose the murderous role of the so-called department of justice of the United States as these two men were doing in the case of the Italian workman, Salsedo, who was murdered in the city of New York in the offices of the de- partment of justice. The verdict of Fuller and his commission is death or the living death of life imprisonment. That verdict must be reversed by mass demonstrations of workers thruout the United States and the world that will jar the complacency of the Back Bay aristocracy of Boston, that oldest parasitical growth in New England. Sacco and Vanzetti are victims of class vengeance! That must be remembered by all workers. No stone must be left unturned now to fight to save Sacco and Vanzetti. The final decision is not with Fuller, but with the workers, who alone have thus far defended Sacco and Vanzetti and must save them from death and further imprisonment and enable them to return to the ranks from whence they were taken seven years ago. Sandino Assails Wall Street’s President. General Augusto Sandino, commander of the small and poorly armed force in Nicaragua that was set upon by marine bombing planes, in which more than 300 were murdered, has issued a proc- lamation charging Calvin Coolidge with responsibility for the war being waged against the independence of the inhabitants of that unfortunate country. There is one sentence in the proclamation that reechoes the defiance hurled at George III. of England by Patrick Henry: ® Sandino declares that the Nicaraguans despise Diaz, the lackey of T Wall Street, who, with the aid of American arms, was placed in| the presidential office, and that they will fight him to the last man. “We are determined to die if we cannot secure complete liberty for all men!” There is further similarity in that Secretary of State Kellogg stigmatized the fighters against imperialism in Nicaragua as “bandits,” and “criminals.” Such epithets are the stock-in-trade of American imperialism in its endeavors to sup- press its political enemies at home as well as in the colonies and semi-colonies. Even within the boundaries of the United States the law, in its impartial majesty, does not recognize political offenders as any- thing other than common criminals, so it is not to be expected that better treatment will be accorded those liberal forces of Nicaragua who try to establish the principle of self-determination of nations. Sandino is right, it is Coolidge who is responsible for the war to the extent that Coclidge-carries out the official Washington policy of rapacious plundering of Latin-America. lidge stands Wall Street, the real government. Sandino’s cry should reecho thruout all of Central and South ‘merica as an aid to the fight that must be waged against the inmen of Wall Street if all that vast territory is not to fall un- pr the same blight that now afflicts Nicaragua. Social-Democratic Police Maintain Order. Burned deeply into the mind and heart of every class con- seious workman in Vienna today is the knowledge that the guard, created for “defense” by the social democrats, aided the regular | police disperse crowds that wanted to assemble to pay homage to the heroes who died in the uprising on the day they were buried. Now the workers of Vienna know in whose defense these armed forces were created; in defense, not of the workers, but to defend the ¢apitalist government against the workers. The social-demo- erats declared they were organizing forces to fight fascism. They fight fascism by becoming scabs upon the fascists—doing the | dirty’ work that is supposed to be the exclusive right of bought and paid for assassins of the working class. Henceforth the workers of Vienna know the social-democrats, _ left and right alike, for precisely what they are. To defend the | | capitalist class against the revolutionary workers is the role of social-democracy in every country it raises its head. In countries _ where armed risings take place, they shoot the workers. In New York they organize bands of thugs and co-operate with the police in breaking strikes. The difference is one of degree only. All ef the social-democratic leaders are either murderers or potential) murderers of the working class. i The blood of the proletariat that was shed in Vienna has not! been shed in vain. In the next rising the workers will know that But behind} NOTE.—Comrade Engdahl, one of the representatives of the American Communist Party, at- tended all the sessions of the Plen- num of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, | May 18-30, at which Trotzky de- veloped his attack against the So- viet Government, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Comintern. Engdahl was also in Moscow when, on May 9th, at the celebration of the 15th Anniversary of the Pravda, the central organ of the Russian Party, Comrade Zino- viev continued his factional strug- gle before a gathering made up in large part of non-party workers. as | * * | By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. HE drift of Comrades Leon Trot- zky and Gregory Zino y contin- ues steadily against the Communist International and against the Com- munist Party of the Soviet Union. | The plenum of the Executive Com- mittee of the Communist Interna- tional in May overwhelmingly (with the lone vote of Vuyovitch opposed) | condemned the policies advanced and the factional struggle waged by the) Trotzky-Zinoviev-Vuyovitch opposi-| tion. “Not a single delegation at the Plenum supported the opposition | which disturbed the practical work of | the Plenum,” was the comment of the| * of the Comintern. | The Plenum voted full powers to the Presidium of the Executive Com-| | mittee Communist International “to| | effect the formal expulsion of Com- rades Trotzky and Vuyovitch from| the Executive Committee Communist | International in the event of this} struggle continuing.” * * | IN a communication issued on June} 26th, the Central Control Commis- |sion of the Communist Party of the| | Soviet Union raises the question of | removing Comrades Trotzky and Zin-} oviev from the Central Committee of | |the Party. It cites the activities of | {the opposition, since they were in-| | augurated in 1923 by Comrade Trot- |zky at its head, and since 1926 with |Comrades Trotzky and Zinoviev as leaders. The opposition is denounced jas having utilized “every difficulty |met with in the course of the build- ing up of Socialism, to attack the | unity of our Party and its leadership, | without stopping at breaches of Party | discipline.” | * * | INSIDERABLE publicity, and not | a little sympathy, has been ex- tended by the capitalist press of the world to the Trotzky-Zinoviev oppo- | sition. It is known that this opposi- tion has connection with the Maslow- Fischer group in Germany, that was | expelled from the German Commu- |nist Party and the Comintern, and | now issues a publication of its own, |that it seeks to convert into a aeily as the organ of its counter-revolu- tionary activities looking toward the| |formation of a Fourth International. * * * | THAT it has been extremely difficult for the comrades of the Commu- |nist Party of the Soviet Union to keep the Party membership informed of all the ramifications of this anti- |party struggle was clearly brought jout during the report by Comrade | Bukharin on the results of the plen- ary session of the Executive Com- | mittee Communist International ¢o | the plenum of the Moscow Committee | of the Communist Party of the So- | viet Union. In the stenographic re- port of Comrade Bukharin’s speech in referring to the Trotzky-Zinoviev Op- position, we find the following: “Steering their course in accord- ance witn the political wind, they aim their attack at times directly against the Soviet Union itself, | whilst at other times they adopt a milder tone towards the union, and direct their efforts to violent attacks | on our Party. and the Comintern. On | one occasion, for instance, they wrote that Stalin does not differ in the least from Noske (Disturbance). I do not understand why you are sur- prised at that, it is nothing new (A | Voice: “It is new to us”). Then I ‘am pleased to have been able to in- (Laughter). * * ’ BUEKHARIN points dut that on Oct. | 6th, last, the Trotzky-Zinoviev op- position issued a statement which it declared was “meant seriously,” and which carried an assurance that the Opposition would entirely give up every connection with the so-called} group of Urbahns, Maslow and Fischer in Germany, which had been expelled from the Comintern, Buk- harin said: “I must here relate a few details jon the position of these excluded members. They have their own newspaper, they have already con- verted this newspaper into a weekly, and are taking steps toward issuing it daily; they are taking steps to- ward the formation of a party of their own. There is no doubt what- ever that they are in receipt of help from our Opposition, from whom they receive material about our party life, even to reports on the sessions of the Political Bureau, and informa- tion on the occurences in this Bureau.” Yet the Trotzky-Zinoviev Opposi- | tion, in the Plenum of the Executive Committee Communist Internatioal, this May demanded the return of the {form you of it.” * _ the Fritz Adler and Otto Bauer type. is 2 expelled their program. ONCERNING this newspaper. of the expelled German group, Buk- harin says: “Their newspaper, which has be- come the organ of our ‘Opposition’ at the present time, dishes up every morsel of gossip or slander in circu- lation against our Party and the Comintern. These good people will presently arrive at a slogan of ‘So- viets without Communists.’ They have already published an article on war in which they state that, unless jthe present leaders of the Comintern {change their political and,organiza- tory course radically at the last mo- ment, they will play the same role as the leaders of the Second Inter- national at the beginning of the great war. (‘The Flag of Commu- nism,’ No. 12.)” * x * Peepers: and promises have little meaning for the Trotzky-Zinoviev Opposition. In spite of their agree- ment of Oct. 6th, 1926, the Central Control Commission of the Commu- nist Party of the Soviet Union points out that “fractional literature has been printed and distributed, there is ization of openly fractional ions like that of the ‘84’ with unparalleled slanderous accusations against the Party, the attitude of Trotzky in the Executive Committee of the Communist International, the speech of Zinoviey on May 9th in a non-Party meeting appealing to the workers outside the Party against the Party, which was condemned by by ne single Party nucleus, it con- tinued to represent obstinately its anti-Bolshevist opinions, and did not “Prince Igor” and N. Y. se its fractional work.” cease its as lone? coe Symphony at Coney HE new attack of the Opposition is| Island Stadium hus characterized as follows:! Tomorrow [ae Opposition has attempted to utilize the special difficulties arising | in connection with the international | situation of the Soviet Union and} with the partial defeat of the Chinese Revolution, has concentrated its at- tacks upon the international policy of the Party (China, Great Britain). The delayed benefit concert, which | was called off last Saturday because of rain, will be given this Saturday evening. The following is the com- plete program for the Concert and Opera, which will be presented at the Coney Island Stadium, 6 Street and “The Opposition answers the in-,| " . a 4 creased danger of war for the Soviet | Sunt Avenue: ee ates heeins at Union with declerations that directly |8 °¢lock, Maximilan Pilzer will con- Ae LR guls Mae: Party | chestra of over 100 pieces, while te eeaiee Herdeneeenet aca | Slexis Kosloff, Premier Danseur of for the strengthening of the defenses |*the Metropolitan Opera House will of the Soviet State. A declaration | Pe’sonally Bppeae: an: and SBpeny ise: such as that recently made by the|Borodine’s “Prince Igor.” Specially Opposition with Comrade Trotzky|@ttanged divertissements will also be and Zinoviev at the head, that ‘should | 9? the colorful Pre rent, The Us war really break over our heads,|‘iPal participents will be: Rita De ‘every worker, every day laborer and| Leporte, Vera Milci, Victoria Young- every poor peasant will ask the ques-|™2n, Ruth Hazelton, Emma D. Mil- | duet the New York Symphony Or-! the Executive Committee of the Com- munist International as crassly frac-| Political Secretariat of the Executive | tional and which violated all the tra-| ditions of the Party of the Bolshe- viks and violated elementary Party | discipline. Finally, Comrade Trotzky made unbelievable accusations against the Party in the session of the Presidium of the Centrol Con- trol Commission on account of alleged Thermidorism.” * * 'HE latest affront of the Trotzky- Zinoviev Opposition against the Party is described by the Central Control Commission as follows: “Altho the question of Comrade Zinoviev’s attitude had™ been placed before the Central Control Commission for examination, altho the Executive Committee Communist International had condemned the attitude of Com- rade Trotzky as openly fractional, on June 9th, during the days of the bit- terest attacks of British imperialism upon the Soviet Union, Trotzky and Zinoviev took part in the demonstra- x tion arranged by the opposition at| the railroad station under the pre- tense of seeing off Smilga. At the moment of open war preparations of Great Britain, the breaking off of diplomatic relations, the assassina- tion of Voikov, which clearly showed the transition of the imperialists to terrorist means against the Soviet Union, Comrade Trotzky addressed a demonstration consisting not only of the members of the Opposition drawn there by the fractional apparatus, but also of the normal public at the sta- tion.” * * * (es the role of the Opposition has been consistently one of giv- ing aid and comfort to the enemies of the Soviet Union and the Com- munist Party of the Soviet Union, thus hampering the struggle for the building up of Socialism. The Cen- tral Control Commission points this out in part as follows: “In 1923 when the party was fight- ing against the difficulties caused by the opening of the ‘scissors,’ Trotsky and the ‘46’ attempted to utilize the difficulties which had arisen for frac- tional purposes and published a dec- jaration that the country had been brought to the brink of destruction by the policy of the Party. The XIV Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union unanimously pointed out that the New Opposition (Zinoviev and others) had left the Leninist position by denying the so- cialist character of our industry, un- der-estimating the role of the middle peasantry and demanding freedom of action for fractions and groupings within the Party. “In the spring and summer of 1926 the block of the New Opposition with Trotzky was formed, the New Op- position with Zinoviey at the head definitely going over to the ideologi- cal position of Trotzkyism. In the summer of 1926 the Opposition went so far in its ceaseless attacks upon the Party that it formally founded a fractional organization, illegal or- ganizations with illegal mass meet- ings in the woods (case of Lashevitch and others). Defeated upon all points by the experiences in the prac- tical work of building up Socialism, the Opposition definitely entered the path of disruption with its appear- ance in the ‘Avionribor’ and ‘Red Putilovetz.’ After the Opposition had experienced a united rejection from the Party, and especially from the workers’ nuclei, it was compelled to undertake to cease the fractional struggle (Declaration of Oct. 16, 1926s) 5 * * * pet this declaration of the Central Control Commission continues: “The whole of the future activity of the Opposition after the October declaration showed that the opposi- tion only regarded the undertakings contained in the declaration as a means to prepare and disguise a new offensive aginst the Party. “Altho the XV Party Conference, whose decisions were ratified by the Executive Committee of the Commu- nist International, declared the policy of the Opposition to be a socal- democratic deviation, to be a right Urbahns - Maslow - Fischer, wing deviation disguised by left wing Group to the Comintern as part of| phrases and decisively condemned it, altho the Oppositio- was supported | render tion clearly: what sort of a war, what | for, with what means and where to? | a declaration such as the declaration of Trotzky to the last session of the Executive Committee of the Commu-| Program includes: Tannhauser Over- | nist Party.” | * * * | eo resolution of the Plenary Ses-| sion of the Executive Committee | of the Communist International de-} clares: “The actions of these leaders (Trotzky and Vuyovitch, since Zino- viey is not a member of the Exec-} utive Committee Communist Interna- tional) of the Opposition impede and more difficult the decisive revolutionary tasks of the present moment: mobilization of all revolu- tionary forces and rousing the entire} international working class against | the imperialist war... . | “Between the policy represented by | Comrades Trotzky and Vuyovitch at} the present plenary session of the Executive Committee Communist In- ternational, and fully endorsed by Comrades Zinoviev and Radek, and the policy of the Communist Inter- national established by Lenin is a deep and unbridgeable gulf. The main features of this Oppositional anti-Communist policy are: “(1)” Interference with and dis- crediting the struggle of the Commu- nist International against the menace of the war. The Trotzkyites do not direct their energy against the im- perialist instigators of the war, on the contrary, Comrade Trotzky de- clared that ‘the greatest danger of all was the Party regime.’ Under this slogan Comrade Trotzky propa- gates in reality reactionary defeatism against the cause of the proletarian revolution. On the other hand, in spite of repeated invitation, he has not swerved one inch from his well- known anti-Leninist standpoint in re- gard to the fundamental questions of revolutionary tactics on the first im- perialist world war. “Tt was just the differences then existing between Trotzky and Lenin (rejection of revolutionary defeat- ism, rejection of transformation of the imperialist war into civil war, re- jection of the slogan of fraterniza- tion) which constituted in the world war the dividing line between Bolshe- vism and all the shades of social- democratic opportunism. Contrary to Lenin’s injunction to concentrate par- ticularly on real practical work against the menace of war, Comrade Trotzky did not submit to the Plenary Session of the Executive ‘Committee Communist International, a_ single practical proposal for the struggle against the imperialist war. He limited himself to the demand, re- peatedly rejected by the Communist International, to break up the Anglo- Russian Trade Union Unity Com- mittee, which at this moment would have only promoted the intentions of the reformist betrayers of the Brit- ish working class.” eo % Geer criticisms of the Opposition are as follows: “(2) An utterly wrong estimate of the character of the Chinese revo- lution contrary to Lenin’s doctrines, on the tasks of Communists during a bourgeois-democratic revolution in backward semi-colonial countries. . . . “Comrade Trotzky who in 1923 on} the threshold of the proletarian revo- lution, opposed the formation of So- viets in Germany, demanded at the plenary session of the Executive Committee Communist International immediate establishment of dual power in the form of Soviets,” in the present situation in China. | rowed TT third point raised denounces the “complete political and organiza- tional alliance” with the Urbahns- Maslow-Fischer group in Germany already discussed. The fourth point of criticism was: (4) The demand that in the strug- gle against the menace of war the | orientation of the Comintern should be towards the anarcho-syndicalist | elements. Thsreby the revolutionary | united front tactic, the Bolshevik tac-| tie of capturing the proletarian | masses, which is moré necessary than | ever just now when the menace of war is greater than ever before, is substituted by the sectarian policy of rapprochement to international anarchism and syndicalism which are fighting with the foulest means against the Comintern and the So-| viet Union side by -side with the worst White Guard elements. | The fifth, point takes up the de- | liberate defamation and diserediting | of the Communist International, “the only leading organ of the world revo- * * | ler, Allice and Ivan, Elene Moskova, | Katya Minnassian, Valentia Kaschou- | ba, Victoria Pascocello, and Irene Suffran. The concert part of the| ture, Richard Wagner; Artist Life, Johann Strauss; Till Eulenspiegel, Richard Strauss; Ride of Vaklyrio, Richard Wagner; Sakuntala Over- ture, Goldmark; 4th Movement of 4th mphony, Tschaikowsky; Capriccio Espagnol, Rimsky-Korsakoff; koezy March, Berlioz. | The entire proceeds of the affair is for the benefit of the wives and children of the striking and im- prisoned furriers and cloakmakers, and is held under the auspices of the Joint Defense and Relief Committee. known “Power of Darkness” will have its American premiere on the screen at. the 55th Street Cinema beginning to- Tolstoi’s well morrow. The well know Moscow Art Players enaet the principal roles. Syd Chaplin’s next starring vehicle will be “The Fortune Hunter,” adapted from the Broadway hit by Winchell Smith, and directed by Charles F. Reisner. In its cast are Helene Costello, Clara Horton, Louise Carver, Thomas Jefferson, Duke Martin and Paul Kruger. the only State organized form of the world revolution.” * ‘HE declaration of the Comintern concludes, therefore, in part, with the following: “The present situation makes it in- cumbent on the entire Communist In- ternational to frustrate this attack of the Opposition bloc, to preserve strict unity in its ranks and to con- centrate all available forces on the preparation of the struggle against the imperialist war, on stubborn de- fence of the only proletarian state of the world, and on whole-hearted sup- port for the great Chinese revolu- Bone *. 22", “The attitude of Comrade Trotzky, and of those who share his views, is imbued with the spirit of coalition with the renegades, the spirit of Menshevik wobbling between the camp of the revolution and the camp of imperialist ‘counter-revolution. “This wobbling, which is char- acteristic of Trotzkyism, constitutes a crime in the present acuteness of the class struggle. ‘The Comintern feels in duty bound to liquidate once and for all this ultra-left social-democratic tendency as well as the continuous hostile at- tacks of this group of bankrupt lea- ders who are becoming disassociated from the proletariat.” * x * NOTE—Tomorrow The DAILY WORKER will begin publishing in full the stenographic report of the speech by Comrade Bukharin on the results of the plenary session of the Executive Committee Communist In- ternational made at the Plenum of the Moscow Committee of the Com- munist Party of the Soviet Union. ee Ra-| tragedy | Dancer of the Metropolitan Opera House will appear in the principal feminine role in “Prince Igor” at the Coney Island Stadium tomorrow night. Little Theatre GRAND AND THURSDAY) 2:20 FOLLIES The LADDER All seats are reduced for the summer. Best Seats $2.20, Cort Theatre, 48 St. BE.” of B'way. Matinee Wednesday. The MATING SEASON A SOPHISTICATED FARCE Wes Evenings 730. SELWYN 2°St.| mats. Wed. & Sat. Dolores Costello is preparing for the filming of her next starring pic- ture “The College Widow,” from the play by George Ade. Let’s Fight On! Join The Workers Party! “In the loss of Comrade Ruthen- berg the Workers (Communist) Par- ty has lost its foremost leader and the American working class its staunchest fighter. This loss can only be overcome by many militant work ers joiniz the Party that he built. Fill out the application below and mail i+ Become a member of the Workers (Communist) Party and carry forward the work of Comrade Ruthenberg. I want to become a member of the Workers: (Communist) Party. Name Address Occupation Union Affiliation Mail this application to the Work- ers Party, 108 East 14th Street, New York City; or if in other city to Workers Party, 1118 W. Washington Blv., Chicago, Ik. Distribute the Ruthenberg pam- phlet, “The Workers’ (Communist) Party, What it Stands For and Why Workers Should Join.” ‘This Ruthen- berg pamphlet will be the basic pam- palet thruout the Ruthenberg Drive, Every Party Nucleus must collect 50 cents from every member and will receive 20 pamphlets for every mem- ber to sell or distribute. Nuclei in the New York District will get their pamphlets from the Dis- trict office—108 East 14th St, . Nuclei oztside of the New York District write to The DAILY WORK- ER publishing Co., 33 East First Street, New York City, or to the National Office, Workers Party, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. lower price for By Scott Nearing EMPIRE SOCIALISM By R. Palme Dutt By Max Bedacht AT PECIAL PRICE? Three Pamphlets At a Special Rate E offer these three pamphlets at a this splendid and impcriant reading. briefly and interestingly will add to your knowledge of the subjects discussed: EUROPE IN REVOLUTION (Only a limited number available) THE MENACE OF OPPORTUNISM ALL THREE FOR 25 CENTS SL TT TE TERE 5 ~ greater attention to Each, 15 Books offered lution, and against ** “aviet Union, NOTE * in limited quantities, * and filled in turn as racetved. in this column on nana Ail orders wasn : a