The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 13, 1927, Page 6

3) vage Six Professional Patriots (Continued from last issue) “Uusually they have access to almost henlties| tted wealth, and borrow respectability by the use, in honorary positions, of the names of men of national prominence. . . .” This statement concerning professional patri- | otic organizations is contained in a Congression-| al report made several years ago. | “Professional Patriots” is edited by Norman Hapgood from material assembled by Sidney Howard and John Hearley. | raat tae The Security League is no less alarmist in its tone, charging Bolshevism with responsibility for the federal income tax law. Mr. Solomon Stanwood Menken, Presi- dent of the League, revealed himself whole-heartedly dp a public speech before the Kiwanis Club of Buffalo, WN. Y., October 31, 1923, on “The Spirit of America.” We quote from a League reprint: “We have here 600,000 Communists mectings weekly, publishing 50 papers, attacking your country, your gov- | ernment, your right to prosper, to bring up your own children as you will, to enjoy the advantages of this eeentry as we know it and our forefathers planned it. To fight them, more of us must get on the job and help take care of the U. S. A, “Their attack has created a disaffection and critical attitude toward our officials which has worked great political injustice and is further reflected in the Social- istic coloring of legislation. A fair example is our tax law, which throttles enterprise while reducing the finan- | ¢ial return to the government. This law was an entirely | proper means for meeting a part of the federal expense | but has become such a burden to wealth that men of | large means will not take a 100 per cent risk of principal in reasonable ventures of benefit to the community when the maximum personal gain is but 40 per cent (sic). How was the enactment of such a law possible? Because the Reds and Yellows raised a false issue as to what they call predatory wealth, and the politicians were misled into believing that the noise they made was the voice of the American people. | “Our course is fatuous in the extreme and we elect | to places of trust Frazier, LaFollette, and Brookhart, and our young people read the red and yellow journals, and The Nation and The Republic, with the same per- verted sense as those of another time peeked into ob- cene literature.” In justice to Mr. Menken it should be added that he spoke at a meeting of the Teachers Union of New York | early in 1927 and surprised every one present by ex- pressing the opinion that “teachers have a right to hold their economic views and express them freely irrespec- | tive of Board of Education or State authorities of any kind.” | Inspiring Creed. Another gem of verse published by the Security League was written for it by Faith Baldwin. Here it is, all four stanzas. BOLSHE VIKI “What are the Sirens shriekin’ for?” said Percy Par-| lour-Red. “To speed the guest, to speed the guest,” the Loyal Native said, “What makes you smile, so grim, so grim?” said Percy | Parlour-Red, “I’m thinkin’ of a muzzled hound,” the Loyal Native | said. For they’re shippin’ Bolshe Viki, you can hear the engines purr, | They are weighin’ of the anchor, an’ the decks are all a-stir, They’ve pinned a number on him, branded him a cur, An’ they're shippin’ Bolshe Viki in the mornin’. | “What makes the People mutter so?” said Percy Par- lour-Red, ee wakin’ up, they’re wakin’ up,” the Loyal Native | Sal “What makes that fellow gulp and quake?” Parlour-Red, “It’s his turn next, it’s his turn next,” said. They are shipping Bolshe Viki to a port beyond | our ken, They have taken Bolshe Viki with his poisoned | tongue and pen, And he'll sail in half a minute, the despised of | decent men, © they're shippin’ Bolshe Viki in the mornin’! } an’ they’ve said Percy | the Loyal eae “His speech was very fine to hear,” said Percy Parlour- Red “My ears are deaf to traitor-talk,” the Loyal Native said, “I shook his hand not long ago,” said Percy Parlour- Red, “Then wash your own of alien dirt,” the Loyal P Native | said. They are shipping Bolshe Viki to a far, unknown | place, he sm and spat in Freedom’s face, And there’s thousands like him still at large— America’s disgrace, While they’re shippin’ Bolshe Viki in the mornin’! For “What's that like blood against the sun?” said Percy persecutions and repressions met with| Our hesitation is not caused by any Parlour-Red, “The Bolshe Viki brand of flag,” the Loyal Native said,| movement: If the Bill is passed the) torney’s lyric gifts; but we find the whole trade union movement will be! publication of free verse an expen- “What's that that whimpers from the deck?” said Percy Parlour-Red, “The Yellow Streak, that’s sailin’ now,” the Loyal Na- tive said, For they’re done with Bolshe Viki, an’ his serpent breed must go, The People, they are thinkin’ hard—but thinkin’ very slow! America must arm herself to fight an un- clean foe, An’ be shippin’ Bolshe Viki EVERY mornin’! Hl Mr. Emerson Hough, “the eminent author,” also wrote a piece for the Security League worth quoting, entitled the “One Hundred Per Cent American.” He} wound up his appeal with the following paragraph: Lyric Poetry. | “Do I hold myself a one hundred per cent American? I never asked myself about it, nor needed to. But I! know if I were that manner and fashion of one hundred per cent American as might by act of grace have share | in the control of this country for a few short years, I) would close Ellis Island tomorrow. I would dig deep the moat around America and let the portcullis fall. | Then I would say: ‘What ho! Warder. Go now and breed me Americans, here in America. Take your time —you have if necessary fifty years, or say ong hundred | years. Breed them clean and strong. Choose good grandfathers for our people, and let us have at last a nation which is not merely a feeding trough—a country which is not just a place. “‘And let us call that country—once more—Ameri- Pr The League also reprinted certain patriotic defini- tions by Mr. Henry Irving Dodge which had appeared in the “Success Magazine.” The leaflet bears the title “That's Bolshevism”: Ho! t |this anti-labor Bill being passed. | sisting the passing of the Bill by all| hed the Flag which welcomed him, ; - Captain H. C. Major demonstrates to Secretary of the Navy Curtis Wilbur, left, the use of the earth inductor compass, the in- venton of Dr. L. J. Briggs and Dr, Robert R. Heyl, of the Bureau of Standards, Washington, D. C. used by Colonel Charles A. Lindbergh on his New York to Paris flight The compass is the same as that Fighting the Trade Union Bill By LOUIS ZOOBOCK. The anti-labor legislation of Bald- win’s Government is evoking indigna-| Bill perpetuates and accentuates the | tion among the toiling masses in| England, The wave of protest from the workers is spreading from day to day. Thousands of demonstra- tions, conferences and mass meetings, pass resolutions against Baldwin’s Bill. All over the country the work- ers are testifying to their firm de- cision to resist its putting into prac- tice by every means at their disposal. The trade union rank and file have lined up and determined to make every sacrifice for the prevention of On the other hand, however, all the symptoms prove that the official trade union and Labor Party leaders are reluctant to fight. The heroes of “Black Friday” and the betrayers of the General Strike and the miners’| strike are once more meeting to plot another betrayal of the workers. The parliamentary fraction of the Labor Party has declared its intention to fight every line and point of the Bill; the trade union leaders are not chary of sounding phrases and unctuous declarations as to the need of re-| possible means. They do not, how- ever, suggest any practical measures for the fight. The only measures to which they would agree are “Constitutional and Parliamentary.” To stop, however, at “Constitutional” measures alone, in the face of a ready-made Govern- ment majority, would mean the sur- render of the position without strik-| ing a blow; in a word would mean —treachery. * ’ The course of the Cilitarenes of | Executives held on the 29th of April \merely confirms that the present! | Trade Union leaders are not in al | position to lead the workers in their energetio fight with the Government and its anti-trade union Bill. “Political” Action. The Conference was attended by 600 delegates from various trade union executives, affiliated to the British Trade Union Congress and representing over four million or- ganized workers, as well as by repre- | flicts. | The trade wnion bureaucrats did not chiefly from collecting small sub- scriptions among the workers. The advantages of the capitalist parties, | which get big sums of money by sell- ing througu its agents in the Govern- ment, triles -nd honors as well as by secret subsidize “vom the wealthy. | The rescAatinn thon goes on to say:| “We warn tre government that the consequence; of placing in the hands of the Law Courts such vast powers | of repression and obstruction pro-| posed in the bill will be to/ bring the law into contempt. To en-| force against the Trade Unions the} provisions of the bill must inevitably | lead to widespread and concerted re-| sistance on the part of the organized | millions of trade unionists, and will| intensify and embitter industrial con- | Minority Movement Fights. Gossip, member of the Executive Committee of the Amalgamated Fur- | nishing Trades Society and repre- sentative of the Minority Movement, brought the following amendment: | “That this conference asks the parlia- mentary Labor Party to obstruct the | whole business of government in the | House of Commons, and to do every- thing possible to force the Baldwin Government to resign, and also in- structs the General Council of the T. U. C. to make all possible prepara- tions to use the industrial weapon by a general strike, if necessary, in or- der to defeat the Government.” j The Conference turned down, the | amendment and adopted the resolu- | tion by an overwhelming majority. Such is a short summary of the la- bor of the Conference of Executives. allow the Left Wing delegates to take active participation in the con- ference. Gossip thrice asked the floor, but was not allowed to speak. The same thing happened to Cook when he endeavored to come forward} against the resolution. The Confer- ence allowed no discussion of the Chi- nese question. Its machinery worked smoothly enough, The bureaucrats don’t want a fight and have no faith in successful resistance to the Gov- ernment. All their hopes are cen- tered on one thing: when the Labor | | sentatives of the Labor Party Parlia- mentary. Fraction. The tone of all) speeches completely confirmed the as- | sumption that leading trade union circles intend to carry on a mere |eampaign of agitation against the | | trade union Bill and that their fight | will be purely “political,” i.e., limited |to parliamentary methods. George Hicks, (well-known for his| | “Left” sympathies) presided at the! | Conference and emphasised in his speech the significance of the Bill, | pointing out that it revives ali those | by the pioneers of the trade union! delivered up to the tender mercies of | the State legal machinery which is entirely in the hands of the capital- ists, ete. “Therefore,” added Hicks “we must make use of every kind of| Against weapon in the arsenal of the working class.” Henderson chiefly touchea upon | the question of political funds in his| speech. Analysing the fourth clause of the Bill, he stated: “Actually, and | in practice, it imposes upon the trade unionists ean obligation which no other body of citizens is required by ‘law to observe.” “The clause repre- sents, in my judgment,” he continued, | “an outrageous invasion of individual and personal rights.” The Fiery Snowden. Snowden, referring to a letter from MacDonald, pointed out that the pres- ent correlation of forces in parlia- ment make it impossible for the La- bor Party to countron the introduc- tion of vital alterations in the Bill. The General Council’s resolution condemns the Trade Union Bill as ono “designed to cripple the workers’ effective powers of resistance against attacks by organized employers upon the already inadequate standards of wages and conditions of employ- ment.” The resolution goes on to candemn the Bill as an attempt to undermine the power of the Labor Party which gets its necessary funds Party comes to power, it will repeal | the Sate EeHs (ANE | act, Ode to The DAILY Wi WORKER | By District Attorney Michael A. Driscoll. | (The DAILY WORKER hesitates to print this ode delivered by District Attorney A. Driscoll, in Part 1, Special Term of the Supreme Court, during the trial of William F. Dunne. doubts concerning the District At- sive business.) We will pass over The blasphemous strictures Our own Glorious Country | | Whose f.f.lag of fr..r.dom | And the emblem of Liberty Has from its very beginning Stretched forth Its arms in welcome And of haven and sanctuary To the Oppressed Of All Lands And on its very s Ss Stars And s 8 Stripes Is indelibly impressed The names of those who freely Gave their very life’s blood That the Nation might exist and en- dure In accordance With its original PRINCIPLES. (Ed. Note—Vide Sacco and Vanzetti) } After Nanking (Continued from last issue.) To this very day we do not yet know the charac- ter and the conditions of the agreement between British and American imperialism. It is clear to us why Great Britain insisted on sharing responsibility in a war against China with other powers. The sanction granted by the Labor Party to the hang- men of the Chinese revolution is of enormous po- litical importance. But Baldwin and Chamberlain know perfectly well that the MacDonalds and Thom- ases do not represent the moods of the working masses. They knew and they know that there is some real wéight in Cook’s declaration, that a war declared by the Conservative Government against the Chinese people may cause the miners to re- talidite by a war against the Conservative Govern- ment, lutely impossible—to start a great war single- handed. Great Britain was compelled to seek some reliable partner. Even prior to»the Nanking bombardment she secured such a partner in the “fearless friend”, Mussolini, But that fearless friend has his own ambitions and interests, and, what is more, he can- not be of much help. A partner like the United States is, of course, more interesting and more valuable. We do not know as yet the price Great Britain paid for her new partner. But there is no doubt that joint action by the United States and Great Britain in the attack on defenceless Nanking does not yet signify the beginning of a lasting alliance. The interests dividing these t 7o states in China are still in force. On the other hand, we must take into account the enormous significance of the factor which leads to their alliance—we have in mind the social and political character of the new stage in the Chinese revolution. RoBers are to be heard in many European coun- tries of the co-ordinated action of Great Britain and America against China. In this connection the attitude of the German press is very characteristic. The overwhelming majority of German papers de- scribed the Nanking events in the London fashion. What is most characteristic, however, is the fact that the German bourgeois press, including the “Vorwaerts”, follows the London example in care- fully concealing the frightful results of the pro- longed bombardment with the heavy guns. The French press is not much different from the German press. Only the “Humanité” described the details of the Nanking bombardment. All other papers speak of the Nanking bombardment merely as an unpleasant incident. We may surmise that the bourgeois press of all countries supports the united front of Anglo-American imperialism in its attempt to turn the wheel of the Chinese revolution with the help of their naval forces. In order that. the reader may have a clear conception of how the European press pictures the Nanking pogrom, we will quote a short leading article from the “Man- chester Guardian” of March 25th. We choose the “Manchester Guardian”, as this paper has a repu- tation as an old Liberal and neutral organ, which from time to time has taken the liberty to come out agaimst Baldwin’s policy in China: “The story of events at Nanking is confused and the upshot is not yet completely certain, but much of what happened can be reconstruct- ed. The Northern army retreated, as at Shanghai, in haste and confusion. It looted, as it went and the advance-gyard of the Cantonese looted as it came. The foreigners at Nanking concentrated on a hill near the north gate of the city, whether with the intention of remain- ing there until disciplined Cantonese .troops entered and restored order, or simply as a tem- porary measure until they could be withdrawn to the ships in the river, we do not know. In this position they were shelled by troops de- seribed as Chinese “irregulars”, and some of them were killed. It is unusual for “irregu- lars” to be equipped with guns, but in China the distinction between regulars and irregulars is sometimes a fine one, and perhaps depegds mainly on the disposition of the troops at any given moment to obey the orders of their chiefs. At all events, the foreign community being in danger, the commanders of the British and American warships in the river issued an ulti- matum demanding their safe delivery on pain of a bombardment of the city. At the same time, when the foreigners were shelled, the warships bombarded the quarters whence the shelling came and landed naval forces, which, at the cost of some casualties, succeeded in withdrawing the foreigners from their danger- ous position. It is possible, as it is much to be hoped, that all the foreigners have now been brought safely away. The leaders of the Can- ton army, like the Canton Government, are no doubt ready and anxious to secure the safety of foreigners. The trouble is that they are in imperfect control not only of the auxiljaries’ who accompany their advance, but also, it is to be feared, of elements which are supposed to be more closely under their orders.” HIS article needs no commentaries. The facts here are arranged in such a way as to picture the bombardment as an unpleasant and cruel necessity. Nevertheless this article as well as the entire Euro- pean press is interesting and characteristic also from another point of view. It is no secret that the Brivish Empire, in spite of the meaningless phrases of the pacifist gentlemen who endeavor to prove that the Empire is an alliance of free republics, is cemented together with the blood of the mass exter- mination of “aborigines” which is a usual phen- omenon in the history of the British Empire. The forms and methods of these exterminations were determined by circumstances and by the develop- ment of military technique. British imperialism, as imperialism in general, held and still holds under iis subjection the weaker nations primarily with armed force, with the help of which the discontented masses are being mercilessly crushed, But the Euro- pean press, and particularly the British press was compelled to maintain silence as regards the Nan- king bombardment.’ This proves that the imperial- iste finds it difficult under the present conditions to secure the support of the general public in their Chinese policy. The imperialists know that. This explains why their wrath is directed primarily against the Soviet Union and against the revolu- tionary Labor movement in all countries. Every article in the British press directed against China is accompanied by atrocious attacks on the Soviet Union and the Communist movement: All corres- pondents in Shanghai consider it their duty to de- seribe the unusual influence of Borodin, a citizen of the Soviet Union, on the Chinese Revolution, and the sympathy of the Chinese anor for the Soviet Union, ‘What was and is the response of the European Labor movement to the intervention in China in general, and to the beginning of the war in par- ticular. (To be continued.) Under these conditions it is difficult—abso-, By ARNE (Continued from last issue) CHAPTER IV | The need of simplicity of methods and of approach to the problems of building our party is apparent. To become effective exponents of Com- munism and to actually organize the |workers for the overthrow of capi- |talism, we must learn how to connect the struggle for our ultimate aims with that of the elementary needs of the workers. Our members too often overlook these needs, although being employed |in the shops themselves, because the jeveryday abuses caused by the sys- ‘tem of exploitation have become so | habitual and ordinary. While this is}! | too often accepted merely as a part) \of wage slavery, it is precisely the) | things which are objectionable to the workers. The objections, however, are not given expression. It is the duty of our shop nuclei to take up these issues, formulate the proper demands and correct slogans. But so simplified that a few are con- centrated on and couched in the language of the workers. These is- sues should be taken up through our various means of activities, and par- ticularly through the’ shop bulletin. Properly conducted, they will serve to establish wide contact with the work- ers and gradually move them into ac- tion against their class enemies. There are for example the following issues: 1.—Speed-up System and Long Hours of Work, In ‘most of the industrial enter- prises of the country, production is standardized, the individual output being ever increased, Various de- vices are applied to increase the speed of the motions of the workers, in ad- dition to foremen driving them to the point of exhaustion. Most places long hours obtain’ with a shift system. Sometimes double shifts with no extra pay for night work. Yet when work is slack the speed does not diminish and seldom are the hours reduced, | but workers are rather placed on part | time employment while the industrial reserve army waits at the gate for | Jobs. Thus increasing the competition | \of the workers and further intensify-| ling the speed-up system. Shop nuclei, | must here take up the question of get-| | ting rid of ‘slave driving bosses, re-! | duce hours of work, point to the need} of organization of the workers and| solidarity with the unemployed. | 2.-—Health and Safety Conditions. In the factories many conditions ob- tain dangerous to the health of the workers. Lack of ventilation, use of | poisonous materials, insanitary toilet) and washroom facilities, ete. Lack of safety devices make accidents daily occurrences. Compensations for ac-| cidents generally mean a maze of red tape and graft by petty politicians, | In this respect shop nuclei can be in-| strumental in leading the fight for healthy conditions and for real safety! devices and assist workers or their) | relatives who are victims of accidents .to obtain their compensation. | 3.—Violation of Working Agreements. This is a problem mainly of shops of organized workers. With unorgan- ized workers the bosses make no agreements. Violations often occur) as a result of demands that workers prepare their own material not spe- cific in the agreement or carry heav- ier loads than specified; or in many other ways. Discrimination generally results where objections to such prac- |tice is made. If not through actual lay-offs, then often in assignment to | lesser paid or more disagreeable work. | Such violations of agreements in real- lity becomes a reduction of wages. While the violations also often have a direct connection with co-operation of trade union officials who sell out the interests of the workers and co- operate with the bosses, Schemes of so-called adjustment through adjustment boards, arbitra- tion, or permanent labor boards gen- erally further discriminate against the workers in favor of the bosses. A fight against such violations, dis- criminations and the schemes to up- hold them broadens the basis of shop activities as well as the ranks of the fighting forces. It often makes pos- sible the establishment of effective connections from shop to shop in the same industry. A part of the fight must be the exposure of the corrupt practices of trade union officials where such is the case. 4.—Fight Against Wage Cuts. Wage cuts are ordinary occurrences whether applied on the hourly rate or piece work rate. The first task of shop nuclei members should be to understand the nature of the cuts, gather the necessary statistics to ene the case of the workers and proceed to organize resistance. This gives a particular opportunity for party members to explain the sys- tem of exploitation of the workers, proceeding from a concrete basis and will generally bring ready response from the workers concerned. While in the organized shops, the fight should be conducted through the unions, in unorganized shops the Organizational Problems | shop fight becomes directly bound up with the problem of organization of the workers and all actions must be pro- perly organized. In each case, how- ever, splendid opportunities are of- fered to Communists, 5.—Blacklist System, Spies and Spe- cial Police. These are some of the usual meth- ods maintained to keep the Papen in subjection, particularly enterprises of heavy so SWABECK. requiring personal descriptions and finger prints, while spies appear in the shops to help get the goods on the workers. The whole system in the United States often extends to embrace the local governmental insti- tutions in smaller cities where big factories are located. While such con-, ditions point to the need of caution of shop nuclei work, it will also particu- larly tax the ability of the members to expose this system and generally the fight will enter directly into the field of political struggles, 6.—Bogses’ Welfare Associations. Such associations appear in many forms and are but the first steps to- ward company unions. Sometimes they may have a sport character, so- cial, or beneficial character. They are, however, always means of the bosses organized by them with espe- cially fitted agents put in charge to help tie the workers to the factory wheel, With this follows generally stock selling schemes to make the workers believe they are part owners of the plant and thus readier accept whatever conditions are imposed, Otherwise the workers obtain little or no additional material gain for them- selves, but it helps to divide their forces. An exposure of such hideous - schemes is necessary to show the workers that real improvements can be gained only by united class ef- forts and not by false illusions of generosity of the bosses. 7.—Joint Works Committees and Company Unions. Despite its name, Joint Works Com- mittees supposedly representing both workers and bosses wherever such committees exist, they are merely in- struments in the hands of the bosses. Sometimes the members supposedly representing the workers are elected by them and other times hand picked by the bosses. The final decision al- ways rests with the management and the committees thus serve as a shield to make the workers believe they have something to say. Company unions are, of course, out- right tools of the bosses and organ- ized particularly to prevent real working class organization in the shop. Secondly, they are organized to help keep the workers’ conditions down and maintain a low rate of | wages. In-either event, it is neces- sary to both work from within and | from without to expose these schemes and replace them with real workers’ 0 committees and real labor unions. During elections of workers’ dele- gates to so-called Joint Works Com- mittees our shop nuclei should bring | forward théir own progressive candi- dates together with a program corre- sponding with the needs of the work- ers in the shop. The program, of course, cannot be realized by these committees, but it helps to expose them and lay the basis for real shop committees. As for “company unions,” past history has proven that when a few live wires get busy in- side they can make contact with the workers there and change the efforts of the bosses into real trad2 union or- ganization. 8.--Workers’ Shop Vommittees. Being close to the rank and file workers, shop committees will easily become responsive to their needs and become real instruments in their struggles for better conditions. Crea- tion of shop committees are one of our real tasks. The most important | issues in the shop should be put for- ward as the basis of propaganda for election of shop committees. In or- ganized shops, it should be done with the assistance of the unions. In un- organized shops, these committees will become the most effective or- ganization instruments. Shop com- mittees are composed of delegates elected by the workers only; and gen- erally a certain number from each de- partment in the industrial plant, At least this should be the basis of our propaganda to be particularly put forward when wage cuts ere threat- ened or other encroachments in work- ing conditions are made by the bosses. é While at certain periods the pos- sibilities to establish shop commit- tees may not be so very good, it should nevertheless be propagated at every opportunity. Naturally many difficulties will arise in attempting to put this into effect, but we must learn how to overcome such difficulties, 9.—Strikes. i Our shop nuclei members must ways participate in and be ir front ranks of every strike. If in organized plants, the activi’ naturally concentrated thro: unions. With unorganized > difficulties become great. Strikes within unorganiz are, however, very commor ally lack of leadership and | igor maria is apparent and o defeat. When important i, pear in such shops, our shop members should always be ft quainted with the sentiment workers and their readiness t if a strike is impossible or som. means of demonstration of resit required, If strikes are possible,“* first steps must be to organize i baad win the strike. Have the demands properly formulated. Select a strike committee through representation from each department. The commit- tee should be authorized to communi- cate with the employers, report back» to the workers and arrange for re; el iran ah sors ieee tates pols Hite: tan Aptiak® sn dalibeceta Wore! tly I tosh with and ul the a developments, are out job applications, some times seat He such. strike '