The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 27, 1927, Page 6

* THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, JUNE 27, 1927 ‘hese aviators, a year before Lindbergh’s flight, completed a trip Top row, from left to right: Najdenov, Wolko- Yoinov, Schmidt, Redzewich and Kuznetsov. from Moscow to Peking. right: Poliakov, Gromov and Stakov of the Rus: success than that already achieved. WHY THE RACE TO BUILD WAR PLANES?) In this period of social-develop- | ment, aviation is destined to become ij ” yon your | a most destructive force for the peo-| gether for long periods of time and|\The time you won your town the race | ple and at the same time a most de- pendable weapon of capitalism. The! workers to the British raid and the threats of imperialist countries is a great campaign for funds to build aviation to even greater Bottom row, from left to . At the present time the answer men fight in the same trench, un- dergo the same hardships, are to- are subjected to about the same in-} fluences. Aviation makes possible Type of monoplane and two pilots who will attempt the California-Hawaii flight this summer. To an Aviator Not Dying Young * We chaired you through the market place; development of aviation will serve the! different experiences for every pilot |Man and boy stood cheering by, ruling class not only in its armed conflicts between nations, but also in its relentless war on the working-| class and the colonial and semi-col-| onial peoples. Since the conclusion of the last world carnage, the military eye of American capitalism has watched | with anxiety and jealousy the devel-| opment of civil and military aviation | in Europe, particularly in France, | Britain and Germany. | War Makers Need Planes. To British and French capitalism | hastened aviation development has! become a most indispensable neces- sity. The rulers in these countries| realize that if they are ‘to defend) their respective capitalistic rights | against infringement and aggression | by other national capitalistic groups | they must have, not only adequate military ‘forces, but “dependable” forces. The military personnel in these countries, like here at home, is recruited primarily from the ranks of the workingelass, and it so happens that in its maturing development, the European workingclass is becoming “independable,” it has its own ideas about. war and’ often expresses its ringing unmistakable opposition to being led into war by its ruling cliques. When the workers are con- scripted into the military service, the | rulers gannot change the workers | anti-war ideas as readily as they change them from civilian into mil-| itary garb. This fact foretells muti-| nous and revolutionary manifesta- tions within the armed forces in the future. The hastening development of avi-/| ation, in addition to providing ad- vantages over enemy armies, will al- so safeguard capitalism to a con- siderable measure against successful mutinous or revolutionary activity within its own army or navy. This view is based upon the fol- lowing consideration: 1—One bomb-| ing plane manned by one or two (dis- | counting the ground care of the| plane) can replace hundreds and even thousands of soldiers of other| branches of ice, as far as kill-} ing, property damaging and destroy- ing ability is concerned. It ought not to be difficult to understand that if| any army possesses great numbers of effective planes, its other branches | of service may be reduced in pro- portion, that is, if a plane can suc-| cessfully replace two hundred or two. thousand infantry men (depending | upon the nature of the terrain, en-|} emy strength and equipment as well| as immediate and ultimate objective | of the engagement) a hundred planes | ean dispense with one hundred times that number of infantry. This does not mean of course that this method can be followed to ex- treme. A certain number of infantry and other branches of service must be maintained regardless of the} height that aviation development may reach, In making possible the num- erical reductions of armies, greater serutiny can be exercised upon those conscripted and the “undesirable” ele- ment kept out thus reducing some- what the dangers of mutiny. 4 New Snob Carte. The second advantage in aviation development lies in the fact that the actual piloting of planes is done primarily by officers, who come from a strata of the population not as a} rule in sympathy with the working class. This makes possible the utili- aation of the aviation arm of service ‘o deteat mutiny organized by land or sea forces. Not only can aviation; be used as a police force over land forces, because of the social composi- tion of aviation personnel, but also because its superior strategic posi- tion over ground forces; picture a situation where a mutinous regiment of infantry is confronted with the alternative of either surrendering its arms or being blown up from an air fleet above. _ The third adventage to capitalism in aviation is the fact that the na- ‘ture of military aviation operations j not group the fighting forces the infantry; for instance, where | | To Bomb Workers. | | velopment of aviation lies in the con- | remark here that the indications are| | dramatize the need of aviation ex- |that ship and the propaganda tour | thuse the American people for avia- | aviation expounding hero, as well as who while actually fighting is not in a position to exchange an opinion with a fellow pilot in another plane. | And where there is no discussion there can be no organization or united action. At best a limited number of pilots | may as individuals act in sympathy with mutinous forces below and even this they can only do when there are no “loyal” planes about. Even if an attempt was made to organize military aviators for mutinous action before they take to the air, that too would be most difficult since that} branch of service, more than any other would be thickly sprinkled with “loyalists” who would make known to the authorities such an attempt. Quick Aid To Empire. The fourth advantage in the de- sideration that capitalism can send one hundred planes to India, China, | Mexico, or Nicaragua to subdue al rising of the natives without much) notice from the working class or the anti-imperialist element at home. Outside of the effectiveness that one hundred planes can have upon a hastily recruited and_ ill-equipped army, those planes can sneak out of the country unnoticed, while on the other hand if a military force of any other branch of service capable of doing the same damage are to be dis- patched, the fact would not escape the notice of governmental opponents. European capitalism was and is prompted by the above considerations to stimulate aviation building, but fearing American competition and in-| terference much of its military avia-| tion was, and is being developed un- der the guise of civil aviation. The| civil planes, however, are of a type| easily and readily convertible for) military usage. It would be well to} that the same course will be pursued here in the United States to mislead the American people, much of the military aviation will be built under cover of commercial aviation. U. S. Rulers Take Part. American capitalism has been fear- ingly mindful of the development of aviation in Europe and has on several} occasions in the past tried to so| tension, as to pave the road for stag- gering expenditures of public moneys for aviation building. Without risk- ing at election periods the charge of squandering public funds, while at the same time trying to keep Coolidge in office who shouts “economy.” The Shenandoah flight was an effort at propagating the American people in this direction. But a disaster befell ended abruptly. To Raise Enthusiasm. Again an effort was made to en- tion extension around the personality | of Colonel Mitchell, But Mitcheil could not be raised to a pedestal of a desirable height from which he could speak most effectively for avia- tion, because at the time the light of publicity was focused upon him, he was appearing in the dual role of an an insubordinate to his superior offi- cers. It was bad business for the army and naval discipline to elevate Mitchell too highly even though his propaganda for aviation would have been more effective. But now the Lindbergh | flight | offers American} And home we brought you shoulder- high.” For you the flares in Paris dark; For you the humble London clerk Made holiday; and Washington Shook with the boom of greeting gun. For you the homeland people sang, For you the Midland cities rang With welcomes that your trusty plane, Long-lived, never may meet again. Tomorrow other lads will fly, Fearless and bold, the self-same sky, Laugh at the leaping white-lipped seas, Mock at the heavens’ high mysteries. Tomorrow other lads will meet |The multitudinous-peopled street; For them the cheers and loud acclaim Of crowds that have forgot your name, And you will walk the lonely way Of him who lives beyond his day— More bitter, lonelier, because Of yesterday’s too brief applause. Then take new courage, learn to face Neglect and sneers of market place; Be strong, and fight against the odds Of crowds that follow newer gods. Once on a time in days of old There was a war. . . and crowds turned bold; They seized and tortured on the rack Those men who ran not with the pack. Those days they hissed and spat upon A certain man who flung his gun Away and would not bellow for That “war to end all future war.” Then was that man in great disgrace In Senate, pew, and market place, Alone, courageous, firm, he stood And nobly bore his infamous rood. Remember him when your fame’s done; Stand firm, and be your father’s son. —W. L. WERNER. | tion. e THE DESTINY OF AVIATION — FROM MOSCOW TO PEKING Lindbergh and Militarism By JACK BRADON. That the trans-Atlantic Lindbergh flight was in itself a praise-worthy achievement is irrefutable. The cour- age and determination shown by the fellow merit salutation and admira- But the fact that he accepts, without publicly protesting, the hys- teria raised around his feat by Jingo- ism for Jingoistic purposes—brands him as a tool of Imperialism, con- scious or unconscious. We are told that the “glory” be- stowed upon Lindbergh is motivated by the supposition that his flight has brought the nations closer together; | that it has advanced us a long step jin the direction of brotherhood of man, of goodwill... . . His feat is proclaimed as an immeasurable ser- vice to humanity. But what possessor of common |sense is unaware of the fact that the social system in which we live does not honor servants of humanity? On the contrary, those who strive to serve the bulk of humanity and | work towards the brotherhood of |man, are suppressed, abused, impris- |oned and murdered by the ruling class. Is it not evident therefore that the Hoola-Baloo raised around Lind- bergh is not purposed to honor a servant of humanity—even if Lind- bergh were such. Why then does the press sing the praises of Lindbergh in tones never heard before in a com- parable case? Why all of the medals, the feasting, and governmental at- tention? The reason seems plain. In a.be- medaled, popular, much talked-of and admired, Lindbergh is afforded a most dramatizing and efficient imple- ment with which to stimulate patriot- ism and militarism generally and avi- ation particularly. American Imperial- ism knows well that by raising Lind- bergh to great heights and endearing him in the hearts of the American people, he will exert an immeasur- able influence upon them, thereby be- coming a most useful implement in the service of capitalistic ends in may deem necessary to use him. Imperialism feels justifiably safe in the belief that the prestige it is building for Lindbergh will be used in its behalf. If Lindbergh was to take the political path of his father (which is not likely), his achievement would be minimized instead of mag- nified and the press would either ig: nore him entirely or speak of him in most uncomplimentary belittleing fa- ishion. It would remind us of the fact |that others had flown across the At- lantic before Lindbergh and would make every effort to kill whatever prestige Lindbergh could derive from | the flight itself, but as long as: the | implement is in the hands of capital- ism and is effectively used for its purposes, we may expect that it: will strengthen that weapon—Lindbergh } will be idolized by capitalism as long as it can use him. The Plute Press Disagrees (From the Boston Herald) | “It is high time that the truth should be told. Lindbergh made his flight to Paris as a private venture but the United States is advertising the feat in order to popularize the idea of military glory before the masses of this country. The govern- ment is trying to utilize him for jingo propaganda. The stupendous publicity attached to the flight, pos- sibly even against the desires of Lindbergh, all bears the stamp of militarism. Every step in advance in the technique of industry of transpor- tation is utilized by the war-mongers and young Lindbergh is hailed today and his heroic achievement is con- nected with militarism and heralded to the world in order that all young men may come to regard war and everything connected with it as glori- ous. Such propaganda makes re- cruiting easier. Who says. these things? The DAILY WORKER, a Communist pub- lication says them. Bunk? Of course, and about the most bunkersome bunk imperialism an opportunity long sought. We may reasonably predict that the popularity which is being built up for Lindbergh will be util- ized to the tenth degree in the in- terest of Jingoism. In The Conning Tower, N. Y. World. | whatever fashion the ruling class we have seen for a long time. Professional Patriots (Continued from yesterday) 2nd. It succeeds in prosecuting and convicting two unknown Finnish editors of radical papers under the criminal anarchy act. It played some part in the prose- euting of others under that act—notably Benjamin Gitlow and James Larkin for the publication of a mani- festo in a radical paper. 8rd. It inspired the action of the Legislature in oust- ing five duly elected Socialist assemblymen, an attack on the foundations of representative government which aroused protests from the N. Y. Bar Association, most of the leading newspapers and many distinguished men in public life, among them conspicuously Mr. Charles Evans Hughes. 4th. It prepared and secured the passage of two laws known as the Lusk Laws, one to control the loyalty of all private schools by requiring a state license to op- erate, and the other to control the loyalty of all public school teachers by requiring of them an oath to support the constitution and laws, and prohibiting them from advocating any change in them. Passed in 1921 these laws were repealed in 1923 after the Democratic Party had made them a campaign issue, and after protests from almost every organization of teachers in the state. These achievements, with the four-volume memorial, tell the whole story of the Lusk Committee. It was so thoroughly discredited that even its own friends pri- vately warned others from using its reports. If; should be added that Mr. Stevenson, somewhat discouraged by the lack of appreciation of his well-intentioned efforts to save the nation, has nevertheless carried on in a less conspicuous role. He has attacned himself to the Nation- al Civie Federation, where he is the chairman of a standing committee on “Free Speech,” and otherwise active in promoting Mr. Easley’s conception of patriot- ism. Connections with Military Men and Organizations. The close relationship of the professional patriotic societies to army officers may be further observed in a brief review of the recent attacks made by these officers It is not well for those who under-{ nd various military bodies on organizations working stand the purposes of imperialism and| for international peace and good-will. its use of Lindbergh to view the lat- @ spider-web chart and its Chemical Warfare Service backers illus- ter thru a sentimental eye. As prac-| trate the style. Other examples are found among the tical people we must understand the| Miscellaneous colonels and retired major-generals who militarizing influence in Lindbergh| TUSh about speaking before Lions and Rotary Clubs, and and though it will not be the most| Chambers of Commerce. We relate a few typical instances popular or easy thing to unmask him, nmy men whose inspiration has been the Lusk Re- ‘we must undertake to make clear to| port\and the publications of the professional patriotic the workers that Lindbergh is an enemy, whether consciously or no does not matter. i and societies: el William M, Mumm of the Mumm-Romer-Jacox y of Columbus, Ohio, appeared before a Con- leag Col Com: gressional Committee to denounce the Fellowship of Reconciliation, the National Council for the Prevention of War, and the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. He also wrote (during May, 1926) several articles for the New York Commercial in which he exposes “the ramification of the ‘pacifist’? movement” and the pamphlet on Military Training in Schools and Colleges of the United States by Winthrop D. Lane. This he called “boring from within’—and worse. Col- onel Mumm is connected with the Reserve Officers As- sociation in Columbus. In the same manner, and using practically the same material, Colonel Hanford MacNider, Assistant Secre- tary of War, in an address in March, 1926, before the Women’s Republican Club of New York, attacks the pacifists whom he identified as “paid agitators, senti- mental sob’sisters and Reds who are seeking to under- | mine our form of Government.” He declared that the pacifist “is more often than not on the receiving end of some organization.” He attacked the signers of the Winthrop Lane pamphlet and particularly Miss Jane Addams and Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, John Nevin Sayre, John Brophy, James H. Maurer, Oswald Garrison Villard. Before the Boston Women’s Republican Club he made a similar attack, Apparently inspired from the same source, Major General Eli A. Helmick, Inspector General of the United States Army, addressed the Women Builders of Amer- ica in New York City attacking the “advanced revolu- tionary pacifists,” while in Waghington, before the Daughters of 1812, he lectured on “Menaces Facing our Country To-day.” In these addresses he usually de- nounced -31 organizations, chiefly those devoted ito peace and to fighting compulsory military training bills. He has also denounced the American Civil Liberties Union, Miss Addams and Mrs. Catt, and has told how “the arm ofthe Soviet has reached into Vassar and Bryn Mawr colleges.” Moreover, he attacked the dean of the Harvard Law School and three of its professors presumably because Albert Weisbord, leader of the Passaic textile strike of 1926-27, was a graduate of that institution, ‘i Among those using the material of the professional patriotic societies, there are also such War Department spokesmen as W. S. Hendrick, civilian aide to the Sec- retary of War, Eighth Corps, Area, who from San Antonio, Texas, issued 50 pages of attack on the Lane pamphlet, and by inference attacked the many distin- guished citizens whose names were attached to it, such as Senators Borah and Norris, ex-Governor William E. Sweet of Colorado, Professor John Dewey, three bishops and‘14 clergymen. Hendrick claimed to repre- sent the Military Training Camps Association whose central headquarters are in Chicago, and whose activit- ies are supposed to be ‘confined to boosting the Citizens’ Military Training Camps. ‘(To Be Continued) i! , By P. FRANKFELD. 1 Od va period such as this, when the clouds of war are hanging low and all indications point out the nearness of another world war, it is well and profitable for the revolutionary van- guard of the workingclass youth to take cognizance of the effects of the situation on the youth as a whole and the working youth in particular, The campaign for the Citizen’s Mil- itary Training Camp therefore be- comes an indicator, a reflection of the weakness or strength, and the results of the war propaganda on the youth, besides having its actual sig- nificance as a military institution to train the future soldiery. . * * | the New York Times of June 16th, there appears a news item bearing on the enrollment in the CMTC’s. It states: “The first of the camps open- ed today. The quota to be trained this summer is 35,000, but the num- ber of applications received to date is 46,830, with more expected for camps scheduled for the late summer. “While this figure is undoubtedly ex- aggerated, yet the fact remains that the quota for this year has been more than filled. In the Second Corps Area, comprising New York, New York, New Jersey and Delaware, the quota for July was reached a few weeks after the campaign was open- ed. August followed suit several weeks ago and then one thousand more applications were transferred from other corp areas to New York. This corp area is the largest. In a letter sent out to recruits the officer in charge states that it is necessary to inform him in advance if the ap- plicant cannot go to the camps, so that others who have applied later than the accepted recruit can be ac- commodated in his stead. * * * US we see that the attendance in the C M T C’s continues to grow. In 1920 the enrollment in the training camps was 10,000. Since 1920 this figure has grown to 35,000, and if at the next session of Congress the war-mongers can show proof that they could not accommodate more because the facilities were lacking, greater appropriations will be made for the following year. The avowed policy of the imperialists is to train 100,000 young workers and students yearly. While on the one hand, the U.S. A. is the most powerful imperialist country on the face of the earth, and is proceeding rapidly to arm in pre- paration for fast approaching con- fliets—yet the American bourgeoisie has not forgotten its old pacifist phrases and still mouths them. It therefore calls together a Naval Dis- armament Conference, knowing full well in advance that nothing will be accomplished, and if any decisions are arrived at they will be disregard- ed anyways. Besides trying to es- tablish a Stable ratio favorable to the U. S. at the Geneva Conference, and trying to limit expenditures on naval armaments, there is the other reason that also enters into consideration. America wants to appear before the world as being interested in “disarm- ing.” That is the reason that the American imperialists still talk about the “open door” policy in China, while shooting down the Chinese masses in Nanking. That is the two- faced policy of American imperial- ism, to yap pacifist phrases while subjugating weaker nations to the yoke of Wall St. and intensifying its military preparedness. These pacifist illusions that the imperialists foster must be exposed and combatted by proving them false and fighting against American imperialism at all times. * ae war danger is no longer a mere slogan, but a reality. The situation in China, and the develop- ment of the Chinese evolution along LETTERS FROM TO THE EDITOR OF THE DAILY WORKER:—During the Lindbergh parade here in New York City, when the band Struck up the old war hymn of the republic, “The Star Spangled Banner,” an officer arrested a man for not taking his hat off quick enough to satisfy him, One of our infallible “justices of the peace” thereupon sentenced the youth to two days in the workhouse, despite the fact that he had committed no violation of any law whatsoever. If this young man deserved this sen- tence, then I know several thousand people who got off scot free some two or three weeks ago. This event occurred at one of the Broadway theatres in which I was present at the time. It was a Sun- day afternoon and the theatre, which happened to be the Capitol, was figuratively filled to the brim. The lobby in the back was packed with people waiting for seats, and out- side were long lines of people stretching around the block, and patiently waiting to get in. A De- Forest Phonofilm depicting both the sights and the speeches was thrown on the screen, the reproduction being excellent. The voices of the speakers were clear and distinct, and the bel- lowing of the crowd could be plainly heard. Intermittent music lent color to the general din. Just before the Cool made his address, the band played. “The | Preciated. Star Spangled Banner,” i the lines of a democratic dictatorship of the proletariat, peasantry and sec- tions of the petty-bourgeoisie, makes the possibility of another interven- tion on the part of the U. S. probable. The attempt of the British bourgeoi- | sie to provoke a holy war of the cap- italist countries against the USSR, has evoked some sympathy in certain American circles to judge by Ambas- sador Herrick’s speech on Decoration | Day. And the American: imperialists jhave not yet settled for all time its ewn little affairs in the Caribbean, altho it has defeated the Liberal fore- es in Nicaragua temporarily. * * ® » Ka American patriots of Wall St. are responding to the world situ- ation by intensifying its war propa- ganda at home. The utilization of Lindbergh, for war purposes is a case in point. The demand for more ap- propriations for airplanes, the recent. organization of the Junior Aviators’ League, the intense agitation carried on for the CMTC’s and similar mili- tary institutions are clear enuf ex- amples. And the American youth is to a greater extent than ever before reacting favorably to this war propa- ganda. It is not too hesitant to join the CMTC’s, ete. because it has not been disillusioned as to the exact na- ture of patriotism, nationalism, and is still imbued with certain bourgeois prejudices. We must be clear on this point, that in spite of the nearness of war, the youth is not hesitant ,to join these military institutions. If we understand this much, the question of our tasks and activities in our fight against the militarization of the youth will be much clearer, * * * AbtHO the exact figures are not given as to just what percentage of the recruits. are young workers yet the fact remains that the orienta- tion of the War Department is to- wards the young workers. The state- ment last year made by Major-Gen. Summerall “that up to the present time we have had a majority of stu- dents attending the training camps. What we want now are the young people from all walks of life.” Also in the informational bulletins put out by the CMTC headquarters there is a whole chapter on the advantages for the employers in sending their young workers to the camps. There has been a steady increase in the number of young workers attending the camps. In 1925, it was only 5 per cent, in 1926, it was close to 10 per cent, * + * i tose YWL must stress its anti-mil- tarist work amongst the young workers. However, we must not ig- nore nor underestimate the impor- tance of working among the students. We must expose the hypocrisy of the American bourgeoisie to the Ameri- can youth, by continually pointing out its acts of aggression against other peoples for the protection of Wall Street investmerits. The League should show the young workers and students that they have no interests to protect in those countries, T revolutionary vanguard must not fal prey in one way or another to the pacifist illusions created by the American imperialists, and must at all times expose this double-faced policy of American imperialism. And lastly, the figures in the New York Times of June 16th, proves the power of the propaganda against American imperialism to break its growing hold upon the youth. In our future propaganda against the Citizen’s Military Training Camps, we must forget the old argu- ments of “rotten food,” long hours of drill” and other petty matters which were our main basis of argument. Today, we must expose the military nature of the CMTC’s and stress that phase, however not forgetting the petty abuses which do exist in the training camps. “We've got to get up now,” I thought. more. Of Nicaragua, Haiti, Santo Domingo, and the rest of the twenty- one Latin American states over which “The Star Spangled Banner” vibrates to a chorus of groans and oppressed sighs. I thought of China,’ Of Sacco and Vanzetti, and then’ I said to myself, “This is one time you're not getting up.” As the first strains of the music sounded thru the air, I turned and~ looked at the vast audience. No on arose, The music played on steadily, and still nobody got up. One mai, I thought, can raise these masses to their feet. One dark figure did get up but immediately sat down again when no one followed his lead, And then, wondrous thought, were all these people thinking of the same things that I was? Sincerely,—S, | W. Kass, Editor, DAILY WORKER, Dear Sir:—Would you be kind enough to help me locate my brother A. Oseran by inserting’ a notice in your paper. Last heard of him ir San Francisco about four months ago. He is a member of the Workers Party. Mother is anxious to hea from him. Any information of hii present whereabouts would be ap. Sincerely yours,—J. Oseran. And then I thought some . How Is the Campaign for the Military Training Camps Getting On? ’ ; Pe | ve ”