The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 13, 1927, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YOR, WEDNESDAY, j0n% is, Poland--It Is the Land of| Strutting Soldiers With AN Yacillations of the Kuomintang Leaders: Barefooted, Ragged Workers By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL The Develonment af the Chinese Revolution (Leading article from “Pravda” June 23.) | The depths and the swing of the olution is expressed most clearly in the racing tempo hich the events in China developing. Hardly HERE was martial law in the bitterly fought copper)! are ; r mid ciea? trike Michigan’s upper peninsula in 1913- ei alco months ha Reis since 14. As the correspondent of a labor newspaper I had]the commencement of the campaign y pass in order to get about. tial law in the coal strike in the to have am There w: against the North which led the na- tional army to the borders of Kwang-| 4 : cried hs -. . - . {tung in the Yangtse Valley. How Paint and Cabin Creek Districts in West Virginia, in| uch has happened in these few 1913, as in many other industrial struggles in that cae ee date 2 hie bli ene oa f the United Mine Work months, what tremendous progress has side car ie ve near nt Bos an he E em been made in the relation of class ers nion, ound it difficult to ge ru the various] ¢orces, how much the iwuie’ Hine sections of the war zone. I got the same feeling of the grip of the military, only intensified, at Stolbzy, in Poland, where we leave the train behind that has brought us from Moscow, U. S. §. R., pass the customs officers and board the train that is to take us on to Paris. * x * Everybody salutes! The porters carrying baggage salute! Maybe it is the baggage r or the station tention. master, I can’t make out, that rece The Polish imitation of the Amer ‘outs and of the high school and university very much in evidence. But then there are also the many branches| of the regular army, in a multitude of vari-colored | uniforms, all semmingly represented. | This railroad station with its martial surroundings | gives the feel of a military outpost close to the front | line trenches in war time. You might interject that,| “The Polish Pilsudski militarism doesn’t know that the war is over.” But that would be hardly true. The Pil- sudski tyranny only knows that for it, thei war never | ended, because with the signing of the Versailles bandit | peace, the Polish reaction merely became the catspaw of the imperia s at Paris and London, in the new attacks on the Union of Soviet Republics. Always ready with their dollars, the international bankers in Wall Street have been continuously on the job bolstering the| Polish reaction financially. Polish fascism, like its Italian counterpart, has the full sympathy of the capi- talist regime in Washington. Poland is today an imperialist outpost against the | Soviet Power of the workers and peasants, and Stolbzy | on Poland’s eastern frontier is near the edge of the| feared border of the First Workers’ Republic. Hence! the soldiers, the strutt}hg officers, the pompous gen-|of the general situation is taking place |/no-half measures, no vacillation, but eral who comes thru the station and boards the train,|upon an extremely kaleidoscopic basis |demand decision. Further, these ques- looking for all the world like the Russian prince that|in a country where new and modern/tions cannot be answered with words, I had seen in the Moscow prison that I had visited. * * * It was a motley train made up of first, second and| third class coaches and sleeping cars of Polish, French| and German origin, shrieking testimony to the many national divisions in bourgeois Europe.. Yet there was some relief when this train started moving toward the west. But what a nation we passed thru of men and women, in rags and barefoot, Polish workers who showed to all the world their dejection. * It is not unusual, of course, for the peasant to walk} barefoot in the fields, following the plow, or tending his herds and flocks. But here in Poland the city workers, men and women, | toiled barefooted, feet bleeding. At one station, i did! * . not take down the name, but it was typical of all, a|existence of a great number of middle|the Kuomintang from the worker and | huge basement was being excavated for some new build- | ing. There was no giant steam shovel to do the heavy|taken into consideration in the pres- ogy work. numbers, shovelling, passing the dirt from level to level, like Japanese coolies coaling a ship, passing the coal up its sides. grown which must now be used to} estimate the situation! In this period, Wu Pei-fu, Sun Chuan-fang and Chang Tsung-chang have been devel- oped. New millions of workers and peasants have gone into the revolu- tionar struggle. The tremendous growth of the workers’ and peasants’ movement on the one hand and the open and hard pressure of the imperi al on the other have intensified | the differences inside the national-re- | volutionary camp. Chiang Kai-shek | has betrayed the revolution and the bourgeoisie which up to his treachery played the leading role has gone with him into the camp of the counter-revo- lution. The hegemony is going over more and more obviously to the work- ing class, but at the same time the | line and the methods of the struggle are becoming more definite. The Wuhan government and the Kuomin- tang are now faced with the necessity | of fighting upon two fronts, against Pekin and against Nanking. At the same time the revolutionary solution of the agrarian problem as carried | out by the peasant unions caused a} further spl¢ in the Wuhan ranks. The | counter-revolutionary officers’ insur-| rection broke out in Changsha, | ee * This stormy change of events and) methods of capitalist exploitation rub | shoulders with the remnants of the]! most extreme feudalism, where in an extremely complicated system, the most varied relations exist side by side. Between Shanghai and any Sitchuan there is not merely a 1,000 kilometres, but a century of economic development. This tremendous va-| riety of existing social forms, this| great inequality in the development | of the various provinces and districts, | the great differences in the degree of | dependence upon the imperialists, up- | on the foreign market, the differences | in the forces and importance of pe remnants of feudalism, all this causes a great variety of interests, causes the groups and sections. This must be) Men and women were massed together, in large |ent epoch of development in which the | which still regard Chiang Kai-shek as re-grouping of class forces has by no means ended. “The forces of the petty-bourgeoisie ®differences in the national camp ap- |the workers and peasants is the only |tary tasks of the Wuhan government | | peared, however, before the main task | was fulfilled. Wuhan is fighting| Nanking and Pekin, and with Nanking | against Pekin. This formal joint na- | ture of the aims which sprang up aft- er the sp weighing on the con- science of individual generals of the Kuomintang and can at the favorable moment be used as the occasion for | the formation of a block with Chiang Kai-shek and for further treachery against the revolution. x The possibility and the danger of new treachery is made greater by the | specific forms of the Chinese struggle. | We have said and written more than once that the peculiarity of the Chi-, nese revolution consists in the fact} that each of the class groups partici- pating has its own state apparatus, | its own army and government. This peculiarity is an historical fact. *It s its great advantages and its great disadvantages. The chief disadvan- | tage is that the old administrative and military apparatus was not destroyed by the revolution in the beginning, but set up again as a revolutionary appa- ratus. The old officials and the of- ficers’ corps are all firmly in their jobs and even in the ranks of the Wuhan troops they represent a great force which can come out at any mo- ment even on the territory of the Wu- han government as counter-revolution. The insurrection in Changsha is the test proof of this. - % The open and logical counter-revo- lution of Chiang Kai-shek must be met by a no less decided and logical revolutionary policy on the part of the Kuomintang For or against the agrarian revolution For or against the peasant movement? For or against the working class organiza- tions? All these questions permit, in the present moment of development, * * but with deeds. The development of the agrarian re- volution, the development and the or- ganization of the mass movement of way to victory. The stress placed up- on the significance of the agrarian problem by no means pushes the mili-| into the background. But to oppose} the military and the political tasks of | the Kuomintang to each other is not only basically false, but it supplies grist to the mill of the counter-revo- lution. To speak of a “spread of the revolution and only afterwards a deepening of the revolution” leads ob- jectively not only to the isolation of | peasant masses, but sustains the ideol- | of those vacillating elements jan ally in the struggle against Chang Tso-lin. But the other extreme, the| | stressing of the political tasks of the | The train stopped for a few moments at one station |is a vacillating force.” This statement | Kuomintang, as our oppositionalists | during the noon hour. Many of these workers dropped their shovels and came running across the tracks, find- of Lenin applied to the present situa- {tion in China means that one may not ido it, and separating them from the | military tasks, would not only lead to ing a place on the station platform to eat their lunches./ rockon that with the defection of |? fatal policy resulting in the defeat Some of them had their feet bandaged. The employer might claim that many of them are strong and well equipped physically for this manual labor. The fact was that many were very frail in ap- pearance. One pathetic sight was that of a very young| and weak appearing woman worker who had wore a) cheap necklace as if to defy the Polish reaction to de-! stroy her womanliness. ears, especially cars loaded with huge timbers. * * * It isn’t becayse there is a scarcity of labor in Poland} that women as well as men must thus toil. There are} from a quarter to a third of a million unemployed in| Poland. These are oppressive conditions that American | capitalism upholds because it would like to see the| workers in the United States reduced to the same level. | We passed over a river. Cavalrymen of the Polish| army could be seen at the water’s edge. They had re-| moved their polished boots, rolled up their colored| trousers and were bathing their feet in the cool water. | Their feet were not bleeding, like the feet of the workers | ‘we had just seen. That is Poland. And so it was all the way to War-)| Saw, that we reached toward evening, arriving at the railroad station in the Polish capitol on the platform of which Peter L. Voikov, the Soviet Ambassador, had! been shot down by an assassin inspired by the im- perialist attack against the Soviet Union. It is a rather forlorn looking railroad station where priests with robes that dust the ground vie for attention with the soldiery. Numerous guides offer to show the travelers about the town, until the train shall continue on its journey. One guide even has a slip of paper signed by someone with an address in Brooklyn, N. Y., testifying to his reliability. There are cathedrals and palaces to be seen, they say. But Europe is full of cathedrals and palaces and they all look more or less alike, and there are more interesting ones in Berlin and Paris. The most interesting, of course, are in the Soviet Union, where the workers have turned them to useful purposes as rest homes and museums. * * * But train time welcome again. I find that for the ight I am to share my sleeping compartment with Dr. De Vrient, who is on his way to Berlin to participate in an International Conference of Scientists. He says 20 scientists, the best known in Russia, are plan- ning to leave the Soviet Union in a few days to journey to Berlin for the same purpose. We talked until long efter midnight. The next article:Passing over into Germany. SEND IN YOUR LETTERS The DAILY WORKER is anxious to receive letters from its readers stating their views on the issues con- fronting the labor movement. It is our hope to de- velop a “Letter Box” department that will be of wide interest to all members of The DAILY WORKER family. Send in your letter today to “The Letter Box,” The DAILY WORKER, 88 First street, New York City. ‘camp |Chiang Kai-shek to the side of the jcounter-revolution laid the definite |border between the revolution and the |counter-revolution, between the forces for and against the bourgeois demo- eratie revolution. On the contrary, the content of the bourgeois-democrat- é lic revolution will become deeper every) garded separately. - Without support- Another sight was of many men workers, picking |day and more definite, This makes a|ing itself upon the masses, without or- their way barefooted about as they unloaded freight |further differentiation in the Wuhan S#@nizing the masses, without arming unavoidable. The intellectual radical bourgeois elements in the Kuo- mintang will vacillate according to their class character, they cannot take a decisive and definite line. We must therefore be prepared for new defec- tions, for new treachery. To -close one’s eyes in the face of this possibil- lity would be just as stupid as to fall leaders for the masses must be broken. into a panic on account of it. * * Chiang Kai-shek has openly be- trayed the revolution, But a number * \of elements related to him are still in} The swing of the movement the Kuomintang. workers and peasants |brought in its first period the defec- tion of the bourgeoisie with it. Its further development, the tremendous jextension of the agrarian revolution from below must result in a further defection of the bourgeoisie and the troops most nearly related to it. The icers’ insurrection in Changsha, has a symptomatic significance in this connection. The officers of the Wuhan army opposed the peasants who had decided to e the land and the pow- er into their own hands. The social and political significance of this action of the officers was fundamentally the of the ly typical of the lack of determination, the half measures and the lack of character of the petty bourgeoisie, that the Kuomintang and the Wuhan government were not able to erush the counter-revolution in Changsha in its beginnings. When the moment came to support the agrarian revolution not in words but in deeds, the petty bourgeois leaders showed openly that their force, is a vacillat- ing one. And that is the extremely great danger for the Chinese revolu- \tion, This vacillation of many political | revolution will be victorious under the and especially military leaders of|leadership of the working class and ("Wuhan is in fied by the following | the mmunist Party in close al- circumstance. The northern crusade | Was initiated in a block with the bour- |geoisie and under its leadership as a war against the imperialists and against the northern militarists. The he | defection of of the revolution, but it would also jgive Chiang Kai-shek material for} |agitation and assist him to represent | \himself as the centre for the struggle | against the northern militarists. . The political and military tasks of |the Chinese revolution can not be re- |the masses, the Kuomintang cannot be victorious in the struggle against the| {imperialists and the northern militar- lists and Chiang Kai-shek. The lack of | junderstanding for this fact amongst |various petty bourgeois elements in \the leadership of the Kuomintang, the |characteristic fear of petty bourgeois |The historic significance of the Chi- |nese proletariat and its Communist | Party consists at the present moment }in the fact that the pressure of the | masses, the pressure of.the lower sec-} jtions is being utilized and. organized, that the zig-zag line of the Kuomin- \tang is being changed into a decisive | revolutionary line. | To take the vacillations of the lead- ers of the radical bourgeoisie as a | ground for a breach with the Kuo-| |mintang, and a self-imposed isolation, |as our oppositionalists do, would be at |the present stage of development to |abandon practically any active partici- |pation in the broad revolutionary | movement of the masses, The task of the proletarian revolutionaries iu |China ig to overcome the right-wing | | deviations and to lead the peasantry | and by no means to isolate themselves from the town petty bourgeoisie. Ot Shee The development of the agrarian |revolution has created a situation in |which only the proletariat can seize the hegemony of the national demo- cratic, bourgeois democratic. The pro- letariat and its Party will win this hegemony by supporting themselves upon the masses, organizing the masses for the ‘struggle, as the only logical and decisive representative of the interests of the masses. | Before us there is still much treach- lery, risings and sinkings of the revo- jlutionary wave, but no matter what |the next zigzag may be, the Chinese liance with the revolutionary move- ment of the world proletariat. {he would swallow it without a grain of salt. \ characterized by the cold-blooded murder of millions of THE YOUTH AND PATRIOTISM | It was my good fortune to have been graduated a few weeks ago from an American high school. The good for- tune lies in the idea of getting out of one of the worst beds of reaction that it is possible to find among Amer- ican institutions, In this school, patriotism, although not | was imbibed by the average student with the aid of the faculty and of the orators who came to the school to speak ‘every now and then. It is true that “I pledge allegiance to my flag” is not said every day, and that “The Star Spangled Banner” is not sung every day, but—do not think for a moment that “patriotism” has been forgotten, and that this reaction- | ary American institution has realized the destructibility | of this decadent sentiment. The boards of education realize that the average high school student is able to comprehend a little more than “I pledge allegiance,” and they also realize that he is not very analytical—that if | anything were told him in a high and mighty manner, | It is upon} this state of mind that the capitalist tools play with their | patriotism, anti-Sovietism, Yellow Peril, etc. In celebration of Memorial Day, the whole student body of this school was asked to donate a few pennies with which to purchase a new silk American flag to beautify the Auditorium and to instill that beautiful and uplifting sentiment of love of country. Those who refused to help this worthy cause (they must have been in the pay of | the Soviet Union) were lectured by the teachers andj shunned by the students. When the day for celebrating arrived, half the student body was assembled in the audi- | torium where could be seen the newly purchased flag. The program was opened by the orchestra which| played some patriotic airs. Then followed a playlet in which the colors of thé flag were personified. A boy made a speech for each color—Red representing valor, White representing purity and Blue representing loyalty. He then recited “your ‘flag and my flag—your land and my land.” Five members of the faculty (ex-service men) then sang some war songs. At last the big event of the day took place. Congressman Clyde Kelly made a speech in which he stressed the false idea that patriotism was an uplifting sentiment, that Lindbergh’s father was a great man and a great patriot (this was news to some of us), that Colonel Lindbergh was a daring and courageous patriot because he was following in the footsteps of his father (some more news), that the war did good in that it established a staple democracy, (?) that at present in the United States there was a “blight” which was under- mining the wonderful institutions of our blessed country and that this “blight” must be strangled in its infancy— as one rotten apple rots the whole barrel full. He did not name the “blight” probably because a sixth sense told him that he might find a few in the audience. Of course he made no contrast between destructive war and constructive peace. The applause was very prolonged. * * This program, of which I have just spoken, is only one} of many. The jingoes realize there is to be an arma-| ment race which will result in a terrible destructive war, | that the masses (especially the youth) must’be prepared for it by propaganda, and that the place where this| propaganda will have the most effect is in the schools, | nourished by the American capitalism, It is up to the | students to realize that they must fight against this coming war, must question the words of flunky instruc- tors; that sooner or later the youth will be forced to choose between proletariat and reactionary, between a new world and a decadent one. To follow the old means to be an aid in the prolongation of civilization which is| people and the exploitation of those who remain alive.| All this for private profit. To follow the new means to! be an aid in the destruction of civilization and the con-| struction of that culture which is only possible with the} establishing of the Union of the Socialist Soviet Repub-| lics of the World, which will be founded on economic} equality. —VOVI. | | | Editor: The DAILY WORKER:—In: ‘answer to the call of the Sacco-Van- ‘zetti Emergency Committee to put _down tools on Thursday July 7th, at 4 P. M., to protest against the death- | sentence; the New York trade-unions, acted promptly and enthusiastically. After 4 o’clock the workers streamed into Union Square, to demonstrate, bringing with them many vivid banners. Along with them came duly elected delegates from: fraternal, socialist, Communist and J. W. W. organizations. After a few leaders of the socialist party had spoken, but actually noth- ing of interest was said on this vital issue,—a very great number of work- ers spotted Ben Gold, the leader of the furriers, in the andience and called upon him to speak. The so- cialist leaders who dominated the platform refused their request. JAN—THE UNCONQUERED By MEYER*“DWORKIN. * In the autumn of 1919, soon after the great steel strike, led by Comrade Foster I lived next to Jan, a tall} strong Pole, who wore a pair of long black mustaches, and had an awry bony face. He was a steel worker and slaved nights in Judge Gary’s flaming steel-hells somewhere in the south side of the smoke-laden city of Cleveland. The brutality of the police, together with the terrible | black power of the local capitalist press, was instrumen- | tal in breaking the morale of many a striker, but not so with Jan. He always remained the same unconquered Jan. And in spite of the outcome of the steel strike | Jan’s fighting spirit was even more tempered and he was more imbittered against the steel magnates than ever before. Soon afterwards I noticed on the eastern wall in his small house, among other ornaments, a good sized picture | of Comrade Foster. i Jan’s loyalty and belief in Comrade Foster’s honest! leadership and devotion to the steel-strikers has never | diminished, although Jan went through terrible priva- tion with his lhrge family during the strike, and even| greater suffering and privation after the strike was lost. | I remember, early at dawn, when Jan returned from | the steel-mill, he lingered about his small grassy yard, | for a long time, silent and embittered, and stood watch- | ing the flaming-red, rising sun. He stood leaning against | the fence in a forest of tall fire-red hollyhocks, silent and in deep thought. Close by his small house a black stream of factory | workers, thousands of them, hurried to work in nearby | factories. When Jan saw them, his eyes filled with in- describable sorrow. “Such an army, if it had only come to our assistance at the time of our strike,” he sighed. “But this is not yet the end.” Jan was bitterest when hé saw the thousands of toil- worn workers reading the Plain Dealer, as they scurried through the carly morning aututn mists like bundles of rags, to work; the very newspaper that employed all its | capitalist viciousness to break the morale of the striking | steel-workers. After witnessing such a spectacle, Jan entered his! house and went to bed; and in his sleep he raged on: | “Damned we be all! Who is to blame that we are in| such a mess! Who is at fault for the bitterness of our life but ourselves?! Damned we be all!” | And whenever I met Jan he never ceased talking about | a new strike in the steel-trade. Jan remained unconquered. TURPENTINE MILL IN U. S. S. R. In the midst of the dense wood of Vetluzhski the eree- tion of a huge turpentine-resin works has been com- pleted. In equipment ard annual output this works is the only one of its kind in U. S. S. R. and the second in the world. On the eve of May ist, this works were put into BUY THE DAILY WORKER AT (PRE NEWSSTANDS action. In Chiti (Far East), the crection of the factory.in the district has been completed, first wolfram , and working conditions. Chicster Textile Workers in Strike Ferment (Continued) (In a previous article the author }a subject that was taught outright, was a sentiment that | told how textile workers in this city met to consider the case of an at- ® Calls Bosses’ Bluff. The meeting on Tuesday 21st was somewhat disappointing. A big carni- val (something that is really a treat tempted wage reduction in the Irv-jfor the oppressed workers of. Ches- ings Worsted Mill. At the meeting numerous spies of the employers were discovered and invited to leave the meeting). * * * After clearing the boss delegation, | the meeting proceeded enthusiastical- ly. Workers from various departments in the mill recited their experiences A little girl of 12 years told about cockroaches running all over the place, even into the lunch baskets; another girl about 17 years told about the dirty toilets |and the unspeakable wage of $10.00 for two weeks’ work; another related the merciless speed-up system,of get- ting increased profits. The meeting closed with the work- ers determined to go ahead with the work. of preparing for struggle. It was decided to have another meeting on the night of the trial of the work- ers arrested. Boss Offers Compromise. On Saturday morning a most un- usual and significant incident hap- pened, The manager’s side-kick personally called upon Devine to dis- cuss the question. “I’m confident we can arrive at a suitable compromise”, he stated. Of course he was informed the workers were the supreme author- ity and would decide upon future ac- tion. The bosses went all over the town to find workers. The superintendent saw the wool sorters and suggested they call individually at the mill when they would probably ‘receive their work back, The wool sorters rejected the offer saying they would only go back at the old wage and as a group. Tuesday found -the interest at a high pitch. Mr. McDonough, a very capable Chester attorney, was in charge of the workers’ case. Mr. Montgomery represented the Irving Worsted Mill. In the opening of the case Mr. Montgomery showed war- rants he had sworn out charging the | defendants with inciting to riot. The usual gallery of superintendents, bos- ses, ete., set about giving their evi. dence to prove that a riot was im- minent. The workers’ lawyer looked unconcernedly only taking time to elicit from the witnesses for the prosecution that they did all the ar-' resting without having warrants or even being detectives. The. case was postponed till the fal term of gourt which does not assemble until October. Mr. McDonough, attorney for the workers stated at the close of the session that the whole case was il- legal and would be quashed when it came up for hearing. ter), was in full swing. The bosses had been more open in their disap- proval of the workers attending the meeting, many workers had been laid off, county police and deputies were on the job surrounding the hall, the superintendent’s intended son-in-law was on the corner warning workers not to go inside the hall. Withal quite a fair enthusiasm to the talk about the arrests and the future policy to be persued. Fore- men, teachers, stool-pigeons and de- tectives present at the meeting actu- ally looked uncomfortable as Devine built up a case against the inhuman treatment meted out to the workers in Irving’s mill. In pointing out the visit of the superintendent's son-in- law, Devine called the boss’s bluff. “I have been approached unofficially and told that Mr. Irving would be prepared to meet a committee of workers with myself included for the purpose of discussing the dispute — and that a compromise would almost certainly be arrived at”, said Devine. “T now publicly say we are prepared to meet Mr. Irving at anytime: to discuss the grievances.” The meeting unanimously endorsed that attitude. It was decided to call a further meeting if anythirfg devel ops. During the following afternoon Devine telephoned Mr. Atkinson, the superintendent, who refused to ack- nowledge the unofficial representa- tive of Saturday morning. The super- intendent tried to bring in mahy side issues but was not allowed. The talk concluded with the intimation by Devine that a committee of workers would meet him when he realized how [necessary it was. Meantime things are moving as formerly. The workers are not yet solid, but | the signs are that a struggle is brew- \ing. It may be weeks, it may be jmonths, it does not matter. One | thing is certain and that is, the work- [ers are covertly talking strike. A ‘continuation of the present terrible conditions ‘will accentuate that feel- ling and bring the workers definitely to the point of fight. Keep your eye on Chester. —P. D. Kirchwey Hits Baumes Law. Hitting the Raumes law as a “hit (and miss remedy which will exert no influence on the vast majority of criminals,” Dr, George Kirchwey, former warden of Sing Sing prison |and one-time dean of the Columbia | Law School urged its repeal in speak- jing to a group of visiting social j yormers at the Charity Organization Society, 105 East 22nd Street. Letters F. rom Our Readers Leader in China “The widow of the late Sun- Yat-Sen of China is a member of the Central Executive Commit- | tee of the Nationalist Govern- ment at Hankow. She has open- ed a Women’s Training School, ' which, she says is’ a military training school for women to train them to battle ignorance, poverty and vice. She served as secretary to her late husband while he compiled his “Three People's Principles." <<" * ts) The workers would not listen to this, and again called upon him to speak. But as they were again ignored, the demand for Gold in- creased when they carried him on their shoulders to the platform, z The socialist leaders refused to let him speak and kicked him in the face. Rather than give Gold the platform, and allow the demonstration to go on successfully, the socialist called on their assistants, the police force, to break up the meeting. The socialist party never intended |from the beginning to carry through | this important protest meeting. It was all prearranged from the outset, ‘by ‘the socialist party and the right wing labor leaders. They knew the composition of the fraternal and po- litical organizations and trade unions, who responded to the strike call, and would demand equally representation to speak. The socialist party wished to dominate the meeting and exclude the other duly elegted delegates who' disagreed with them. When they saw it was impossible to do this, owing to the overwhelm- ing of the audierce to hear their own delegates they destroyed the demon- stration. What the socialist party and the Forward gang have done to honest and militant workers in their trade-unions, and on the picket lines, they have done here. _ A great many thousands of workers , who have not witnessed before the socialist party and right wing labor leaders, do dirty destructive injury to the workers and to the labor movement, have seen it now with their own eyes. The socialist party, has deeply in- sulted Sacco and Vanzetti, by their depicable actions. They have no in- tention of helping to liberate these two innocent workers, when at the same time they kill the spirit of militaney in their own unions. All honest men and women of the | toiling clags should raise their voice ; and demand of Governor Fuller of Massachusetts the unconditional re- lease of Sacco and. Vanzetti. - Yours Fraternally,—Mark Stone. * * Dear Comrades: Enclosed please find check for | $80.00 for The DAILY WORKER as the sum realized from the picnic which was held by the Workers! (Communist) Party of Scranton on’ June 26. This was the first pienic of its kind ever held here and brot out a large crowd.—-P. Shlekastis, Scran- ton, Pa. BUY THE DAILY WORKER AT THE NEWSSTANDS ena 2