The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 14, 1927, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JUNE 14, 1927 Professional Patriots | (Continued from last issue) Retired army officials find a haven in pro- fessional patriotic organizations, Here, in the capacity of “executives” they are able to parade their pompous titles, engage in occupations con- genial to their jingo inclinations at attractive salaries, “Professional Patriots’ is edited by Norman Hapgood from material assembled by Sidney Howard and John Hearley. “When you hear a man tryin’ to discredit Uncle Sam, that’s Bolshevism, “When you hear a man castin’ discredit on the sin- cerity of Washington and Lincoln, that’s Bolshevism— because those two are the corner-stone of our patriotic faith. “When you hear a man distortin’, misquotin’, mis- construin’ our Constitution, that’s Bolshevism—'cause that igstrument is the soundest thing, it’s the greatest safeguard of human liberty ever evolved from the ex- perience of or directly by the wisdom of man.” And of course the inevitable appeal to womanhood, This by Virginia Terhune Van der Water in a League leaflet: “Bolshevism and Americanism cannot exist in the same land. Our fight is not yet over. One war has been won. We are facing another war that we must fight with all our strength of will and purpose. It is the fight of Americanism against Bolshevism. “Can women, whose men helped win the World War, hesitate to say on which side they stand?” The National Association for Constitutional Govern- ment, with which are associated the Hon. James M.) Beck and the Hon. David Jayne Hill, has issued a num- ber of pamphlets, among which are: “Confessions of an Erstwhile Parlour Socialist” by Hermine Schwed, former lecturer for the Better America Federation and other professional patriotic bodies, and “The Enemy Within Our G Bolshevism’s Assault Upon Ameri- can Governmen’ by the Rev. Dr. Black, In the latter appear such paragraphs as this: “Bolshevists are the hyenas that slink upon the heels of the dogs of war. Wise men and patriotic men put themselves on guard; they do not parley with hyenas under soft Marmorean skies.” Dr. Black describes Bolshevism as not so much “a crime of political philosophy as a career of crime. - It is the enemy of the human race.”. . . “It is organized anarchy and crime.” .. . In pleading for stricter espion- age acts and immigration laws he says: “For what shall it profit us to have all the commerce of the world, if in the end we blow up in one grand botshevik bust?” And of course, “Whatever we do, let us not procras- tinate. The poison is in our veins. Let us make haste to eject it and to fortify ourselves against the plague.” No less weighty than the American Constitutional Association is the recently launched (1925) United States Flag Association with public officials, cardinals, rabbis, bishops and educators as its sponsors. It ac- claims itself “The Great American Patriotic Society.” Its purpose is to “put across” the American flag as representative of the institutions “which have given us the best Government on earth and in only a century and a half made this country the greatest and most pros- perous nation in the world.” In appealing to employers to form “circles” in their factories a booklet of the Association says the name might be for example “The John Smith & Co. Circle of Buffalo” or “The First National Bank Circle of Syra- cuse.”, These circles are to promote locally “the basic aim of the United States Flag Association, to counter- act and ultimately destroy the insidious forces, sinister influences, and disturbing elements, which, in these days of discord and divided counsels, are working and spreading to divide the unity of American citizenship and finally undermine the Republic.” And further: “In organizing a Flag Circle the firm would be doing its bit to help counteract these growing forces and in- fluences which carry a disregard not only for property rights but also for personal liberty.” What are these “detrimental influences and forces” which the association says constitute the reason for its existence. re explained in this footnote: “As ono veral evidences of the rate at which one of th Communism, is growing in this Country, ed that in 1920, Eugene Debs, ist Presidential candidate polled Presidential election ntial candidate, William Z. Foster, received ing like 500,000 votes. The Communists of the Country are elated over the progress thus made and are confidently predicting in their pub- about 100,000 votes. (1920) the Commun: lications and otherwise that at the next Presidential pol! election (1928) they 000,000 votes.”* A frank exhibit is a pa America Federation in 1¢ in the public schools, declined to permit. is zr to the Stuc between 4,000,000 and 5,- prepared by the Better ch it hoped to circulate i the California school It wes entitled “America in Her High Schools and Colleges.” It was in effe appeal against socialism and public ownership, « rned students that “if these groups of free thinkers or liberals in America sueceed in materially changing our Constitution or sub- stituting some other kind government, there will be no profit to worry about in business. Maintenance of the Constitution of the United States is the highest form of business insurances. Without it you will not need much of an education.” Most of the literature of the Better America Federa- tion carries a sensational title, such as “The Red Men- ace,” “The World Endangered,” “The Eenemy is Mob- ilized,” “Strikes, not the American Way,” “America on Guard.” The American Constitutional Association, confining its efforts to West Virginia, battles particularly with pamphlets to preserve the “fair name of the state.” Its “West Virginia Wake Up,” aimed at some New York ministers and lawyers interested in free speech who had invaded successfully a county closed for years to any discussion of unionism, ended with this call to arms: “It is time for every 100 per cent West Virginian to show his colors. Our enemies have been at work hurling shrapnel into our midst. We have turned the other cheek too long. Wake up West Virginia!” In a subsequent leaflet addressed to the business men of the state, this organization devoted to the Constitu- tion says: *The facts are that Mr. Debs secured 919,799 votes in 1920 as the candidate of the Socialist Party, while in 1924 Mr. Foster received 33,076 officially count- ed votes as the candidate of the Workers Party. No but Henry Campbell | | On the Picket Line By IRVING POTASH. 1. The bosses brag Our union they'll grab, Come and picket on the picket line. We'll save the 40-hour With our mass power, On the picket, on the picket line. Refrain: On the line! On the line! On the picket, on the picket line. We'll save the 40-hour With our mass power On the picket, on the picket line. 2 When the bosses’ Association Buys the American Federation, Come and picket on the picket line., Let the “Forward” blat, It’s a yellow rat; Come and picket on the picket line. Refrain: On the line! On the line! On the picket, on the picket line, Let the “Forward” blat, It’s a yellow rat; On the picket, on the picket line. 3. If the lackey Schlissel Wants to get to the “shissel” | Come and picket on the picket line. And if Shachtman the donkey Plays the bosses’ flunkey, Come and picket on the picket line. Refrain: | On the line! On the line! | On the picket, on the picket line. | And if Shachtman the donkey | Plays the bosses’ flunkey, | Come and picket on the picket line. 4. | Let Winnick squeak He’s nothing but a sneak ; Come and picket on the picket line. And let Frayne kick, | He’s the bosses’ pick; Come and picket on the picket line. Refrain: |On the line! On the line! On the picket, on the picket line. And let Frayne kick, He's the bosses’ pick; | Come and picket on the picket line. | 5. | Let Matthew Woll Flay the stool-pigeon role, | Come and picket on the picket line. | He’s a “civic boy” | And the bosses’ toy, . Come and picket on the picket line. | Refrain: | On the line! On the line! | On the picket, on the picket line. | Woll’s a civic boy | And the bosses’ toy, | On the picket, on the picket line. 6. | If McGrady bluffs | With a gang of toughs | Come and picket on the picket line. | We'll meet Mac’s gang With a furriers’ bang, On the picket, on the picket line. Refrain: | On the line! On the line! | On the picket, on the picket line. We'll meet Mac’s gang With a furriers’ bang, On the picket, on the picket line. | % We'll fight and fight With all our might, | On the picket, on the picket line. | We'll sing and yell, | We'll fight like hell; On the picket, on the picket line. Refrain: | On the line! On the line! 'Gn the picket, on the picket: line. We'll sing and yell, | We'll fight like hell; ' On the picket, on the picket line. By B. SKLAHR, Elaborate preparations are being made by the republican politicians of Lake County, Indiana for the re- ception of President Coolidge who is scheduled to arrive on the 14th of this month. This visit was planned a long time ago and the readers of The DAILY WORKER will recollect that a dele- gation composed of prominent poli- ticians was sent to Washington several months ago to invite the president to come. Playing Politics. At that time The DAILY WORKER pointed out the political importance of this invitation and its acceptance by Mr. Coolidge. We have stated that this is to be con- sidered as one of the first steps in Mr. Coolidge’s campaign for re-elec- tion and that it is no accident that the beginning of this campaign is to be made in the state of Indiana, one of the K.K.K. strongholds, the seat of the powerful U. S. Steel Corpora- tion and the hotbed of reaction. Seeks Reactionary Support. The political meaning of Mr. Cool- idge’s visit, as we have already poin- ted out, is this: that in his campaign for re-election he will not seek the support of the progressive, liberal elements; but that he will seek to base himself upon the support of the most reactionary and corrupt ele- ments of the electorate. This contention is substantiated by the president’s recent speech at the Decoration Day ceremony. In that speech Mr. Coolidge reached the very depths of hypocrisy. How could any nest man believe Mr. Coolidge sin- cere, when he intimated ¢hat the armed fist in Nicaragua was an act of good will, peace and friendliness towards the Nicaraguan people; that threats and coercions and intrigues jin Mexico are likewise an expression of the most friendly and peaceful feeling towards a weaker nation; t the killing of Chinese people, by the armed forces of the U. S. was prompted by the policy of peace and respect for the sovereignty of other peoples ? Mr. Coolidge’s speech, veiled as it is with declarations in favor of peace, is in reality an appeal to the im- perialists of America, to the capital- ist interests which are seeking the expansion of their markets through conquest and subjection of weaker nations by the force of arms, There is no reason to anticipate that Mr. Coolidge’s pronouncements on the occasion of his visit to Indiana will not be in complete harmony with his Decoration Day speech. Negro Vote Abandoned. It is self understood that seeking to mobilize the support of the mili- tarist, imperialist and all of the re- actionary elements; that while cater- ing to the support of the K.K.K., Mr. Coolidge definitely breaks with the great mass of Negro voters. This has been clear for a long time. Not on a single occasion of the numerous outrages committed against the American Negro has Mr. Coolidge taken a courageous stand in favor of equal rights and opportunities for the Negro citizen. Not once has Mr. Coolidge used his executive power to | Communist paper or official has predicted anything | interfere on behalf: of the persecuted about the Communist presidential votes in 1928, Ed. (To be continued.) and martyred victims of K.K.K. brutality, of race prejudice and discrimination. Mr. Coolidge Comes to Indiana Mr. Coolidge considered it im- portant to furnish armed “protec- engaged in plundering Nicaragua, Mexico and China, but did not deem it advisable to say a single word for the protection of Negro citizens at home. This open defiance of the Negro electorate may have the same results as followed in the Chicago elections for the Negro—baiting Mr. Dever. It is well to ask oneself what bear- ing Mr. Coolidge’s visit is calculated to have upon local politics. Not in vain do the Indiana Republican poli- ticians seek the visit.of the president. Republican Reverses. The Republican Party of Indiana, while still in control of the machine, has suffered serious set-backs in the last state elections, The Democratic Party (for which we hold no brief) registered considerable gains. It was the only medium through which the people could express their protest against the corruption and the reac- tionary, oppressive rule of the K.K.K. Republican Party. The Klan-controlled Republican Party of Indiana was torn by an in- ternal fight, as witnessed by the fight of ex-dragon Stephenson, (now imprisoned) against the K.K.K. frac- tion now in control of the state machinery; as witnessed by the fight of Mr. Adams, a Republican journal- ist, for a public investigation of the political corruption in the ranks of the party; and by numerous other signs and events that space does not permit us to mention. The sorely pressed Republican Party of Indiana needs the presence of Mr. Coolidge in its effort to re- establish harmony within the Re- publican ranks for the purposes of the approaching Presidential elec- tions. How successful Mr. Coolidge will be in accomplishing this task re- mains to be seen. Spike Reactionary Guns. If the reactionary designs of Mr. Coolidge’s visit are to be counteracted the progressive, liberal forces of In- diana must assert themselves and meke preparations for active partici- pation in Mr. Coolidge’s reception. ‘Those elements who stand for peace with Nicaragua, Mexico, China and other weaker nations, would do well to send a delegation to request Mr. Coolidge to put into practice his peaceful declarations and cease to in- tervene with armed forces in the af- fairs: of other peoples, The Negro organizations should unite with organizations of other races in demanding that lynching cease; that the guilty instigators be punished, and that full rights of citizenship be finally granted to Negro citizens, as provided by the constitution, Organized Labor should demand that the U. S. Stee! Cerporation be restrained from discriminating against union men, and that the steel workers be not intimated in their attempts tc organize a union, All honest elements must’ finall unite in demanding that the investi- to the people, Are there people in Indiana with vision, and with the interests of the people sufficiently at heart to take. the initiative in such public action? 4 tion” to the capitalists of America| Y | fro WORKERS OF NEW YORK PROTEST INVASION OF CHINA Under auspices of the “Hands Off China” Contmittee, New York workers picketed the British Consulate last Saturday and protested the imperialist policies that lead to such bombardments as that at Nanking. ‘lessly exposed. After Nanking (Continued from last issue.) We have already pointed out that the Second International has refused to give any active support to the Chinese revolution. We also know of the activities of the largest sections of the Second In- ternational. The British Labor Party has actually sanctioned the military hostilities of the occupation forces in China. The German Social Democrats tell the German workers through the “Vorwaerts” that the Chinese revolution is not their affair. The French Socialists helped Poincare to pass the mob- ilization law which enables the government to mob- ilize the population and to decapitate revolutionary organizations that dared to resist a war, while the Nanking bombardment was in the process of pre- paration. We have before us a marvelously interesting document which characterizes the attitude of the Amsterdam International to the Chinese Revolution.* OWEVER, regardless of the position taken by the Second and Amsterdam Internationals, and by all reformists, we have reasons to believe in the growing sympathy of the working class for the Chinese revolution. This sympathy has not yet been organized; in many countries it has not yet taken definite shape. But the first attempts of the Com- munist Parties to mobilize the Labor movement for an active struggle against imperialist intervention have shown that the slogan for the support of the Chinese revolution meets with the warm sympathy of the proletarian masses. The Nanking bombard- ment was not a surprise to the Communist Parties. We have quoted above the British Communist organ on the growing war perils. If we analyse the docu- ments of other Communist Parties, we will find that a petty war against China will, as a result of the development of the Chinese revolution, and the social crystallization of the character of that revolution, develop into a great war directed not only against China but also against the U. S. S. R. *See Victor Demar’s article in this issue, “Amster- dam and the Proletariat of the Colonies and the East,” on Oudegeest’s reply to a Chinese delegation. In the manifesto of the Eleventh Congress of the Communist Party of Germany we read: “Never, since 1914, were the .war dangers so great as they are now... . Be ready every- where and particularly in the chemical and met- allurgical industries, and by our transport to frustrate the war and undermine the front in the coming war.” In the manifesto of the Communist Party of France, we read: “The road to peace lies in the unconditional support to the Sovict Union in its construction of Socialism, and in the victories of the Chi- nese national revolution which must be supported by the proletariat to the utmost.” This manifesto, as well as that of the German Communist Party, speak of the pending danger of a great war which must be resisted with all force. The ideas expressed in the Manifesto .of the Communist Party of France were advocated at a mass meeting on March 22nd, which, according to the French press, was, both as to the number of participants and the ‘enthusiasm, much like the mon- ster meetings in 1920. Semard’s declaration at that meeting, that the Communist Party will not stop at anything until it turns he armed masses against the government and transformed the imperialist war into civil war and gives all power to the workers, peasants and soldiers, was met with vigorous ap- plause by the working masses. But, it must be stated that whilst the imperialists have already gone over from words to action, we do not yet see any concrete, definite action on the part of the working class in Europe starting a real struggle‘against the imperialists and giving deter- mined support to the Chinese revolution. “f It seems to us that now more than ever we must vemember that a war cannot be stopped with words, slogans, ‘and fine gestures. Moreover, under the present cizsumstances, mass action is the best agti- tational method. Imperialism does all in its power to keep the broad masses under its influence. The social traitors and pacifists help imperialism in that. These lackeys of imperialism must be merci- But exposure alone will not do. If it is true that the Nanking bombardment was the beginning of a great war—and it is absolutely true— ‘then this calls out to the working class to exert heroie efforts in actually. beginning to organize the war against war. SEND IN YOUR LETTERS The DAILY WORKER is anxious to receive letters m its readers stating their views on the issues con- gation into political corruption in the fronting the labor movement. It is our hope to de- State of Indiana be conducted pub-| velop a “Letter Box” department that will be of wide licly, and that the results be published | interest to all members of The DAILY WORKER family. Send in your letter today to “The Letter Box,” The DAILY WORKER, 383 First street, New York City, Read The Daily Worker Every Day |frnip of the local, section By ARNE (Continued from yesterday) CHAPTER V. Special Tasks of Street Nuclei. Being a numerically small Party with the membership widely scattered within the great industries of the country our street nuclei are due to remain of special importance for a long time to come. Their fullest de- velopment is, therefore, a necessity and while the general rules of organ- ization function, which have already been emphasized, should be observed, there are also many special tasks en- tirely depending upon our street nuc- lei. First, however, a few words on one important pisblem: To effective- ly carry: out its special tasks the strect nuclei must have an actual territorial basis with the members living within one certain territory. The existing language difficulties may sometimes necessitate certain exceptions. In order to avoid a re- turn to the former language branch- es, where certain territories are ex- clusively inhabited by workers of one | nationality it is often desirable to go beyond the borders and draw in to the nucleus members from other language groups. Street nuclei have one thing in common with shop nuclei. While the | latter apply themselves to the prob- lems in their shop the former apply themselves to the problems of their territory and give them political con- tent. It is, of course, necessary that a complete study be made of the ex- isting issues which may vary within each territory. For example, high prices, high rents, housing and san- itary conditions, local political cor- yuption, local race problems, local tax questions, local traffic problems or public school problems. Invariably all such issues can be splendidly utilized for mass agitation and prop- aganda purposes and if properly pursued can lead through struggles to real organizational results. Most often, however, they are entirely overlooked by our street nuclei. Tenants leagues to combat. high rents, parents leagues to fight ob- noxious school methods or demon- |strations against high prices often- times come into being spontaneously but lack however, usnally the neces- sary leadership. It is precisely in such activities that the members of our street nuclei should participate as conscious political groups and function through fractions within the organizations once they are estab- lished, It goes without saying that this kind of work must be properly directed and be made the occasion of special study by the local, section or sub-section executive committee, Party Campaigns on Territorial Basis. Election campaigns are perhaps the best opportunities available for in any way lessen their importance in the shops). To correctly under- stand and utilize election campaigns means to enter candidates and to connect the local issues of the terri- tory with the general issues in a practical way as a basis for our pro- grams to be put before the workers. If such local issues as those men-, tioned in the previous paragraph do not exist there will always be others more or less of the same char- acter. Next there is the problem of or- ganizing local public meetings) in- door or street corner meetings us- ing vlogans in advertising the meet- ings which will actually bring the workers to turn out. Then as a neces- sary part of the campaign must fol- low distribution of the Party press and literature, leaflets. etc. This must be organized systematically. First, of course, the shops and fac- tories in the territory should be cov- ered, but also union meétings and other working class gatherings as well as house to house canvassing. We can never be too painstaking in organizing all these little details. As a matter of fact, this is what will ability of lead- or sub- Organizational Problems territorial activities (this does not! SWABECK. section committee as well as {the ability of execution by the nuclei. As the class struggle becomes inten- sified mere meetings become mass demonstrations of greater magnitude and greater importance. If an election campaign contains pessibilities of being conducted on a united front basis, by supporting la- bor candidates or establishing a la- bor party, we must take advantage of the local or territorial situation in the same manner. While it chang- es the program and in most cases the character or the candidates, the activities remain the same, except that they are given a much broader basis. It is also well to remember that with such united front activi- ties our Party retains its own identity and will put forward its own pro- gram. | Other campaigns, like those for ;the protection of foreign born, for | defense of political prisoners, for re- llief of strikes, etc, must similarly be applied on a territorial scale. A cam- |paign for our Party press or for Par- |ty membership must likewise be cor- | rectly connected with the local issues lof the territory and the measures |for its application carried out sys | tematically. | HAIL LINDY! Impressions At Battery Park. South Ferry.—Streams of jostling | humans leave the elevated. “Buy a Lindy Button, ten cents!” The crowd | moves like moulten lava. “Quit your pushin’ ya big bum!” The working world is on parade. “Buy a Lindy- | button—ten cents!” Thousands of slaves have left their desk, shipping room, truck. No work for three or four hours. Hail Lindy! * * . On the side-walk thousands of workers are on parade. ture of Lindy!” Men women, chil- dren in Sunday clothes. A sweating cop is losing his patience. “Keep moving. Keep moving!” Thousands of workers are on parade. “Buy a Lindy pennant and the ‘’Merican flag!” Thousands of workers have been allowed to leave the machine, the office and the kitchen. Free from labor for three hours. Hail Lindy? aN MIS. r In the streets, miles and miles of uniforms, “The National Guard is good enough for Lindy. Join the National Guard!” A sea of perspire ing soldiers stand in the baking sun, Regular army, militia, boy cooties, “Join the Army!” From the surrounds ing windows paper streams in clouds, Confetti, telephone books are torn up, correspondence files. The band strikes up. “Join The Army.” Hail Lindy! Aes an Overhead a sky-writer in beautif long streams of white writes: “Y Lindy!” Hurray! Hurray! Ar plane whirrs overhead. Fivy planes’ drone powerfully i formation. The flags are fly, band strikes up. Thousandy ers are on parade. Th workers have left the s! fice. Join the army. Hi * * . TWENTY MINUTES ONE! Suddenly a_ whisti Another. Then more® until) earthly din is made and ec The crowd grows hysteri moves toward the bay. Larg. small eraft, all are heading 1 pier in parade. Pennants are fi¥tig, Whistles blowing. Aeroplanes dip and circle gracefully in salute. Sud- dently .twenty huge planes appear above Wall Street. They maneuver, change formations, stream out to greet Lindy, The crowd cheers, The band plays. There he is! There he is! I see him! Hail—Hail Lindy SACCO and VANZE SHALL NOT DIE} . a S “Buy a piece - a }