The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 2, 1927, Page 3

HE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THU SDAY, Ji INE 2, 1927 CHARGES “DOCUMENTS” ARE FORGED The following is the complete text of the note of Maxim Lit. | vinoff, acting Commissar of Foreign Affairs, on behalf of the Soviet Union as a protest against the raid on. Arcos, Ltd., the violation of the immunity: of the members of the Soviet trade delegation, the subsequent termination of the Trade Agreement of 1921; and the rupture of diplomatic relations. The note was given to the British Charge-d’Affairs in Mos-! British Foreign cow who dispatched it to Austen Chamberlain, finister. ‘ 3 : ous position in which he found him- self owing to this raid. No Quarrel With British Workers: The people of the Soviet Union a SIR:—I have the honer to request you to transmit the following to your Government :— their government foster no host The Soviet Government takes cog-| feelings toward the people of the nizance of the contents of the note British Empire with whom they handed yesterday to Rosengolz, Soy-| wished to maintain normal and friend- ions. Such undoubtedly is also the desire of the people of the Bri ish Empire. But these normal rela tions are not the wishes of the present 3ritish government, which from the iet Union Charge D’ Affairs in Lon- don communicating termination by the British government of the trade agreement of 1921 and the suspension of diplomatic relations between the! Bri U, S. S.°R. and Great Britain. This! first day of its existence strove decision was no surprise for the Soy-| keep its relations with the U. 8S. S. R. iet Government. It knew. since long constantly in st of tension and to ago that a rupture in the relations| further strain th . The British gov- with US. S. R. was being prepared |e ent pre: a system of oppres- by all. It indicated by the policy| sion, and enmity to a system of nor- of the British government which de-| mal relajions. It decided on a rupture clined all propositions of the Soviet} of diplomatic relations for which it government toward re-adjustment of must assume all responsibility fully mutual relations and negotiations. | realizing this rupture will inevitably British Charges False. | upset the hiohts Bolton! and econ- emphatically’ rejects all charges of It i Incrouse Baropean ¢ pe violating (on any occasion the eeade| ft Som tee, fe Erewgerae Saas 8 t of 1921 absolutely rupture would increase the economic and cntively unfetumided: the chaos from which Europe still suffers only source of those charges as was| nce, te World War, and that it again and again undeniably estab-| \¢ vance However, it decided this ster lished is false information drawn from| coercing the ieterscte of the beet white emigrant sources end forged| tis 2 tan Hs oRphes documents wherewith the British gov- | assea.of the British: Empire and even ernment freely cooperated throughout British incugtey. 5 Pabaahet ‘ The Soviet Gov ent 1 i the period of the existence of relations See rorumeney oven: thie ‘4 cate i act, being fully convinced that the bale seers govern-| act will be condemned not only by the ment. The fact that the search of the Trade Delegation which was most} orig masane but ales by Si progres x id | sive elements of the world. At the ia i ar ie att a it days | same time it firmly believes that the pits ese i? af Ra a Sigsd are | time is near when the British people vincing proof of the loyalty and the) wij] find ways and means for the un- of the officials of the hampered realization of their aspira- ly re as rg ve eae cg bes! Beene. tions for peace and for the establish- § {ment of n ri c of the British Ministers regarding ormal, friendly relations | with the people of the Soviet Union. —-LITVINOFF. Butler Shifts Base Away From Shanghai espionage by the Trade Delegation and | deems it unworthy of reply. | Britain Violates Agreement. The Soviet Government states that the British government had no legal! ground either for the first violation | of the Trade Agreement of 1921,— namely the police raid on extra ter- ritorial premises of the Soviet offi- cial eatin or the second violation, | namely the termination of the Agree- " rs : . ment, The termination of this Agree. Ww ASHINGTON, June 1-—Evacua- ment without the six months notice| tion of: the American legation and provided thereby is evidence to the) ornee Properties in Peking, ancient whole world that the fundamental | capital of the Chinese empire and of cause of the rupture is the defeat of | its recent successor, the republic of the Conservative government's policy | Military chiefs, has been planned by in China and the attempt to mask!/ the State Department and approved this defeat by. diversion directed | LY President Coolidge. Unless condi- against the Soviet Union, while the| tions in northern China become quieter direct reason is the British govern- jwithin a few days, orders for with- ment’s desire to divert public opinion | 2724! of the staff and their records from the failure of the absurd police | #24 private effects to Tientsin, on the raid on Arcos, Ltd. and trade dele. | °°25t Will be issued. gation and in order to save the Brit- British and Japanese policy just now ish Home Secretary from the seandal- is agreed in support of Chiang Kai % | Shek, moderate Nationalist, Japan has | abandoned Chang Tso-lin, war lord of Manchuria and now controlling Pek- (Cc emeieed. ppg Page One) | large measure responsible for Chang | Tso-lin’s defeat. Se aR ing still the radical he professed to be when he took Shanghai, and is feeling his way so slowly the other powers have beat the U. S. |ances with the new war lord. Japan is moving troops in Shai to protest Japanese nationals Japanese properties from attack at the hands of the northern chief—Chang |Tso-lin and Chang Tsung-Chang — COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 10 cents a copy— $2.00 a year bundle lots, 7 cents in so fem 1 that the Japanese were preparing to Red Cartoons | withdraw from Peking also, or else Of 1926 Now that they were getting ready to pro- voke the Chinese to a general anti- | foreign brvak. ‘ 50 CENT: ® READ ABOUT THE NEW CHINESE WAST Paper Hangers of Ameri Pay TO THE | ORDER OF ‘ This is the check which gave away the game that President A. J. Fischer and Treasurer playing with the funds of Painters’ District Council 9, Members of the lited Zausner gang, Fischer and dis Wiiliam Hartley were | New YORK SW. CORNER Mth STRERTAND EIGHTH AVENUR kites ee da hed: ye - CHAIRMAN TRUGTERS Hartley, were using as much as $50,- Quw t Fe ee “<3 Feprrarion Bank or NEWYORK ™ go _$ 02% 22 70-0 DOLLARS Heagers of Amerika Page Three Churches Attack Jingo Drills in Colleges; Warn of Coming World War OMAHA, June 1.— ary tra™r lleges colleg Sompuls or schools 1d y con- red by the ne Na- ssion here, es PRESIDENT. pia irae 8 NS Ao SEE lt ss ants in an effort to catch the tricky ;confessed to speculation with the financiers, who had apparently com-| union funds, but said they were 00, if not more, of the council’s funds revealed that for speculation in Wall Street. | pletely covered up their tracks. And jing it all back.” They Joseph Brodsky, counsel for the! then this check, made out to a lower $14,000 had been paid back but that | union, in cooperation with Secretary | Broad br age concern, was | $37,000 is still due Painters’ District Thomas Wright employed account- | found Later Fischer and Hartley / Council 9. |Moscow Museum Does The ‘eft Wing in the Garment Unions| By MARGARET Li ARKIN The today's wle in the garment unions. and misrepresented. Margaret L truth about the General s installment of the official Few stri Strike and its calling is given in Joint Board history of the strug- es have-been so lied about arkin’s clear account of its origt will equip you to answer malign stories inspired by the right w ing. * ” * The General Strike There has been much misunder- standing as to the calling and the conduct of the Cloakmakers General strike,—a misunderstanding that has | been purposely fostered by the Right! Wing leaders. In spite of the fact that the strike was conducted jointly by the Right and Left. Wings, they |have charged that it was “lost by the ing. Coolidge suspects Chiang of be-} in forming alli-, OF 1927 , whom the Tokio government has aban. $1 P bot |doned... The American withdrawal ? ‘ostpaid }| from Peking would seem to indicate | Communists,” and have made this an excuse for seizing control of the Joint | Board and the four locals for another “reorganization.” The Demands The demands for which the strike was fought were formulated by the cfficers of the International, or Right | Wing, in 1924, more than a year be- fore the present Left Wing adminis- tration in the Joint Board was voted into power. They were approved by the membership in a general referen- dum in that year. In spite of the vote of the membership to strike for the demands, President Sigman presented them to a Commission appointed by Governor Smith. At the end of two years, when the Governor’s Commission finally re- ported, it was clear that the Union could not accept its terms, since the report rejected the most vital de- mands of the Union. It recommended only very small wage increases, and ignored the workers’ plea for a forty hour week. Moreover, it gave to the employers the right which they had long sought of discharging ten per cent of their workers every year with- cut cause. This “reorganization of shop: with all its resultant speed up systems and discrimination against active Union workers, could not be accepted by the Union without a struggle. Only one point of the Union’s demands was reported on favorably, namely that the number of sub-manufacturers working for any one jobber should be limited, so as to force the jobbers to assume responsi- bility for Union conditions in the shops of their contracto This was a measure long desired by the Union, hut the jobbers, representing seventy- five per cent of the industry, refused to accept the report of the Commis- sion of this point, making a strike in- evitable. Since the report was so un- favorable to the workers on every other point, had nothing to gain and much to lose by accepting it, and that a strike must be called in the entire industry. It has been suggested that a strike |should have been called only against AQ ATOM the jobbers, although such a course would have been impracticable in the | extreme. The two main points at i sue were the “limitation of contract- ors,” which the Union hoped to get Pots the jobbers, ahd the “reorgani- zation of shops,” which the “inside hoped to get from manufacturers” WOR‘ IM?PERIALIS™ By STALIN—BUCHARIN—MANUILSKY and TAN PING SHAN A discussion on China by out- standing figures in the Com- munist International, 15e the Union found that it | the Union. Sub-manufectarers had | little interest in the issue of reorgani- zation of shops, since very few of them employ the orkers that the | nor’s Commission had made the te of the discharge privilege. against the | been to reor-| 5 Gover perqui To have called a strike jobbers alone would have abandon the “inside shops” ganization, a forty-four hour week in-| stead of the forty asked for, very small wage increases, no recognition for de- signers or examiners. Furthermore a strike against the jobbers for the theory of “limitation of contractors,” could not have been conducted suc- cessfully without the additional de- mands of higher wages, shorter hours, time guarantee, and forth, that make a more popular appeal to the | workers. Finally the character of the | industry is such that only a General | Strike of all branches can be carried on successfully, since it would be im- possible to keep “inside shops” manufacturing for jobbers, converting many workers into and seYwusly crippling the effective- ness of the strike Calling of the Strike On June 29, the Joint Board called a mass meeting of the membership in Madison Square Garden to consider the situation. Morris Sigman, Presi- dent of the International, Hugh Frayne, New York Organizer of the American Federation of Labor, Syd- ney Hillman, President of the Amal- gamated Clothing Workers, and many other Right Wing leaders were pres- | ent, and spoke strongly in favor of a strike. Telegrams were read from! | President William Green of the Amer- {ican Federation of Labor, and other high labor officials, promising sup- port. The thousands of cloakmakers in Madison Square Garden voted to |strike. On July 1, the strike, that had been voted by the membership in 192. ratified at the conventi and 1925, approved by the General Executive Board, the Joint Board, and the Executive Boards for all the lo- cals, was finally called. When the machinery of the strike was organized, the leaders of the In- ternational were given the Chairman- ships of the Finance, the Settlement, the Out-of-Town, and the y Con mittees, and membership on ail other Committees, so that the strike actu- ally was. carried on jointly by the Right and Left. Wings. Machine Gunners al Tampa Fire Into Mob Bent Upon Lynching TAMPA, Florida, June 1. | which seemed determined to lynch B. | F. Levins, reputed to have confessed ‘to several murders, finally dispersed |chis morning, but not until it had |clashed with the Florida National) | Guard. The crowd, made up of many of the| best citizens of Tampa, with sundry | | visiting Northerners who came South | seeking amusement and were anxious | {to partake of the chief sport and help} hang a man, were considerably | shocked when the deputies and militi: actually defended the jail. Lurid sto-| ries of the atrocity of the crime had inflamed the southern gentleman and | their guests, and the lynch mob formed with the fatal facility of long practice, forgetting that there was no Negro involved in this case, Anger at the sheriffs for firing’ caused further clashes, in which ma-| }chine guns were finally used, Three| are killed and an unknown number} | wounded. SACCO and VANZETTT, SHALL NOT DIE!) so The mob | but to | listened to, | documents on si | fittingly interpreted. | Honor to Ruthenberg | (Continued from Page One) working masses. They deserted sepulejres. But on this Sictay that I visited | the Muset of the Revolution, ac- companied by Comrade Frumkina, | an unending stream of humanity was/ continu: y pouring thru the various| are generally | and numerous rooms. There were plenty of lecturers to explain eve thing, not in a careless monotone, with intense enthusiasm, like a zealous teacher interested in his task. Thus one of these lecturers, that we interspersed her remarks} with questions, that were quickly an- swered by some one in the audience. Thus in one section was a map show-| ing the route taken by Lenin from 3 rland to Russia following the ry, 1917, revolution. The lec- started off asking, “Where was Lenin when czarism fell?” which put the gathering immediately on tiptoes. Then when the original of a thesis! written by Lenin was shown in a| glass case, the lecturer would ask, “What is a thesis?” and some work- | er would quickly ply. Thus this Revolution Museum, giv- ing a Bolshevik view of the struggle of the workers ahd peasants for pow- er in Russia, is a sort of university | for the thousands that pour thru it. ft starts off in its first section| with a review of the Cossack and Peasant Insurrection of Stenka Rasin in the 17th Century,-and the Cossack and Peasant and Workers’ Insurrec- | tion of Emelian Pugatchev in the igth Century. and accurately re- Section Shows Revolution, The second section shows the rev-| olutionary ‘movement during the first half of the 19th Century. There are} rfdom under Nicholas | Peasant Liberation, the Peas- rders, the Revolutionary I. the ant Di movement in the 60’s, the movement of the “Narodniki” about 1870, the Group of the Narodnaya Volya (the People’s Freedom), the first organi- zation of the Revolutionary Workers’ Movement, the South Russian Work- ers’ Union and the Northern Union of Russian Worke: { Then comes the Russian Marxist Movement, from the “Group of the} Liberation of Labor’ to the group) “Iskra” and the eve of the first revo- lution. Detailed documents on legal and illegal Marxist literature of this epoch are here. Next comes the First Russian Rev- olution of 1905-1906, richly represent- ed by literature and "iNustrated papers | of that time, pictures of the insurrec- ons and peasant disorders; the first an second state Duma and the} Fourth (Union) Congress. Then follows the period of reaction,! the period of the new revolutionary | growth of the Great War, pictures of the persecution and éxecution of rev-! olutionaries under ezarism; pictures | and diagrams showing the decline of | the old social order and the growing revolutiorary wave, with many illus-| tr the World War. tions of the museum bring vn to the February Revolution of 1917, with the workers and soldiers’ insurrections. Th first Soviets in Petersburg (now Leningrad) and| Moscow, the Temporary Government, | | Ler Arrival, the growth of Bol-| shevism pass in review, Then comes | the October (Russian Time) Revolu- | tion of 1917. There is a Lenin Corner, with many | pictures of Lenin’s life at different) | periods. Another section shows the | conditions of prison life, penal servi-| tude and exile, as well as the mechan- ism of underground (illegal) work. Tt is in the Comintern Section of the Museum, devoted to the Commun. | ist Parties of the different countries of the world, that the developing struggle in the United States must be | Prisoners Battle For Freedom. | In a thrilling battle with prison guards and a deputy sheriff from Hudson County, two prisoners, one| |bound for Sing Sing and the other) for Mattewan State Hospital for the | insane, made a desperate attempt to escape from a New York Central) bealitond train at Tarrytown yester- | day. kh \life”’ | cigar FRANS BOSTROM, LABOR PIONEER, ENDS HIS LIFE | Appeals be Reuslution in Last Letter Frans Bostrom, one of the Pacific Northwest’s ablest labor fighters, is dead. Bostrom, former secretary of the Socialist Party of Washington, scrib- \bled “A fitting end to workingman’s on a scrap of paper, turned on the gas and lay down to die in the bare room of a cheap Seattle lodging house. Shortly before he wrote a long let- ter to The DAILY WORKER explain- ing carefully why he was not re- newing his subscription and why he had selected death rather than con-| tinued existence on the meagre wage he earned as an aged bookkeeper. Bostrom was state secretary of the Socialist Party in the days when it was a tower of left wing strength in Washington. Later he ran a small store in Tacoma where left wing members of the Socialist local gathered in a rear room to discuss the war and the new crisis before the party. Persecuted During War. Then the government began its per- secution of Bostrom for selling anti- war literature. Department of Justice agents forced him to give up his lit- tle bookshop. Although in the 50's, and not vigorous physically, Bostrom | went to work in the shipyards and become a leader in the famous Ship- yard Laborers Union of Tacoma. After the war the radical move-| ment in Tacoma declined in strength with the closing of the shipyards, but Bostrom, am active fighter in the Communist movement, supported him- self by odd jobs. Existence was an acute problem for him, as he was in the 60’s. Bosses wanted younger men and he found bookkeeping distasteful to his active spirit. Plans Suicide Carefully. Then he made his decision to end |his life, quite as calmly and methodi- cally as he made his decision 27 years | ago to enter the socialist movement in Sweden. With the clear intel- jligence which made him one of the best«grounded Marxists in the Pacific Northwest, he wrote out his last} statement, ending with the sentence: “Yours for the supremacy of the) _ working class in a speedy revolu- ' tion.” Bostrom’s letter to The DAILY! WORKER reads: Editor, The DAILY WORKER, New York City | Dear Comrade: The time of my paper expired April 22nd. Owing to the fact that I had decided to withdraw from the! class-struggle when my little savings | were exhausted, and go where I would be fairly certain to find the liberty I have spent my life in trying to! bring to this earth, I did not find it! convenient to send you the money | before now. Having taken a somewhat active | part in “The Cause” for the last 27) years, it is natural that I should have a good many friends among the com- rades I have met all over this country. I feel that I may owe then an ex- planation for deserting them. I by persuasion a bookkeeper. | But it is difficult for a revolutionist | to get into and still harder to hang) onto a job in this line. So I have! mostly worked at common labor. 1} am now nearly 62 years old and| would find it hard to hold down a} muckstick in competition with young-| sters. In fact every move is painful, | And more painful to the mind than to the back. Frankly, it hurts my self-| respect that a man with my intelli-| gence and knowledge should not be! able to live even in the simple way in which I have lived for these many) years, without grovelling like a worm) before some damned moren whose | we The | “ ns’ training camps” a ame in for an attack, the com- tte declaring that tk y give ound for other nations “to ques- tior eful purposes of the l ster a general attitude oncluded by warning drift toward another world war. 1 espec s elevated hi kh neg World a Stage. I decided more than a year ago to ise up my savings and then die. I am afraid that as consequence 1 have been of ver 2 use to the Party, since in real died when { made that decision ice then the world has app red to me like a stage and I have i ely more or less amused Now w I am not I am not ti t excited in any s been ex- sept well balanced mentally and have never been r than now. I know that I, and every other person who has to toil to e, would have been better off had we ni been born. I have known for thirty years past that death is the only eman pator for the slave as long as ignor- ance eps him and his kind dis- united But something, perhaps curtosity, has kept me from indi- vidual salvation in the (for the present) only available way. But realizing from the beginning that it would be difficult when the time came to make up my mind to depart, I have plarined so that there is now no escape. I haven’t a cent left in the world. I owe nothing to anybody and what others owe me is uncollectible. I have no god, but have always wor- shipped Liberty. I have not loved my neighbor, but have tried to treat him as fair I wished to be treated. My morality consists in only one maxim elf Respect (Those who do not like me probably call it: Conceit.) have no duties and admit of no virtue unless it be: Moderation, Fd bearance. I regret that my finances do 1 permit me to stand with my comra/ until nature took its toll in regu order. Being confronted with an ine; able slavery or death, I choose least of two evils. I am not ta my own life. Charge my murdei to capitalism, the hydra-headed hag. Yours for the supremacy of \ working class in a speedy REVOL) TION.—Frans Bostrom. Let Negro Waitin Electric Chair as Killers Argue Duty RAIFORD, Fla., June 1.—Strapped™ in the electric chair at the state prison for fully ten minutes, staring goggle- eyed into eternity, awaiting the death current which never came, Jim Wil- liams, condemned Putnam county Negro, is living today, reprieved until ‘riday, by which time it is expected the question of who is duty-bound to act as executioner will be settled. The Negro, according to authorities, is probably the only slayer in the United States who escaped death by electrocution merely because no one | would press the switch. THE WORKERS’ CAMP Camp Nitgedaiget of Boston Grand Opening June 19, 1927. All information and reservations at v * Bookshop, 32 Leverett St., Tel. Hay 2271. Directions: anklin, Mass. there take Summer St. to Camp. Zz ~ A Workers’ Co-operative SUMMER RESORT in White Rock Mts. WINGDALE, N. Y. All conveniences; all sports;| hiking; fishing; rowing; swim-| ming; dancing; amusements, FOR REGISTRATION AND IN.) Ni “Frethelt" Office 2) , 135 Lexington Ave., 4, and Harlem Co-op- Howse, 1786 Lexington Avenue, New York 2 BUSSES leave 30 Union Squate! every Friday at 6 P.M, Satur- days at 1 P.M.