The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 22, 1927, Page 6

| 1 ; 4 Page Six Party of China The Communist Party of China fully weleomes the resolution of the ‘entral Executive Committee of the Kuomintang removing Chiang Kai- shek from the command of the Na- tionalist revolutionary armies, ex- pelling him from the party and order- ng arrest, Chiang Kai-shek has become an| pen enemy of the National revolu- jon and has allied himself with re- He has become a tool of im- perialism. Therefore he cannot be tol erated in the ranks of the revolution- ary party of the people, he cannot be trusted with the command of the Nationalist revolutionary army. A raitor to the revolution, he deserves the highest punishment at the hands f the Nationalist government, against which he revolted and which ae seeks to overthrow. The working class will energetically support the actic Kuomintang and the Nationalist gov- | ernment to purge themselves of all reactionary elements and to defeat the enemies of the National revolution. Chinese Capitalists. The conflict inside the Kuomintang that has resulted in this drastic, but very necessary action against Chiang Kai-shek has a deep social basis. It was not an individual that revolted against party authority, and turned against the revolution, Chiang Kai- shek and his clique are the spokes- men of a social element inside and yutside the Kuomintang. Ever since its reorganization, the Kuomintang became the revolutionary party of the oppr and exploited masses. Neverth purgeois and even re- actionary idalistic elements re- mained inside the party. All along, these elements sought to divert the Kuomintang from the path of revolu- tionary democrai An inner strug- gle went on to d ie the very vital question: whether the Kuomintang should be a class party or a peoples’ yarty—whether its program and pol- cies should be determined according to the interests of the upper classes (big bourgeoisie and feudals) or of the oppressed and exploited majority of the nation. This struggle is the social background of the crisis that yecame acute inside the Kuomintang as the revolution developed rapidly as 2 result of the north expedition. By the coup d’etat of March 20, the yourgeois and feudalistic elements in- side the Kuomintang overthrew the revolutionary democratic power in Zanton. To do this they had even re- sorted to such base methods as in- jividual assassination (of Liao Chung- rai). They captured power and dlanned to lead the revolution accord- ng to the interests of their class. To secure their power they began to de- stpoy mass organizations which stood rehind the revolutionary wing of the Kuomintang (attacks upon labor and yeasant movements, dissolution of the Janton City Committee, etc.) While the masses supported and nade great sacrifices for the north sxpedition, as a means of developing the revolution, the bourgeois and feu- jal elements inside the Kuomintang fooked upon it as the road to greater dower. But the victorious march of the Nationalist army raised such tre- mendous forces of revolution as were alarming to the reactionary bourgeois and feudalistic wings of the Kuomin- tang. It became apparent that the suecess of the north expedition threat- ened to undo the coup d’etat of March 20. The masses llenged the feudal- bourgeois leadership and supported the revolutionary wing of the Kuo- mintang overthrow on March 20. The struggle for power became sharp be- tween the feudal-bo and the revolutionary democratic left wing of the Kuomintang. Role of Peasants. The northern expedition greatly ex- panded the power of the Nationalist zovernment. eaching the Yangtze Valley the Nationalist forces threat- ened the main citadels of imperialism. Tt became self-evident that imperial- ism would not yield any vital posi- tions without an open armed strug- gle. While negotiating with the Na- tonalist government on the question of concessions, imperialism prepared for intervention. To be able to meet the united forces of imperialism and its tool, native militarism, the Na- tionalist government must have the conscious and whole-hearted support of the masses whose power and sacri- fice are the only guarantee for the revolution. In other words, Nation- alist China must establish a revolu- tionary democratic power. This meant that the national revolution should primarily be an agrarian revolution. Eighty per cent of the Chinese popu- lation being peasantry, a revolution- ary democratic power cannot be es- tablished except through an agrarian revolution, The French peasantry supported Napoleon for 20 years be- cause of the agrarian reforms made by the great revolution, In China, the peasant movement spread like forest-fire in the provinces through which the victorious Nationalist army pessed. If the advent of the Nation- alist army and of the Nationalist gov- ernment change the conditions of slavery and misery under which the peasantry have tilled and toiled for ages, the victory of the National re- volution will be guaranteed—the Na- tionalist army will be invincible. The French peasantry helped Napoleon conquer feudal Europe. The Chinese peasantry will support the Nationalist government and the Nationalist army to free China from imperialism and militarism. . Prostitute Dr, Sun. But the agrarian revolution which is inseparable from the en rev- / i rgeois right wing | olution is inimical to the interests of the feudal elements and even of the bourgeoisie, under present Chinese conditions. Agriculture being the | basic industry and the peasantry the | principal producifg class it is the | object of all exploitation—feudal, im- | perialist and capitalist. Therefore as s it became clear that the fur- | ther development of the National re- | volution required an agrarian revolu- \tion and the revolutionary wing of the | Kuomintang r znized its necessity, soon the feudal-bourgeois elements ins the Kuomintang felt their position shaken. They endeavored to direct the } | rev ution in a different way which | inevitably led to compromise with re- | | action and surrender to imperialism. | | They would rather prostitute party | | principles, defile the memory of Dr. | Sun Yat-sen, sell the entire nation | than injure their class interest. It was this reactionary tendency of the! counter-revolutionary feudal - bour- | | geois reaction he declared war upon |that Chiang Kai-shek represented. | Ever since March 20 he had carried |the banner of these elements. -When | he failed to make the entire Kuomin- tang an instrument of feudal-bour- goeis reaction he declared war upon it. Should the Nationalist movement not go in the way recommended by the bourgeoisie which is linked up with imperialism, they would not hesitate to split it, to turn against it, to ally with militarism and imperialism in order to crush it. And Chiang Kai- | shek did all these as the representa- tive of the feudal bourgeois elements outside the Kuomintang. | The resolution of the Kuomintang depriving Chiang Kai-shek of his post, expelling him from the party and ordering his arrest means that the Kuomintang declares that the feu- | dal-bourgeois elements inside its ranks have turned against the revolution, and therefore should be looked upon as enemies to be defeated for the complete and final victory of the Na- | tional revolution. This resolution | marks a stage of class differentiation | which goes on as the revolution de- | velops. The C. P. supports this reso- | lution because the proletariat should | not only strengthen revolutionary | democratic power, but is its back-| bone. When the consideration of feudal- | bourgeois interests made Chiang Kai- | shek declare war upon the Kuomin- | tang, he chose the working class as the first object of attack. The wrath | of the counter-revolutionary bour- geoisie was vented with ferocity upon the workers and peasants of Kiangsi, | Chekiang and Shanghai. The C. P.| became the object of his bitterest ha- tred. Chiang Kai-shek understands that the left power cannot be over- | thrown, the Nationalist movement | cannot be a monopoly of the bour-| geoisie, unless the organized force of the working class is destroyed. On their part, the proletariat understand | that Chiang Kai-shek is but the hang- | man of the counter-revolutionary feu- | dal-bourgeoisie. Destruction of Chi- | ang Kai-shek requires the defeat of | the feudal-bourgeois elements inside and outside Kuomintang. As long as the counter-revolutionary social forces that he represents, are not destroyed, Chiang Kai-shek may be overthrown only to be replaced by an- | other more treacherous, more. brutal, more bloodthirsty. Cleaning Kuomintang Feudal-bourgeois elements, that un- til recently marched half-heartedly with the Nationalist revolution, have | gone over to the camp of counter-re- volution. The Neo-militarism of Chi- jang Kai-shek has become an addi- |tional instrument with which imper- | ialism attacks the Chinese people. Failing to capture the leadership of the Nationalist movement feudal- | bourgeois elements sought to split the | | Kuomintang and set up a party and government which under the false color of Nationalism would betray the {nation, unite with reactionary mili- | tarism and compromise with imperial- ii The expulsion of Chiang Kai- | | Ism. shek from the Kuomintang does not | remove the danger. He will still try | to set up a rival “Nationalist govern- | ment.” Even after Chiang Kai-shek is ex- | | pelled from the party, roots of Chiang | Kai-shekism are to be found through- | ; out the Nationalist territories. They are the reactionary social classes— landlords, gentry, etc. In proportion {as national revolution destroys these | forces by means of radical agrarian reform, Chiang Kai-shekism gets weakened. So long as the feudal- | bourgeois elements marched with the | National revolution, it was tactically |necessary to develop class-struggle by stages. Now, they have declared class-war; no tactical consideration any longer restrains the attack on the | reactionary class. This will be the | most effective and only way of over- throwing the neo-militarism of Chi- ang Kai-shek, frustrating his efforts to set up a rival “Nationalist govern- ment” and forming a solid revolu- tionary democratic front to meet and defeat the united forces of imperial- ism, militarism and feudal bour- geoisie. Down with Chiang Kai-shek, the representative of feudal-bourgeois re- action and instrument of imperialism! Down with military dictatorship! Long live the union of revolutionary democracy! Long live the democratic dictator- ship of the proletariat, peasantry and the middle classes! CENT! COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA. Hankow, April 20, 1927. a THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 22, 1927 Declaration of the Communist! THE BYRD TRANSATLANTIC FLIGHT ABOUT TO START In order to thoroughly impress on the public mind the “necessity” for an air navy, and to blaze the way for transatlantic air liner service as a commercial undertaking, expensive and dangerous expeditions continue to cross the Atlantic. Commander, U. S, N.; Lieut. Geo. Noville. Above three of the “America” crew (left to right) Bert Acosta, Richard E. Byrd, Below, a test for the earth inductor compass. the largest plane to try the trip, has three motors and a crew of four. The America is Professional Patriots | High-salaried patrioteers have ever been in the vanguard in the fight for the open shop, which they like to refer to as the “American Plan.” They fight all measures in the field of labor legislation, such as the child labor amend- ment, have taken a leading part in advocating the criminal syndicalism laws which are now found on the statute books of 86 states. F + * (Continued from yesterday) 8. Attorney-General Daugherty and Mr. Burns’ zeal evidently inspired the following announcement by Henry Harrison Lewis in his paper Industrial Progress. This is in the January, 1924, issue, under the heading: “If | there is Bolshevik Activity in your Neighborhood, Notify the Department of Justice at Washington.” “Here is an invitation and a command to search dili- gently for every sign and vestige of efforts in plants and in daily contacts to promote the economic, politi¢al and social chaos that furnishes the fertile soil for Bol- shevism. . . « “Each has a duty that should be a patriotic privilege: to ferret out the sly agents of anarchy, to mark their comings and goings and associations and to lead them and their dupes into the light of day. The Department of Justice of the United States, dedicated to the con- tinued welfare of all the people, will welcome such aid on the part of energetic citizens, and a personal sense of duty to country well performed will yield to them a permanent satisfaction.” Captain Sidney Howard, dramatist, and author of the “Labor Spy,” writing on the professional patriots in the New Republic, September 10, 1924, describes the close relation of these organizations to the government departments: “The militant patriots were publicity agents for Mr. Burns. When he hadn’t evidence to convict these ‘so- called liberals’ and worse, he turned the patriots loose in his treasure house of rumors and portentous sub- versive documents. There was meat for them and pre- cious little danger of libel suits, too, with such authority behind them. Dwight Braman sat in the offices of the Allied Patriotic Societies, Inc., and boasted that he was ‘in almost daily communication with the Department of Justice.’ Ralph Easley printed the Burns assistance right out in his prospectus of the National Civic Fed- eration’s forthcoming Survey of Progress. A survey of progress, by the National:Civic Federation, by the way, is not without certain elements of humor. But they had ‘the co-operation of governmental agencies at Wash- ington.’ And no one, except possibly Mr. Whitney of the American Defense Society called more frequently than Mr. Easley on the Bureau of Investigation. These calls provided, one surmises, a convenient link between sworn enemies, Mr. Burns and Easley’s pal, Sam Gom- pers; provided, too, a convenient source of A. F. of i: propaganda against renegade unions, As to R. M. Whitney he loved to write letters about his dependence on the Burns files. He proclaimed it to the lawyers of the Foster defense. And letters written to the Depart- ment in confidence by the National Student Fdrum came out in Mr. Whitney’s pamphlets. You and I couldn’t have gotten into those Burns files. But then we were not militant patriots, and therefore, of no use to Mr. Burns.” The Spider-Web Chart. An absurd but irritating piece of propaganda which caused a widespread protest from women's organiza- tions was the so-called “spider-web chart” prepai?d in 1923 by Miss Lucia R. Maxwell, librarian, of the Chemical Warfare Service of the War Department headed by General Amos Fries. It illustrates the in- fluence of certain hysterical professional patriots upon a highly important branch of a federal department. The chart was prepared apparently for the use of the Woman Patriot, for it is inscribed to Miss Mary Kit- berth of that journal “with appreciation of her work.” Its name refers to the web of lines between organiza- tions and women leaders which are intended to tie together in an international conspiracy, directed, of course, from Moscow, all the chief women’s organiza- tions in the country. It is aimed primarily at the National Council for the Prevention of War and the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, headed by Jane Ad- dams, and shows the connection with these two peace societies of women in organizations represented in the Women’s Joint Congressional Committee, headed by Mrs. Maude Wood Park of the National League of Women Voters. The chart, which was distributed as a photostat copy of an ink drawing, about one by two feet, is headed “The Socialist-Pacifist Movement in America is an absolutely Fundamental and Integral part of International Socialism.” ' \ (To Be Continued) M AS $1,200,000 to Fight the Unions : In West Virginia, about 20 years ago the “Yellow Dog” contract first appeared. Since then the state has been a haven for open shoppers and today elaborate plans are laid for keeping the unions out. The. Ohio Valley Industrial Corporation of Wheeling, W. Va., is an organization similar to a Chamber of Com- merce with a dual mission. They have a cash fund of $1,200,000,00 for the purpose of keeping unions out of the district and they use this fact as a bait to lure small manufacturers from New York to a sure slaughter. From an “Industrial Report” prepared by the Ohio Valley Industrial Corporation, Wheeling, W. Va. it is evident that the manufacturing enterprises derive labor | from the wives and children of the underpaid miners and steel workers in the district who are forced to slave in clothing factories in order to boost the family income to a point nearer the maintenance mark. Rent is exhor- bitantly high and wages extremely low. Female and child labor are prevalent and unprotected, The munici- pal and state governments are owned and controlled by the manufacturers and the courts are known to be par- tial to them. In a recent campaign to lure some New York clothing manufacturers into their spider web, the real estaters and bankers of Wheeling, W. Va., had the Ohio Valley Industrial Corporation promise as follows: “Labor rates in the Ohio Valley District are low—we are in position to demonstrate to you that the average saving on labor alone will be approximately $25,000.00 a year for each 100 employes—the Ohio Valley Indus- trial District offers a large supply of non-union female labor at low rates.” All of these females are wives and daughters of miners and steel workers who are so under- paid that they cannot meet the high cost of. living in the Wheeling District.. A glance at the comparative earn- ings and rents paid by laborers in Wheeling will show this very plainly. “The wages paid skilled workers average from $15.00 to $25.00 a week of forty-eight hours. “Laundry workers are paid a straight salary of $10.00 to $14.00 per week. “Clerks employed in National Chain Stores average from $10.00 to $15.00 per week.” Negro women can be hired for four dollars a week and Negro men for six dollars a week, as in any Southern state. “The following is the average rental scale of house rents: “Houses suitable for white skilled employes (the ones who earn $15.00 to $25.00 a week, don’t forget) $30.00 to $50.00 a month. “Houses suitable for white unskilled employes (with earnings of $10.00 to $15.00 a week) $20.00 to $36.00 per month. “Houses suitable for colored employes (you may de- pend upon it that a self-respecting pig would not want to live in these houses) $12.00 to $20.00.” From these figures it is apparent that industrial real estate brings handsome profits. Sixty percent of the clothing workers are women and there is “an abundance of female labor, especially young girls.” ‘ To quote further from the Report, “We can assure you that you will not have any labor troubles in the District, as this is a strictly non-union District and the attitude of the Courts and the financial interests are centered towards protecting the manufacturer’s interest.” Open Shop—No Strikes. There are no strikes in the Wheeling District, we are told, because 85% of the labor is employed on the open shop basis. In 1921 the large steel mills broke the union which has never successfully re-organized. Labor laws are framed to protect the manufacturers. The Commissioner of Labor has no power, Children above 14 years may be employed for eight hours a day. There are no laws at all regulating female labor, and the Workmen’s Compensation Act is not compulsory but protects the employer, nevertheless, The most foolish statement contained in the “Indus- trial Report” is that, “over 98% of the city’s population carries savings accounts.” Considering the low wages, high rentals and large degree of unemployment (stressed as the “abundance of labor—which is never scarce”) that ‘ indeed a miraculous accomplishment—or a downright ie. —NORMAN SILBER. A Prison Like Factory By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL, MOSCOW, U. S. S. R. (By Mail).— “We hope that you will soon establish the Soviet Rule of the Workers and Peasants in your countries.” { It was a peasant speaking. Not | unusual you may say in the Soviet Union. But this peasant happened to be a prisoner in the Moscow Lofor- tovsky Isolator, a house of correction, | as prisons are called in the Soviet Union. That rouses your interest, Study The Bees. | I was leaving this class room where a group of peasant prisoners were} studying bee culture. The translator had just explained to the prisoners, who were keenly interested, that our party going thru the prison was made up of students from the Lenin School, Germans, French, Americans, British, Bulgarians, and other nationalities, and that it included delegates from several countries to the plenary ses- sion of the Executive Committee of the Communist International just closed. Many of the Russian words slipped past me. But the enumeration of the different countries was very clear. The faces of these Russian farmers brightened into smiles, while one of them, evidently a spokesman for the group, uttered the hope in clear, dis- tinct Russian, for the triumph of the Soviet Power in all the lands from which- we visitors had come, The translator .passed the message on to us. We replied that the struggle was growing everywhere; that the day of triumph would come. Then the peas- ants returned to their discussion. We continued our visit elsewhere. Not Locked! It was difficult to persuade oneself that this was a prison. Call it a pris- on, if you will, and then realize that it is a prison without keys! I have been in many American prisons, I have been locked up in some of them. In American prisons one is always} confronted with the turnkeys every-| where opening and shutting heavy, clanging doors, manipulating intricate systems of locks and bars, using meth- ods by which long rows of cells are locked up by the working of a single lever; high walls outside with watch} towers manned by heavily armed guards, powerful searchlights sta- tioned in strategic positions, with all the other paraphernalia invented and improved on to keep the victims of capitalism securely in chains. Not Crowded! Here I saw not a single key, in this Soviet “House of Correction” with only 381 inmates. It has a capacity of over 400. Strange anomaly this, a prison that isn’t overflowing. For such is the case with practically every American jail and prison, with huge appropriations being everywhere fran- tically secured for new additions, or for entirely new structures, Vicious employers’ judges declaring in strikes: “If the jails and prisons are not big enough, we'll build stockades, Prisons of the Soviet Union emptying; the bastilles of American capitalism choked ever more with their human prey. We had gathered at the Hotel Lux at ‘six o’clock in the evening. We had walked down the Tverskaya, across the Soviet Square, and then over into Sverdlov Square, one of the most beautiful in Moscow with its many flower beds blossoming into life. It was crowded. Here we got a tram- way to take us out into a suburb, We were to go to the end of the line. On the car we got better acquainted with our guide who also acted as an inter- preter, a Communist Party member who works in one of the large Co-op- erative Department Stores. He point- ed it out to us as we passed. Children Play. Leaving the street car we passed down a street and then across a meadow where children were playing in large numbers on the green grass. It didn’t look like the neighborhood of a prison. But the buildings of the “Lefortovsky Isolator,” as it is called, soon broke upon us from behind a row of giant trees, that stood guard in all the glory of their fresh spring foliage. ‘We walked thru the gate, that was standing open, and up into the admin- istration building, unannounced, It did not take long before the warden himself appeared. $ My first impression was of a huge workshop as we were taken into a long room where many looms were busy Weaving cloth of many kinds and colors, The weavers were prisoners, under five to ten-year sentences, the latter being the maximum in the Soviet Union, But they didn’t look like prisoners. No prison uniforms. Just as good wages paid as most workers outside received. And they were proud of their work. That was easy to see by stopping at their machines and show- ing an interest in what they were do- ing. And they talked readily of their task. There was no prison rule for- bidding you to talk to them, Like a Factory, We went thru several such rooms of busy, throbbing machines. These prison workshops were run on a three- shift basis, the day shifts working eight hours, the nightshift seven hours. The prisoner receives one- third of his wages immediately. The other two-thirds are either given to the prisoners’ family, if he has-one, or given to him upon his release. The Mostorg (Moscow Trading Co.) buys 100,000 roubles worth of goods every month. In the last ten months the profits on the goods sold has totalled 137,000 roubles. (One rouble is ap- proximately 50 cents.) Then we passed on into the main building. Here it was plainly to be seen that many of the workshops had formerly been the giant prison cells into. which the victims of the czarism that is gone had been thrown whole- sale. 4 Garment Shops. The metallic purr of machinery pro- viding useful work for idle hands, had replaced the groans of these once here entombed, One is recalled from re- flections over the departed czarism, with all its horrors, to hear the war- den tell of his latest purchase of Ger- man machinery, purchases over which he displays great enthusiasm. Here are four machines that cost 2,400 roubles apiece. There are two others that cost 9,000 roubles, fresh in their new paint and polish. They are be- ing put into place. Soon they will be at work. In another room we come upon long rows of Singer Sewing “Ma- chines, imported from the United States. Here the cloth is made into goods of various kinds. The finished products were displayed by an “in- structor,” a prisoner. He was. ar- rested in 1922, following the discovery that he had been a member of the ezarist police before the revolution. He was very accommodating and didn’t mind telling about ‘his check- ered past. Then we pass on into the cell blocks, where the prisoners live, which are built pretty much on the order of American prisons, tier of‘ cells rising on tier. We pass along the lowest tier, We come upon a cell that was used, it is explained, for the punishment of prisoners thru solitary confinement. Now it is a bath room.’ No black dungeons in this prison now. We go thru the prison hospital. There is room for a dozen but on this evening there is only one inmate. Im- mediately cases become serious they are sent off to regular hospitals and given every possible care. Then we come upon the prison “co- op,” the co-operative store where the prisoners may purchase what they de- sire. It is in charge of Hora, a for- mer Czecho-Slovakian spy. He is dressed quite neatly and smokes his cigarette quite jauntily. One of the members of our Party is also a Czech from Prague. Hora is from Prague. He tries to minimize his crime by de- claring that he had merely written a letter during the famine. But we were later shown the mass of evidence against Hora, who was a Czech doc- tor, had worked himself into the Soviet Political Police and betrayed some of its secrets to the Czech white guards and the Czech Mission. He had been here six years, out of an eight-year sentence. He took his im- prisonment quite philosophically, said he ‘had no complaints to make. “Most Sensitive” — What is described as “t world’s most sensitive device,” th. Reiss microphone, has been brought to New York by Eugen Reisz, German scientist, pictured above with the device. Encased in a marble block, it is not affected by the weather, es 2