The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 9, 1927, Page 7

Psychological Preparation for War E have only to hark back a few years to recall how the American press, with its stories of Ger- man atrocities—outrageous lies, for the most — whipped the spark of public opinion into a roaring flame with but one idea—to crush that terrible monster beyond the seas and make the world “safe for democracy.” Now we see the British press casting about with its long talons and preparing the minds of British subjects for war on the U.S. S. R. We see the press of England swinging public opinion into accord with the ideas of a certain few individuals whose one.and only object is to quash the proletarian movement within their domain. They dare not proceed alone. The opinion of the public is too powerful a factor to be ignored. Under the title “Nicholas If of Russia,” by C. Hagberg Wright, we have the Quarterly Review of . London, for the quarter ending April, 1927, praising the late tsar of Russia, and creating the impression that a more righteous and noble ruler never held power in any country. The somewhat lengthy articles comes to a. con- clusion in this manner: “Late one evening the president of the Soviet came up to Ris room followed by Red guards. He warned them that it was time to leave as the ap- proaching “Whites” made it necessary. The whole family and the very few servants accompanying them dressed and descended the narrow stairs of the little house, The terrible tragedy that foltowed has left its lasting stain on humanity.” The subtle manner in which public opinion is being poisoned against the Soviet Union world pass undetected unless one were on the lookout for it. Now we have The English Review (London) for May, tossing additional fuel to the flames without making any bones about it, under the title “Socialist Songs—a Twenty Year Anthology,” by J. R. Raynes: “Song makes a peculiar appeal to the emotions, and many causes have been carried on the /inspira- tion of song. Accepting’a general principle without developing illustrations at too great length, I want to remind readers of the English Review that his- tory and song are moving together in these post-war days and to demonstrate that the songs which as- sisted Lenin and Trotsky in the Russian Revolution are being used sedulously in this country with a similar object.” This is fair warning to the individual who hopes that the white and blue on the Union Jack may never change into red. There is already too much red on the British flag as it is. He is therefore cautioned against giving tune to any song but that which is in praise of his flag and the land over which it waves. Mr. Raynes does not forget to take a healthy kick at “The Red Flag”—but the first favorite in today’s collection is that mournful dirge of Jim Connell’s, “The Red Flag.” “Where all the dreadful things recounted in those neurotic verses occurred, or when, if ever, I have not discovered, but I have found positive evidence that the red flag of Communism has inspired the slaughter of thousands of untried and unoffensive persons who were not identified with the proletarian mob. Other favorites reveal a similar relish for the morbid expression of grief and oppression.” This leads the reader to believe that the prole- tarian cause is an unworthy one, The opinion natur- ally forms that hundreds of innocent persons are in- tentionally slaughtered in every clash for the prole- tarian cause. But let us bring Mr. Rayne’s article to an end— “ . It is only necessary in conclu- sion to emphasize the militant note of open chal- lenge to society which is being sounded under the inspiration of Moscow. This is the “Song of the Red Army.” “Songs like these are being used to stimulate workers’ defense corps in this couritry, to provoke direct action for political purposes, to spread dis- affection in the Dominions, and to ereate a violent upheaval in India. What is to be done with such a disease in the body politic? It calls for prompt operation, and dalliance involves the danger of more serious consequences, There is no obscurity about their intentions. Should there be any hesitation about the reply?” Now the reader has been thoroughly warned. His mind is prepared for almost any course of action that may be taken by the officials of the govern- ment. But this is not all. The Contemporary Review (London), for June, does a little stirring among glowing coals of public opinion, with an article by Dorthea Hosie entitled “Moukden to Moseow,’— “Moukden” incidentally being the British manner of spelling “Mukden.” It is an outline of a trip from China over the trans-Siberian railway to Moscow, by two English ladies: “When we passed the fir-clad Ural mountains with their brown trout streams and reedy pools, and settled down to the, thousands of miles of rolling Siberian steppes, a Bolshevik lady of sincere con- vietions would invite a German and myself to her coupe for a symposium of the Bolshevik faith. He was a diplomat of liberal views, whose reputation for moderation had not been exaggerated; a big, quiet man, he would listen with a half smile.” Here we have a German diplomat smiling # the Bolshevik idea. The reader does not even stop to ponder over this. Yet it leaves an impression upon his mind which will some day rise to the surface. The German now turns to one of the ladivs and re- marks with a sigh: “The world owes Germany one debt at least; namely, that she stands as a buffer between Communism and western Europe.” “We were as interested in the evidences and prac- tices of Bolshevism as in its faith, At Omsk we heard rumors of the new highway which General Feng Yu-hsiang was building from thence to the northwest corner of China—a road ‘not to be trod- den by imperialist feet.’ Along it he can receive help from his Soviet friends without their having to reach him by way of Vladivostok or through Manchuria where highly organized Japanese op- position might supplement Marshal Chang Tso-lin’s efforts.” The ladies were dissatisfied with Bolshevism. They failed to grasp the idea. . it seemed to mean that if everybody could ° By E. H. HIMAUKA not have a car, nobody could have a car; which did not sound like sense . - However, Bolshevism tias accomplished one thing upon which she must pass favorable comment: . No longer does the sigh of the political prisoner resound through these steppes or weigh on the heart, however many the other burdens may be.’ She brings her article to an end which leaves the reader with a doubtful opinion of Russia’s destiny: “The uncertainty is whether the toleration of other nationalities will.last. It means so much, not only to Europe, but to Asia. For Europe and Asia are one. Russia, which used to divide is now setting herself to be the connecting link. And this link she owes, whether she remembers it or not, to the past with which, she likes to imagine, she has broken forever.” There is nothing permanent about Russia today if the above is to be accepted literally. This helps the average reader who never bothers to read more than one side of the question to form his opinion of Russia. Now that a large body of public opinion has been stripped of almost all ideas that had been contrary to the prevailing opinions of the press, we see the Seotland Yard operatives boldly’ dash up to the Soviet trade headquarters and with a crash that echoes around the globe, tear down the doors and enter. Only a few resent these undiplomatic actions of British authority. The mind of the masses has been sufficiently poisoned to make any form of action against the Soviet Union and its proletarian ideas within English territory, a safe line of procedure for British diplomacy. London lost no time in request- ing Moscow to withdraw the Soviet mission and trade delegation. Which has caused the London Na- tion (May 28th) to view the situation with mis- givings: “Manifestly these are grave decisions, which must do material injury to British trade, and which are fraught with serious potentialities to international relations. Are they wise or reasonable decisions?” But the severing of diplomatic relations has only served to add volume to the increasing flame of public opinion against Russia. It was with a shock that the press of the world received the news from Warsaw that Peter Voikoff, Soviet ambassador to Poland, had been shot down while standing on the platform of a railroad station, by a monarchist advocate, Boris Koverda. The situation has become critical. Will the British press fan the flames until it is beyond control? It is too early to know what the mass comment of the British press on the situation is, We have but to wait to see. BEFORE THE END Before the end, comrades, before the end, How many of us alive today will stand Helpless to press a sentenced comrade’s hand, Knowing we look our last upon a friend, Comrades, before the end? Comrades, before the end, before the end, How many faithful known to us will fall Lonely beside some unwindowed prison- -wall, And lie deprived of help or hope of friend, Comrades, before the end? Before the far-off end, the far-off end, How many heads the careless eye now meets Will lie fallen along the bloody streets, With none to ease their struggles or attend, Comrades, before the end? Before we make an end, a bitter end, How many faces looked upon today, Will our own hands be called to make away, Because a friend proved treacherous to a friend, Comrades, before the end? Comrades, before the end, before the end, How many strong who swore they could defy Reverse forever will slacken, fail and die? How many will despair as friend by friend Passes before the end? Yet we who struggle on, today alive, Let never for an instant our purpose bend, Tho elubbed, tho maimed, tho shot, tho prigon-penned ; But let our merciless steadfastness survive Qur bodies at the end. —WHIT1I4 KER CHAMBERS. menace a!