The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 1, 1927, Page 6

ead Page Six THE OAILY WOKKER, NEW YURK, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 1, 1927 Professional Patriots High-salaried officials of the Military Order of the World War and Keymen of America were the complainents against The DAILY WORKER for publishing a poem entitled “America.” “Professional Patriots,” gathered as a re- sult of careful research by Sidney Howard and John Hearley, will provide the reasons for the zeal of the spies of the “patriotic” organizations. * . . Vil What They Do. All these organizations exist primarily for propa- ganda. Their main activity therefore is printing litera-~ ture and giving out press copy. Less common are pub- lic meetings, debates, furnishing speak conducting prize contests for patriotic essays or orations in schools and colleges, though. they all figure. The propaganda is chiefly against radicalism in all its forms, including L letteism, the child labor amendment, and industrial welfare bill Next most | conspicuous, is the attack on pacifism, ally coupled with radicalism, on the theory that the object of the pacifists is to disarm the United States “so that the Bolsheviks can take it.” Restriction of immigration, eanization of the aliens who are here, come ugh the efforts at Americanizing activity is based on the assump- tion that. most aliens are Reds (or most Reds are aliens— it works the same either In the background of ac’ but underlying them all, is hostili organized labor. Where organizec as it is in the National Civic Fede- ration, only the conservative leadership that 1s encourage pproved. The progressive and radicai unions ar Jed as part of the menace to “Ameri- labor is recogni can institutio They supported LaFollette in 1924, as did the Soc s, and the Communists were preparea to do. Therefore they are un-American. As Mr. Gom- pers and many of the conservative leaders also sup- ported Mr. LaFollette, it put quite a strain on, this interpretation, and caused Mr. Ralph Easley of the Civic Federation to explain and apologize for Mr. Gom- | pers to his conservative associates. ‘Massachusetts’ _ Labor Fakers By SIDNEY BLOOMFIELD. | One who embodies the trinity of | |virtue—a democrat, lawyer and| | “friend-of-labor” — has the distinc- | tion of being the second highest paid | legislative lobbyist in the state of Massachusetts, | According to the Massachusetts lobby act, lobbyists are required by law to file with the secretary of the state a statement of fees collected by them for appearing at the state house on behalf of their clients. James Vahey, the legal pride of the Massachusetts labor fakers has filed his report in which he avers that he had received $2,500 from labor unions for his lobby work while the legisla- ture was in session. This amount was surpassed only by one other lobbyist who operated for an insurance com- jpany. What Vahey received in addi- tion to the officially reported sum is unknown. Besides Vahey, the labor bureau- crats in this state have tied onto the necks of the unions the dead ballast of about a dozen “full-time” and more than full-paid legislative-agents who pull down enormous salaries not to, mention expenses and other inciden- | | tals that go along with their salaries, Salary—’n—Expenses. Lobbyists or legislative-agents are maintained in the state house corri- dors, Committee rooms, etc., by the state branch of the A. F. of L., Amer- ican Federation of Textile Opera- tives, Boston Street Carmen’s Union, Railroad Brotherhoods in Mass., etc. — receiving large “Salary—’n—’x- pense.” Besides these legislative | agents, practically every central la-| bor union or building trades council | or metal trades council, etc., have a} sort of “experienced” man amongst them who is at all times “willing” to {his personal 4 of ducking roll calls in the legislature | thus helping to kill labor bills. No| sooner had this charge been made on/ the floor of the Boston C. L. U. than | a group of democratic state repre- séntatives, Birmingham, Buckey, and Twohig, came back with a counter- charge against tho legislative agents | of labor in general, and Marty Joyce | in particular. This counter charge came together with a challenge to de- bate the charges on the floor of the Boston C, L. U., but the fakers were wise enough to let the matter get) “hushed up.” Expert Vote Getters. So closely allied are these fakers with the politicians at the state house) that the politicians actually regard | the labor movement as their own} movement. For purposes of vote get-| ting they make no distinction between the democratic party and the labor unions, thus in challenging Joyce to debate the charges, these democratic politicians ask, “Is Joyce exploiting labor and the democratic party for! advancement?” Thus they foist the capitalist political party | upon the labor movement creating in | the minds of ignorant workers the | idea that the democratic party is the | political arm of the labor movement. The illusion is thus created that if you are against the democratic party you are also against labor—-linking | the official labor movement with the capitalist democratic party. These politicians know how to es- | tablish the ideological hegemony of} the capitalist party over the labor | movement because many of them, in- | cluding President Green, are so-called | labor-men. Silent on Issues, In this connection it is interesting | to note that in their eagerness to ad- vance their own fortunes and as they represent his respective local council. Oft times this brother happens to be the business agent for his own local This attitude to organized labor is natural to con- servative business men. If the Reds are not opposed they may capture the labor movement “as they have in Great Britain.” We might be faced not only with the prospect of a labor government at Washington, but a@ radical labor crowd in power. Therefore the safe course is to stop the evil at its source—organization. And quite aside from political power, trade unions are | to be opposed by employers in their own businesses. So we find the professional patriotic organizations on the whole anti-organized labor and open shop. The Civic Federation alone is not, though anti-union em- ployers sit on its board, Yet it would not do to express this attitude openly as part of a patriotic program. So it is concealed under attacks on the Reds. a single trade-unionist is on the controlling board of any of the patriotic organizations except the Civic Fed-} eration, which was organized to bring capital and labor | It is significant enough that not) or a group of local unions of kindred crafts and who always has time to} 70 to the state house to appear in| | behalf or against a bill. | $20 A Day. When these local fakers return to| | their respective bodies it is not un-| | usual to see them turn in a bill for | “Salary—’n—'xpense” to the tune of} | $30 or $40 for a trip to the state house for a day or two, most of which | | time had been spent in having a good | | time with their brother fakers whom |they meet from other cities. When; they report before their respective | bodies, almost invariably the virtues | of a certain democrat politician or) (in bezaif of labor. The glaring truth | become more independent of their re- | | sponsibilties and obligations to the la- | bor zmovement in so far as the rank and file are concerned, these legisla- tive yents practically forget (not unco-i‘iously) that they are to fight of this assertion was brought out in the reply of the democratic poli- ticians who said: “The legislative agents have so little interest themselves in legisla- tive matters that the legislators do not know who they are. The only written communication we have re- ceived on legislation so far this sea- son from labor is the one urging that we vote for Sunday professional base- ball. On the other hand we have with- together. | Ph " In addition to propaganda, some legislative work is| SToup of Politicians are sung instead done by a few associations, chiefly in opposing pro- | of giving an intelligent report of the gressive measures such as industrial welfare bills and | Proceedings. These reports are na- the child labor amendment, and in fighting efforts to |turally calculated to gain supporters repeal laws curtailing free speech. The total effort | for the “friends-of-labor” for the next put into legislative work is slight compared with the | election campaign. propaganda work. It is also far less than a few years Lack Intelligence. ago, probably because progressive industrial measures | * : are so little agitated. Only the National Civic Federa- | pontine ee ee eer ee A a : gis: tion and the Better America Federation of Los An- | jative agents are conspicuous by their geles have ever gone far in that field. |absence. The irony of it tho, is the Not Active In Politics. fact that nine out of ten such high- None of the organizations takes any active part in | priced legislative agents lack the nec- open polities. The disastrous experiences of the Se-| essary “intelligence or interest in curity League in that field in 1918 may account in part| measures affecting the workingclass. for their reluctance to tackle it, though it is more likely; When questioned or cross-examined that they are not fitted for such a major task. Their) by the clevgr lawyers representing leading backers are prominent and infiuential in th) the various employers’ associations, regular republican and democratic organizations,.and| who come prepared with stacks of do not need help outside. It is noteworthy, however, documents, figures, statistics, that almost all the patriotic societies united in opposing) whether labor has any alternative the LaFollette Movement in 1924, not by official action| program as happened when the Ark- in most cases, but by matter-of-course references to it) wright Club made their recent at- as “made in Moscow.” It was just tied into the regular| tempt to lengthen the hours of toil anti-red campaign. for women, these labor representa- Some few of the organizations have actively gone tives replied that they had no pro- into the business of prosecuting radicals, or have aided | gram but that they were “willing to or prompted public officials to do so. Most conspicuous | sit down and discuss the matter at of these efforts was the long campaign of the Better! the table with the employers.” America Federation against the I. W. W. in California, ! Squander Money. as a result of which about 164 members of that work- Countless thousands of dollars, rep- ing-class organization were sent to prison under the resenting the hard-earned money of criminal syndicalism law, solely for their membership | union men and women are thus squan- in it. The Federation employed for over three years| dered on these “fat boys” daily by three professional witnesses, Diamond, Coutts and/the labor movement of America. for Townsend, to testify in all these trials. Two of these | what takes place in Massachusetts were ex-convicts. The American Defense Society as- | is an example of what takes place in sisted the federal secret service under William J. Burns | every state in the union. Not only is in bringing the criminal syndicalist prosecutions in | money squandered in this manner, but Michigan in 1922 against thirty-one members of the} the vilest sort of class-collaboration Communist Party. The president of the National Se-| is bred of just such activities—and curity League, Mr. Solomon Stanwood Menken, has on | this is a potent factor in opposition to several occasions insisted on the exclusion of dis-|the building of a labor party in the tinguished aliens whose radicalism he opposed—notably | United States, the Countess Catherine Karolyi, wife of the first presi-| Like the public utility commission- dent of the Hungarian Republic. |ers who are supposed to protect the The Security League in 1925 also succeeded in in-| interests of “the public,” these agenjs ducing a business men’s luncheon club and the Y. M. C.| soon learn how to make “an easy dol- A. of Hartford, Connecticut, to cancel speaking en-) lar.” gagements of Mr. Arthur Henderson, M. P., the British labor statesman, on the ground that he was preaching “socialistic doctrines.” On this occasion the Baltimore agent for the street carmen’s union Sun remarked: until he came out as a paid campaign- “Already in continental theaters America is the sub- er for the defeated Senator William ject of the same sort of gibes that New York pokes af| Morgan Butler, the textile magnate. Brooklyn. With Mr. Kellogg inside the government and! Anna Weinstock deserted the labor the National Security League outside, we are certainly! movement and wes rewarded with a a legitimate subject for ridicule.” government. job for ee the in- Typical of the activity of the National Security| terests of the late Senator Henry League was the report issued by B. F. Ristine, Major| Cabot Lodge. of Infantry, 84th Division, U. S. Army, Indianapolis, | Hopes to Retire. on Frederick J. Libby of the National Council for the} Campaign jobs, government jobs, Gets Fat Job. John Hodgson, was legislative Prevention of War, who was scheduled to speak on) jobs on state commissions, etc, are peace in. Indianapolis. This report was by Major General Robert L, Bullard, U. tired, President of the League.” All of the statements included in the report had been answered and proved to be falsehoods time and again by Mr. Libby’s organization, ‘Knowing of this, the In- dianapolis Monthly Meeting of Friends complained to the army headquarters at Indianapolis and received a reply from G. L. Townsend, Colonel of Infantry and Chief of Staff which said that “the statement made by Majcr Ristiné regarding the authenticity of the data was ‘raccurate, the data being understood to have been compi:ed by the lete R, M. Whitney (author of the book ‘The Reds in America’) and furnished the under- signed and his associates for their information, the officers of the National Security League believing it to be correct and true, and not furnishing it.for publi- cation... . It is known to be the expressed policy of the League to avoid controversy involving person- alities, and it is regretted by the officers of the Leagne (Continued on Fourth Column) ‘authenticated | some of the forms of bribery that Army, Re- | they succumb to, While paving the |way for desertion of labor’s ranks these agents stoop to the lowest depths of corruption and resort to the most scandalous kind of class col- laboration. In defense of such be- trayal (and many of these agents openly brag about it) they reply as did Bennett Gordon, a labor skate who dominates the carpenters’ locals in Worcester, “I am looking forward to the day when I won't have to wield a hammer and saw for a living!” Soft Pedals Charges. Whenever thieves quarrel the truth comes out. This happened only re- cently when the reactionary Martin T. Joyce, legislative agent of the Massachusetts branch, A, F. of L., ac- cused several democratic colleagues ete., | out solicitation appeaved on labor bills before committees and fought for them in the house without a word being spoken by labor’s paid repre- sentatives in the state house. Sob Stuff. Only when a very popular bill is | before the house, such as the one to | increase the hours of labor for women |in the textile industry of the state, will these agents come out in force. | And on such vital bills the most sen- \timental slop is spilled instead of making a powerful labor attack on the textile barons. Expose System. The appearance of a Communist |Party spokesmen, not to lobby or seek political favors from capitalist | politicians, but to utilize to the great- jest possible extent the limited oppor- |tunities of capitalist democracy, to champion the cause of the working | class, to raise the proper slogans and | issues, to develop a united front move- |ment with all honest elements for a | fight on certain issues, to expose the |fraud of the system and all its ram- \ifications. is a duty that is sadly neg- ‘lected by the movement. | When one considers the tremen- |dous amount of money and energy | that is put into a political campaign |-—-a very necessary phase of activity | —and compares results with those ob- tained by participating officially as a |Communist Party at such hearings, it will be readily seen that next to the election of a candidate, participa- ton at public hearings is the great- est means of utilizing the capitalist legislatures as a forum (limited and restricted as it is) from which to speak to the masses. Not only are these hearings at which all interested voice their opinions well attended, but the capitalist news agencies broad- cast the proceedings thruout the land. Workers’ Forum. | Such opportunities should and must ‘be utilized by the party. Next to parliament or legislatures this serves (as a tribunal from which to speak and rally the masses around the re- | volutionary movement. Women's or- ganizations, youth organizations, the Workers Party, all interested in the | daily struggles of the workers must participate. At the same time such activity increases the political con- sciousness of our own members and |sympathizers. They become involved in the political issues of the day and that. serves as a magnet with which to drag the uninterested ones into the struggle. Labor Fakers. | Such participation serves also to |expose the labor fakers who suck the life-blood out of the labor movement, and establishes friendly relations with all honest labor elements, It endears the Communist Party in the hearts of the masses who will read of such activities and who will better realize the need for supporting the only move- ment that struggles for their inter- ests. Too long have we remained aloof. “Mass participation at all pub- | The Pomp of War (Three Poems By Henry George Weiss.) SHOT The kerchief of white was pinned on his breast, The firing squad had done its best, Another soldier lad gone “west”, Ho, soldiers, ground your arms! “Killed in action somewhere in France,” This the message that met her glance. O mother, killed somewhere in France And swathed away in lime! They stood him up by an open grave Where the mounded earth was like a wave, | Three minutes of prayer to him they gave Before they shot him down! The gray of the morning lit the east As he knelt down at the foot of the priest, The unclean rats awaited the feast— Squad shunt! Aim straight! Fire! The kerchief of white was red on his breast, The firing squad had done its best; Another soldier lad gone “west”, Ho, soldiers, ground your arms! THERE WERE THREE OF THEM There were three of them lying side by side, Brothers of woe in a woeful place, And one was a lad from the banks of the Clyde, And one a fish’man from Harbor Grace. The third he hailed from the prairie land Where the dust of the wheat is powdered gold, And all were young in that hopeless hand If you numbered by years—and yet so old. The first man saw the woman he loved, And the second no hands, no hands at all, While the third twitched the stumps of his legs and looked With a hopeless stare at the grimy wall. Above their heads on the wings of the blast Death went by with a hissing breath; O the thots of their hearts as he went past Were clothed in a garb more drear than death! The first man.saw the woman he loved And the second the rudder he’d never hold, | And the third the plow he had often shoved As it broke the sod of the prairie mould; And each craved death as a blessed thing, And each in his own and separate way With hardly a fear worked loose the thongs That held the blood in the helpless clay. There were three of them lying side by side, Stark and dead when the stretchers came; And somebody muttered, “Suicide,” But nobody uttered a word of blame! The Passing of Private Burke These were the thots of Private Burke As he crouched alone in the dark Watching the giant flares light the murk And the shells hiss by to their mark. These were the thots of Private Burke, Lone raider in No Man’s Land, As he hugged the shell-hole’s deepest murk With an open knife in his hand. “It’s a helluva night,” says Private Burke, (To himself, you understand, As it wouldn’t be healthy to speak too loud Out there in No Man’s Land), “Tt’s a helluva night, and I wish that I were Safe outa this blarsted hole, I burrer the bloomin’ mud so much I feel like a bloody mole! “I wonder where that Heinie is? The damn fool’s shootin’ wild! There goes a bloody flare again— Thank God, the night is mild! What wouldn’t I give for a shot in the arm, A pull at a coffin-nail— Now what in the ’ell are they shootin’ at? Jes’ watch that bugger sail! “I must be nearly over now— Loak out! Barbed wire there. Damme it’s dark! I wish they would Send up another flare. Ah, there she goes . . . off with a bang. . « My God! What’s that? You're dead! I'll say those stiffs give one a start . . . I nearly lost my head. “T’ll jes’ crawl over to that hole; The stiff will make a screen, I wonder where that Heinie is? Whew! That jes’ breezed my bean. What wouldn’t I give for a decent bed. . . Move over. pal . . . What’s that? The stiff . . . the Heinie . . . fooled, by God! Take that, damn you, take that! Right in the throat . . . stuck like a pig... Again . . Oh, Christ, my chest! He got me good . . . the bastard. . . Oh... I guess .. . I’m go — — in’ “west”... These were the thots of Private Burke As he lay alone in the dark With his gaping throat, while the hissing shells Tore by to their unseen mark. These were the thots of Private Burke, Lone raider in No Man’s Land, As he coughed out his life ‘neath the boche’s knife And the foeman’s merciless hand. (Continued from first column) and by the officers of the 84th Division Headquarters that the matter was given any circulation whatever.” To this explanation of Mr. Whitney’s false report and the circulation given it by Major General Bullard, the chairman of the Committee on Literature and Peace of the Indianapolis Quakers replied (May 29, 1926): “It is fortunate indeed that the data furnished in good faith by the National Security League and used in good faith by the officers of the 84th Division fell into my hands, for now we all know that it was un- trustworthy. It is worth considerable trouble to arrive at the truth. I trust that you are notifying those among whom the Whitney compilation was circulated, of its unreliability.” The so-called official dossier furnished by R. M. Whit- ney described Mr. Libby as either “a dangerous fanatic, or in the pay of some foreign government.” ‘Record of American Legion. But for real action against radicals in the name of patriotism, the record of the American Legion outdoes all the others. And it has been direct action, too. The facts are given in another chapter. The Ku Klux Klan, too, has added to its secret methods of intimidation open violence against what it terms un-American ele- ments, all in the name of loyalty and patriotism, Its record should not be omitted in appraising the forces lic hearings. The best tongues and minds to work.” These must be the slogans, which if carried out, will go a long way toward laying the basis fora movement of the labor party. v of professional patriotism. Its activities and its ap- peal are far wider than the group of professional ry- cieties here described. They have in common hostility to radicalism and maintenance of the status quo, (To be continued.) The Left Win g in the Garment Unions | By MArcaret LARKIN | The repressive policies of the reactionary leadership of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers culminated in the expul- stons of Locals 2, 9 and 22 in the middle of 1925. The Joint Ac- | tion Committee, predecessor of the 1927 joint action committee of | the Cloak and Dressmakers’ and the Furriers’ joint boards, swung |into action and beat the international into submission. Today | Margaret Larkin tells the story of that fight and the victory, as a | prelude to the General Strike, soon to follow. | . * # | EXPULSION OF LOCALS 2, 9 AND 22 | The dispute was brought to a head by the expulsion of Locals 2, 9, and | 22, in June of 1925. Although the un- | | derlying causes of the expulsion were | | plainly those of opposition to the Ad- ministration policies, the actual charges were that the leaders of the locals were Communists. Charges were made, through the press, that they had conducted Com- munist demonstrations, under the guise of May Day meetings, in which the International and the institutions of the United States had been at- tacked. Although most of the officers were not Communists, and none of them had uttered the statements at- tributed to them, all were suspended from the Union. Not until two weeks later were specific charges formally preferred against them. The locals were ordered to turn | over their funds, books, and buildings, | | and when they refused to do so, de- |claring the suspensions illegal, the | buildings of Locals 2 and 9 were seized | by force in the night and occupied by representatives of the International. At their hearing before a “Special Trial Committee,” all of the officers were “found guilty,” and they, and Locals 2, 9, and 22, expelled from the Union. The three locals formed a “Joint Action Committee,” of which Louis Hyman was chairman, and Charles 8.} Zimmerman, then an Executive Board member of Local 22, was secretary. Supported by the membership, the |Joint Action Committee carried on a fight for reinstatement of the locals for sixteen weeks. During the strug- gle the International continually at- tempted to raise the issue of Com- munism as a smoke screen to cover up the real issues at stake, just as it had formerly made membership in “Leagues” an issue, in order to crush the movement for free speech and democratization of the Union, and just as it is “raising the banner of Americanism versus Communism” at the present time to obscure the real purposes of the expulsions of 1926, Treaty of Peace. At the end of the Joint Action fight, in August, 1925, the Interna- tional officers signed a peace treaty with the three. ousted locals, which was approved at the Convention of December. In the treaty, the Interna- tional officers restored the locals and their officers‘to their place in the Union, promised to abolish the policy of expulsion, punishment of, or dis- crimination against members for their political views, and agreed that pro- portional representation should be ef- fected. In November, 1925, Louis Hyman was elected Manager of the Joint Board by vote of the membership of all the locals, so that for the first | time in the history of the Joint Board, the Left Wing, representing the bulk of the membership, was .in control. Local 85,.pressers, also elected a Left Wing leadership, with Joseph Gor- etzsky as Manager, so that the Left | Wing group now embraces about 35,000 members in New York alone. In the December convention, the Right Wing of the Union attempted to break the peace treaty and evade, the question of proportional represen- tation. This plan, designed to give the membership a larger voice in the affairs of the International, and par- ticularly in selecting the officers of the International, was regarded by both sides as the most important issue in the Joint Action fight. If it were carried through, it appeared certain that the Sigman administration would be overthrown. The Right Wing, which was in control of the conven- | tion by virtue of the “Rotten Bor- ough” system, refused to allow the question of representation to come |up, in spite of the peace treaty, until after the entire Left Wing delegation had left the convention in protest, The two elements finally compromised. It was agreed that a system of repre- sentation more nearly proportional to the membership should be effected at once in the New York Joint Board, and that the question of representa- tion to the convention should be re- | ferred to the membership in a refer- endum to be called by President Sig- man within six months after the con- vention. The order of the convention to car- ry though a referendum on the ques- tion of representation to the conven- tion may be considered the real basis of the present struggle in the union. The charges of Communism, of a mis- managed and illegal sttike, which will be dealt with later, are not taken se- riously by either faction. President Sigman, an old I. W. W., does not actually fear a “Red” menace in the Union, but he does fear the possibility of the overturning of his Administra- tion by the rank and file; should it succeed in attaining power in the con- vention. Although he had been or- dered to conduct the referendum with- in six months, he has postponed it, first upon the excuse of the impend- ing General Strike, and now upon the excuse that the “Reds” must be cleaned out of the Union before the referendum is held. President Sig- man himself has publicly stated that the referendum must be held before the next convention, but that he will not call it until “peace” has been es- tablished. If the “Reds,” that is to say the present leaders of the New York Joint Board, elected to their po- sitions by the direct vote of the mem- bership,—if the “Reds” can be elim- inated and discredited, President Sig- man probably will have nothing to fear from a referendum. No Good By DONALD C. CAMERON. T know a man who is no good on earth. Joe has never attended worship in | the little church around the corner. | Never has he contributed to the sup- port of a charitable institution or a missionary society. His children do not go to Sunday School. So the wife of a neighbor, who is a sort of re- ligious leader, has passed judgment upon him. She says he is no good on earth. He has often been seen coming home early of a Sunday morning, staggering drunk. So the man across the street, who says Joe should spend his money for clothes for his children and a new coat of paint for his house instead of buying whisky, has con- demned him. This man, who hasn’t taken a drink since the days of his foolish youth, says Joe is no good on earth. Joe’s children are unhappier than any others in school. Quiet, white- faced little animals, they go about in rags. No one teaches them to say prayers at night. There is a wide breach between them and the other jchildren, and they feel it acutely. They jare lonely for friends who do not exist. Their mother is dead and their slovenly father refuses, to give them the care and attention that is their due. So the principal of the school and all the teachers have passed judgment upon Joe. They will tell you he is no good on earth. Six days a week Joc stands at a machine in a factory, pushing two levers alternately, while shiny bits of | tin drop onto a moving belt and are} carried somewhere, he talks to no. one, carries no chewing tobacco and loans no money. Despite sullen at- tention to his work he produces less than other men, So his fellow work- ers have passed judgment upon him. They say he is no good on earth. , Saturday nights Joe takes his wages and buys moonshine at the house of a polack. When the first warm glow of the stuff courses through him, he takes a worn photo- graph from his pocket and _ sees, through a glaze of dirt, the face of ‘Social Slipof Hungarian a young woman. His sullen ex- pression vanishes while he looks, He . on Earth replaces the portrait and drinks again. He goes home stumbling. Next day he is sick. If he thinks at all, it is only of superficialities that have to do with his humdrum manner of living. He feels no anger at a system that cares only for his toil. He does not curse people who see in him only the un- happy results of—they know not, care not, what. If ever he snarled at Fate it was years ago, and he has forgotten about it now. He is satisfied to accept without question the verdict of church, school, neighborhood and factory. In so do- ing he makes their sentence more nearly just every day. Meanwhile, his children are fol- lowing in his footsteps. f It seems almost as though Gond and society have conspired that Joe and his family might be no good on earth. I SING TO PEACE By EUGENE KREININ, I sing to peace Of brother and brother All colors and races To join one another. { I sing not to armistice Between battle and battle Better chance for the foe The sabre to rattle. ‘ For peace born of struggle The war of the classes Inspired and led % By the urge of the masses, Premier Stirs | Diplomats PARIS, May 81.—“Serious diplo- matic consequences” may result in the polite relations between Czecho-Slo. vakia and Hw in the violation of etiquette by ‘hel, the Hungarian premier. Bethel formally invited M. Pallier, the Czech Minister, to dinner and later telephoned a withdrawal, say~ ing representatives of the Hapsburg family would be present. |