The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 17, 1927, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JUNE 17, 1927 [Professional Patriots| (Continued from last issue) There have been others in the field, however, in the last few years—The Weekly News Letter of the Better America Federation, still goes on. The American Citi- | zen, published by the American Constitutional Associa- | tion in West Virginia for two years, has been discon-| tinued, but a monthly with the same name is now is-| sued by the American Citizenship Foundation. | A number of publications devoted to more general | purposes specialize in the particular brand of hysterical | patriotism represented by the professional societies. | Chief abong them are the New York Commercial,* with | its section specializing in daily reports of subversive movements; the National Republic (formerly the Na- tional Republican, which until 1924 was the official organ of the Republican National Committee), a month- ly journal published in Washington by George B. Lock- wood, the man who sent Blair Coan, detective and con- fidential political agent, to Montana in the spring of | 1924 to get the “low down on Senator Wheeler.” | Many daily papers and periodicals have taken up the| super-patriotic propaganda in times of excitement over | strikes and Reds, notably the Chicago Tribune, and the} Delineator, which ran the Calvin Coolidge series on the} Reds in the Colleges in 1921. Some of the worst of it was broadcast through the news agencies of the Ameri-! can Federation of Labor during its drives on radicals in the unions and its campaigns aginst the recognition of Soviet Ru . Mr. Ford’s Dearborn Independent pub-} lished the “spider web chart,” and other fantastic ma-| terial on the Red—as well as the Jewish—‘menace.” The Army and Journal and other military peri- | odieals have used the propaganda issued by the “pa: | triots.” | The former National Civic Federation Review, sus-| pended in 1921, and the American Federationist under Samuel Gompers, with Chester M. Wright as editor, ran a great deal of Mr. Easiey’s material. There was also a short-lived periodical Industrial Progress, pub-| lished by a Washington newspaper man, Henry Harri- | son Lewis, now engaged ir lling another journal, Bet- | ter Understanding in Industry, to busiess men and rich farmers. The Woman Patriot was started in 1922 by the anti- suffragists, financed by Senator James J. Wadsworth of New York, who was one of the most ardent opponents | of suffrage. Its editor is S. Eichelberger, also an | aggressive anti. The paper is dedicated to the “defense | of the family and the state,” and “against feminism | and socialism,” and attacks Quakers, women’s peace | movements, the Federal Children’s Bureau, Judge Ben | Lindsey, the child labor amendment, and such progres- | sive women as Miss Julia Lathrop, first head of the} Children’s Bureau, Miss Grace Abbott, its present chief, | Miss Jeannette Rankin and Mrs. Florence Kelley. Mrs. | Kelley is described by Miss Mary G. Kilberth, the presi- | dent of the Woman Patriot, as “perhaps the ablest | legislative general Communism has produced,” who has | “steadily introduced socialism into the flesh and blood | of America.” The Woman Patriot broadcasts the pro- paganda of the Defense Society, the Civic edaraition, | and other agencies, and is in close touch with the Na- tional Association of Manufacturers and its chief Wash- ington lobbyist, Mr. James A. Emery. The section of the New York Commercial* devoted | to exposing “subversive movements,” and headed the | “Searchlight Department” began in 1922, with the ad-| vent of Fred R. Marvin, a newspaperman formerly with | the Mountain States Banker of Denver. He reported} Organizational: Problems — By ARNE SWABECK. CHAPTER VI—(Continued). | While the trade union fractions | should meet regularly as often as| conditions necessitate, their execu-| tive committees must function regu- larly. It must be borne in mind} that fractions are very distinct from | the basic Party units, the nuclei. The latter being the political units, take up all questions of general and spe- cifie activities and decide on policies and measures to be taken. The frac- tion works in direct contact with and under the direction of the Party trade union committees. It has no| disciplinary powers, but it is to carry| out the policies laid down by the proper Party units. It discusses the} needs of the union, makes recommen-| dations and carries out policies as} decided by the proper committee. In industries where workers who are employed in the same place also} belong to the same local unions it! has at times been difficult for the} comrades to make the proper distinc-| tion between the trade union frac-| tions and the nuclei. This is par-| ticularly true of the mining terri-| tory where the shop nuclei and the fraction may have identically the) same membership. In that field it is of. importance to remember that the| fractions concern themselves only with the work within the union, Otherwise our nuclei, THE LITTLE PLANE AND THE BIG NOISE Capitalism celebrating the feat of Lindbergh in crossing the Atlantic ocean. His was ex- the political! actly the tenth, and not the first airship to cross, but the fact is not often mentioned during the units, will be completely reduced to| present excitement. The flight is being made an excuse for the wildest military extravagance, mere trade union fractions. At the present time the major task) of our fractions is naturally to es-| tablish the widest possible contact) for the development of the left wing} movement. While the ffactions must} always. function as firmly disciplined bodies, the question of definite Com-/} munist influence upon the movement} is determined by its growth or *to} put it more concretely, the impor-| tance of the function of the Party trade union fractions increase as the} movement grows. Trade Union Fraction Opportunities. The tempo and the method em- ployed in the activities of our trade union fractions naturally must cor-| respond to the conditions of the} unions at the given time. The issues | must always be formulated so as to} have the broadest possible character.| During intense struggles of the| unions the tempo increases and the} method must always proceed from the basis of throwing the largest pos- sible number of members into the | and will probably result in a big appropriation for an air navy when Congress meets again, Explores, Borneo’ | THE CAPITALIST WORLD AND REVOLUTIONARY CHINA By EUGENE VARGA. SECTION ONE. ck capitalist world, with Great Britain at its head is now actually carrying out armed intervention in | southern China, This is the real state of affairs, whether |a formal declaration of war has ensued or not, 171 arships of the imperialist powers, the largest fleet jever assembled in Chinese waters, have been anchored |off Shanghai since the middle of April. The embarked | foreign troops, belonging to the various imperialist | powers, aggregate several tens of thousands. Hesitat- lingly, reluctantly, with countless reservations, the im- | perialist powers follow the lead of Great Britain in this |policy of intervention. But they do follow it. The | warships of the United States joined in the bombard- jment of Nanking. Great Britain, France, Italy, the United States, and Japan acted in concert in protesting | at Hankow against the shootings in Nanking. All the “protocol powers” gave their consent to the raid on the Soviet embassy at Peking. ECEMBER 18, 1925, was a cold drizzly day. A heavy fog hung about the region of South street and despite the stiff, damp, biting wind that was blowing in from the open bay a thick coat of cold, heavy vapor pervaded the atmosphere so that one could hardly see three yards ahead. It wasn’t the fog that got a man chilled and sore and broken, There are fogs and fogs but this had that quality of biting, penetrating, damp cold that is bad for men who don’t | Wear overcoats and have very little beneath their jackets but the bare} though well developed muscles. Yes, it was tough along the water- front at this time of the year. This is the time when the public hospitals are full of poor, unfortunate, human | wreckage that has drifted in off the ships after a lifetime.of hard labor ‘and little remuneration for it. The | flu was in that fog and the grip and | pneumonia were not very far behind, |always waiting patiently for the mo- iment when a man’s resistance is at ‘its lowest, from the exposure of walk- ing on ragbound feet and with un- protected body along the waterfront of the greatest and most prosperous city and shipping port of the world. Tak tae. South street to the uninitiated is| but a common thorofare that faces) the waterfront. A street like all | other streets in this great, bustling city. But to the initiated in the art of living on the panhandlers, or ex- isting on mission-dispensed watery soup and dirty coffee, discarded} cigarette butts, and second-hand clothes, it is something more. Some- |thing bitterer and more portentous, | something that hems in, and excludes all social contacts and the possibility for a better and easier life, Not that South street itself possesses any pe- culiar hypnotic qualities that make it different from other long wide dreary thorofares, but that it is the integral embodiment of all the external suf- fering and misery of the unemployed seamen. It is an international prison. Within its gloomy confines are caught the poor driven wretches of labor and exploitation. Within its two sides bounded on one side by old ram- shackle warehouses, booze joints, | bawdy houses, and ancient hostelries, and on the other by the docks of the principle exploiters and penurious users of men, the fruit and transpor- jtation companies that range the waterfront, are caught seamen from all ports of the world. . * These are the men that have been The Adventures of William Doran--Able Seaman meal had consisted of weak coffee .| and damp buns soaked in a solution of rain water and the coffee, He still felt that when he repeated that form- ula, and added, “thank you kindly, Mister, I’m eternally grateful” (mis- sionary style) 6r, “I’ll remember you in my prayers,” that he would do nothing of the sort, that he was not eternally grateful for the right to eke out,a miserable existence in the slum houses of the richest city of the world. There was still enough of that traditional American pride left in him to make him revolt at this sham in the eyes of his fellow be- ings. He still had enough natural pride left despite the wrangling and twisting which he had received at the mangle of the capitalist machine to make him turn away with disgust from this,attitude of sneaking sub- mission to the grinding of the present day sea life, * Doran was but twenty-five years old and he had already had ten years of experience on the decks of Amer- ican and British merchant ships all over the world. Now as he was stand- ing amid the depths of the gloom of South St. his mind wandered a bit, It went back to the days of the World War. Those were turbulent active days. He pictured one more his brief but flashing career during this per- iod. He saw again the. three ships that had been sunk by German sub- boats while he was a member of the crew on duty. In the last case he had been taken prisoner by the crew of the German commerce raider, “Mowe” commanded by Count Nicho- las Zum Doner Schlowden, a war strategist who boasted a first class iron cross, played havoc with mer- chant ships in the north Atlantic from 1915 to 1918 and was finally sunk by the Glasgow, an Australian Cruiser in the Indian Ocean. Yes, in those days he could pick his choice of jobs, for during the war period, most sailors who had not been draft- ed into the army or navy avoided the merchant ships. They knew the hazards of being sunk by a mine or “sub” at any time after leaving port. But not so in the case of Doran, Shipping was his trade and when the country launched into a war for freedom and World democracy she naturally needed experienced sailors of Doran’s caliber and manhood to take the ships across with their sup- plies of munitions and war materials. So why should Doran seek safer em- ployment when his country called than his natural trade, the sea. * * * * * i i struggle, of unifying them for the But yet the imperialist powers are not openly at war | caught by the tides of capitalist over- the trial of the Communists in St. Joseph, Michigan, for several papers, speaking also in the neighborhood before business and other organizations on “the Menace of Bol- shevism.” His connection with the Commercial began immediately thereafter. It is an old paper, established in 1795, and has long been known as reactionary in its political and economic views. It is strongly open-shop. Those who read Mr. Marvin’s.column are invited to become “Key Men of America,” who agree to preserve | struggle and of establishing the in- |fluences of the policies worked out | by the Party. Our fractions first de- |eide on the definite measures in ac- | cordance with the general policy and | strives to put them across. *The opportunities of our fractions particularly utilized are generally and file under an elabroately numbered filing system | the following: during strikes, during each day’s revelations, Each Key Man is promised con- fidential information, and invited to use it where it will do most good. Mr. Marvin modestly claimed for his Key Men in 1924 the credit of rendering “this nation a re- markable service in defeating socialism and communism which was manifested through the third ticket headed by LaFollette and Wheeler.” The New York Commercial announced in September, 1926, that the Key Men of America would become a sep- | arate organization independent of the Searchlight col-} umn of the paper. It states that it will not conflict with | other patriotic bodies and that its aim is to supply all} such organizations with “correct information and data upon which they can proceed in their own way through their members.” The Advisory Council of the new or- ganization includes officials of the Associated Employers of Indianapolis, the National Founders Association, the National Clay Products Industries Association, the Cit- izens Alliance of St. Paul, the Employers Association of Jackson, Michigan and the Builders’ Exchange of San| Francisco. In addition representatives from practically all the patriotic associations are on the council as well as the leading lights of the Chemical Warfare Reserve and the Military Intelligence Association. % The organization announces that among other duties its members should be prepared to “help stop the growth of Communism and Socialism,” “work for industrial free- dom,” “keep informed through the Information Bureau of all subversive and radical movements,” “keep the In- formation Bureau posted on local activities of radical movements.” and “assist local newspapers to secure and print information that will aid in this character of work.” The membership fee in the organization is $12 per year which includes the “daily information service of the organization” appearing on the editorial page of the Commercial. One of Mr. Marvin’s latest feats is reflected in an edi- torial in the New York World (May 8, 1926) under the title, “Another Red Conspiracy Yarn”: “The Army and Navy Journal engages in a very curi- ous enterprise when it prints an article under the head- line ‘Oil “Scandals” Engineered by Raditals,’ by Fred R. Marvin. Mr. Marvin is introduced as editor in chief of the New York Commercial, who is ‘accepted as the best- posted man in the United States on the origin, nature, purpose, methods and systems of the various radical and subversive organizations now infesting the United States and engaged in seeking to overthrow this Government.’ ” In effect, Mr. Marvin undertakes to make it appear, somehow, that the naval “oil scandals,” as he calls them, were part of a Boshevist or Communist plot. How, he does not show. He does assert that after the Senate investigating committee set to work, “the publicity work which followed was guided largely by the Socialist and Communist movements in this country.” Any such state- ment can hardly be charged to a faulty memory. But, as Mr. Marvin tells the story, when the cases went into the Federal Courts the truth came out: “There was no scandal. No one sought to rob the Government.” Judge Kennedy, in the Teapot Dome case, he cites as holding everything was all right. * Since this was prepared the New York: Commercial has merged with the New York Journal of Commerce. Mr. Marvin is mow associated with the National Repub- lie but the Key Men of America continues its work as before, now at 120 W. 42nd St., New York City. Sub- seribers to the National Republic receive Mr. Marvin's “daily sheet service” both for $8.00 per year. (To be continued) the working out of new agreements, at trade union conventions and elec- tions. At such times the fractions put forward their program corres- | ponding with the needs of the situa- tion. Elections must never be con- ducted merely as a hunt for office by our members, . but primarily for the revolutionizing of the union membership and the development of | a left wing movement. They offer splendid possibilities to put forward policies and tactics which will be for the benefit of the unions and have the object of gaining influence for the Party. It, however, goes without saying that to effectively fight for its program, the left wing can bet- ter crystalize its following around definites candidates whom it strives to elect. Other Forms of Mass Organization. The mass organizations formerly mentioned, created for permanent specific objects or for temporary ob- jects around the single issues should particularly be utilized as bridges to the masses. Our main ob- ject is to unite the workers for the struggle, and to be successful it is necessary to develop the Party influ- ence to insure the correct policies, While this is so, the specific condi- tions prevailing determines whether the Party, in all local applications of united front tactics, appears in its own name, or thru Party delegates from affiliated organizations. | In setting up temporary united- front organizations, the form is flex- ible. While the general policies are worked out by the C. E. C. there may |be variations as conditions may dic- tate in the different localities. The | movement itself is the decisive thing and while the object is to win the masses, relations with leaders is often necessary in the local application as well as nationally as a bridge to the masses who follow them. It is im- portant that such temporary organ- izations have a bona fide basis, with affiliations of bona fide organiza- tions. Establishment of mechanical power will not benefit us or the movement itself, but we must take the initiative in the work, become efficient and thru that method influence the movement and give it leadership. To do mass work successfully requires mass workers, that is comrades who understand how to fraternize with the workers. Our action in these or- ganizations become concentrated Eugene P. F. Wright, above, of Rutherford, N. J., has return- ed from an expedition into the native haunts of the head hun- ters of Dutch Borneo with Corey Ford, of Larchmont, N, J. The two youths, former students. at Columbia university, are said to be the first white men to pene- trate the district and remain to establish friendly relations with the natives. Wright's father, Hamilton M. Wright, made an extensive exploration of »the Philippines 20 years ago.{ =) CURRENT EVENTS (Continued from Page One) 'HOSE unskilled workers in the steel industry would have no need for the empty benevolence of Cool- idge if they had succeeded in or- ganizing themselves into a powerful industrial union. The president talked about a “considerable class of unskilled workers who have not come into full participation in the wealth of the nation.” And they never will as long as they remain unorganized, vote for democrats and republicans and leave the industries, which they operate, in the hands of the parasite vlass whose interests Calvin Coolidge serves. The proper answer for the steel workers to make to the inane junk mouthed by Coolidge is to union- ize and drive for a Labor Party. Ne * UR editorial iv The DAILY WORKER of last Monday asked some pertinent questions about the conduct of the A. F. of L. officialdom in the miners’ strike. The answer is now given in the abject surrender of the officials of the Illinois Miners Union to the coal operators. No doubt the renegade Frank Farring- ton, former president of the district and now on the payroll of the Pea- body Coal company at a salary of $25,000 a year had his finger in the deal. * HIS is another smashing blow dealt to the once-mighty United Mine Workers of America. The lea- ders will not lose anything. The losing will be done by the coal dig- gers. Those fat lads that are now riding the waves in the A. F. of L. have only one fly in the ointment. It * * to the employers. ° thru the fractions and the same rule prevails for fractions in such organi- zations as for Party fractions jin trade unions. Their function must be made as regular, SACCO and VANZETTI SHALL NOT DIE! | with China as they were at the time of the Boxer re- béllion. They hide behind the reactionary Chinese gen- erals, arm them, and provide them with money. They do not intervene with their naval artillery unless the |“protection of their nationals” can be put forward as an excuse. In spite of the momentary reverse, rev- olutionary China has become a power, and the imperial- ists hesitate to declare war openly. ‘The differences be- tween their interests, moreover, are so great that’ the united front existing at the present moment was merely the outcome of long deliberations and clever ‘British maneuvres and is liable to fall apart any day. * * * | The more and more pronounced “non-capitalistic de- velopment” of the Chinese revolution forces the British | bourgeoisie to venture on the hopeless attempt to crush |the Chinese revolution by force’ of arms, and compel |the other imperialist powers to second Great Britain in this enterprise. The Chinese revolution has various aspects, in keeping with the fact that practically all classes of-the Chinese people—with the exception of the feudal lords and the reactionary military cliques—are participating in it. Taken as a whole, the Chinese revolution is an anti- imperialist movement of emancipatidn. As such it aims at the abolition of the “unequal treaties” and the achieve- ment of political and economic independence (with an independent customs and taxation policy). In regard to these aims, all classes of the Chinese people are unanimous. Within, this general anti-imperialist movement of the entire Chinese people, however, the movement differs according to the different classes participating in it. We ean distinguish the following main tendencies: a) The Chnese revolution is partially a bourgeois movement, aiming at the legal equality of the native with the foreign bourgeoisie, which means the founda- tion of an independent, united, bourgeois China, the abolition of the still powerful position of the feudal lords, abolition of the internal customs, the rule of the generals, the irregular collection of taxes, etc. b) The Chinese revolution is at the same time a social movement on the part of the poor peasants and artisans, forming the predominant mass of the Chinese people, with a view to an improvement of their hazd lot, a reduction of the ground rents, and measures against the unlimited taxation abuses of the military ique, the classes in question mot. being altogether aware that it is only together with the proletariat, and led by the proletariat, that they can attain their ends. c) The Chinese revolution, however, is also a social movement on the part of the proletariat itself, which, crowded together in the large towns by the tremen- dously rapid capitalist development of the country, is struggling upwards by the aid of its trade unions and political organizations. Seeing, however, that the small-peasant, petty-bour- geois class, though in an overwhelming majority, is not capable of leading a modern state, the internal problem of the Chinese revolution culminates in the question: Are the great Chinese peasant people destined to ex- perience a new chapter in its history under the leader- ship of the proletariat? In view of the numerical weak- ness of the latter, there can be no question of proletarian dictatorship, but only of a leadership on the part of the proletariat “within a bloc of the peasants, the work- vs, and the rural and urban petty-bourgeoisie, and ex- is the presence of a radical wing in|cluding the big bourgeoisie” (v. Bucharin, “Perspectives the labor movement and the exist-|of the Chinese Revolution,” Die Kommunistische Inter- ence of a Communist Party that ex-|nationale of March 5th, 1927). Until a few days ago poses their treachery and shows the|the Kuomintang, the revolutionary, anti-imperialist workers how to organize and to pro-|popular party of China, comprised all the three ten- cure a leadership that will not have |dencies of the Chinese revolution. The Communist Party the sole function of betraying them|of: China represents in the Kuomintang, the class- conscious workers and those with tthem; the left wing of the Kuomintang embodies the great masses of the peasants and the petty-bourgeoisie, and the right wing and center the various strata of the Chinese bourgeoisie. _ (To be continued) production and economization. This is part of that vast army of unem- ployed that are always held in hand by its masters, the shipowners of the world. These are the men that are called to the colors when the country is ready to fight a war for the sake of a mock freedom and democracy. These are the men who, due to their isolated and exposed condition in the social order are forced to scab on their fellow workers when the mass of labor that is organized, rises up and says, “No, we shall not slave at this killing rate, at these miserable wages and in this perpetual circle from | which there is no outlet and no break into a better life and easier existence other than the one which ends in the receiving room of some mariné hos- pital that opens its greedy doors to let in the tired worker and opens them but once again to let him out apon a cold slab of marble in some morgue, |to be gazed upon and speculated about by some group of student doc- tors. or enterprising social workers out for a slumming trip plus the aoe morbid horror which it en- tails. * * Where South street meets. Wall street opposite the docks of the United Fruit Company Lines, where Wall street follows the general bleak tone and color of the rest of this ship- ping neighborhood there stands a warehouse built of stone. It resem- bles an ancient fortress. It is built of solid stone set on stone. It seems to carry some hidden secret within its depths. It might be a bootlegging joint, a warehouse or just a renovated loft dungeon. Anyway it marks the entrance of Wall street onto the waterfront. Here on this cold De- cember day there stood one by name William Doran. A fine specimen of American manhood, the connoisseurs on this American cattle specification would have called him, Doran was a seaman, an able sea- man, tall, blue eyed, blond-haired, with muscles that flexed and bulged under his skin, altho now they were a bit flabbier from the forced ab- stinence from labor, and food of a nourishing quality, Doran was broke, stone broke and not a prospect of a job in sight. Also there seemed to be a scarcity of soft- ies who might be touched up for a dime for coffee and buns, or for a flop in the Institute this last week on “South St. Not that there is ever an over abundance of them anyway. One had to be a pretty good artist at the gentle but, persistent art of panhand- ling to wrest anything from the stony bosoms of the respectable and well- dressed citizens who hurried to their offices every morning at about nine or ten a.m. And Doran had not sunk to the level yet, where he could adeptly stop a passerby and say “Lis- ten here, mister, won't you be so very kind as to give me five cents for a cup of coffee. I haven’t eaten any- thing since yesterday morning,” even though this was true and yesterday’s Mg * Yes, he was patriotic. “It is my duty,” he thought, “But on this cold December day it was different. There wasn’t any war now. Thou- sands of other sailors like himself were walking the streets all night or sitting on park benches off the Battery, shivering with the cold or g, suffering dismal pains from hunger and exposure in the cold. Yes, of course there was the Sea- men’s Church Institute, The Seamen’s Friend Society and the Y. M. C. A. Gosh, didn’t the papers say that do- nations were being collected by these institutions and that they were help- ing destitute sailors? He had been warking as he was thinking and so tense had become his thoughts that he didn’t notice his gradual approach to. that pile of architecture that is perched on the waterfront like a fal- con in the guise of a dove of peace and shelter, the Seamen’s Church In- stitute. By this time his thoughts had as- sumed audible proportions and when he said that the Church Institute was supposed to help the men with charity he received an answer, “they charge just the same, they don’t really help” chorused a dozen sail- ors who were bundled together for warmth in the depths of an empty banana wagon that was located with- in a stone’s throw of the Institute. “Don’t you understand that it is all graft,” remarked another miserable wretch that was huddled upon a bench in Battery Park. “Gee whiz anyway,” said Doran, “T don’t want charity, what I want is a chance to work at a wage that will let me live as other men do.” “T know a reason why jobs are scarce,” retorted his companion, “the ships have all got Gyro steering gear. They are steered automatically and tha has reduced the deck gang. burn oil,” he continued, “and that duces the engine department “If they cut the hours by the crew into four watche: of three there would have benefit from labor savi mused Doran, “but they hai the crews instead. I wonder if, that has anything to do with the situa- tion.” “Yes,” answered his compan. nio, “That is about the size of it, that’s just about the reason for our being out here in the cold without grub or a job, “Well,” said Doran, “I’m glad that I haven't any dependents on me, my mother died in Scranton two years ago. It was sailing day on the Levia- than. I learned she was dead when we arrived back from Southampton, “T wish I were as well off,” said his companion,” “I’ve got a mother and a crippled kid brother at home, They are practically dependent on me for support. I send them forty-five dollars out of the fifty-five that the ship owners pay me,” (To be Continued) decent tetany BUY THE DAILY WORKER AT THE NEWSSTANDS