The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 24, 1927, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, N W YOR . TU SDAY, MAY 24, 1927 | eee em mo a0 | Professional Patriots | This is the second installment of “Pro- fessional Patriots,” edited by Norman Hapgood from material assembled by Sidney Howard nd John Heariley. The present atiack on this paper gives added interest to the sensational facts about the vari- ous brands of zealous ‘‘patriots” who are out to crush all groups fighting the forces of reaction in the United States. * * \ group of military officers and organizations have king pacifists and the opponents of training in colleges and schools— 1 active :pulsory in a military ¢ usually on the familiar thesis that sm is aimed at destroying American defenses against Bolshevism. The mil organizations most the Reserve r oO s’ Association, the Military Ord f the World both national in scope—and one local association |, cago, the Military Intelligence Association of the 2 Corps Are his covers the newer type. of organizations and ndividuals engaged in professional patriotism. Of the older typ active now and then in the new crusade, or organizations devoted to other purposes which have uous—the Offic Wax takén it two only are nationally consp’ Ameri and the Ku Klux Klan. Various em- ployers ions, notably the National Association of Manuf irers, the National Cl Products Indus- tries Association, Inc., the National Founde ssocia- tion, the Natior $ tion, and various state and local have been active occasionally by some such revolutionary proposal amendment. The Sons of the Americ: Revolution, the Daughters of 1812, and the Daug! of the American Revolution have also been sporadically active when stimulated by the Mili- tary Order of the World War or some more hysterical post of the 1erican Legion. Propaganda Against Radicalism and Pacifism. The most conspicuous activity of all the professional patriotic societie heir propaganda against what they conceive to be revolutionary movements. Their con- nd inclusive, ranging from the Com- the id labor amendment and pro- ception is vagu munist Party posals for mt ow ship of public utilities. Paci- fism comes und e ban on the theory that any move-/ ment against is intended to disarm the United States and so open the country to capture by Russia. of radicalism vary with the societies. k is of course the communist move- of Soviet Rus: But from that ks on socialists, the LaFollette , the church peace organizations, and refarm agencies, and particularly calculated to affect private business,—nota- The conception The center of at ment and all center have r progre: liberal mag: on proposal bly the child labor amendment and protective laws for women. Here are some characteristic utterances and state- ments. Ralph M. Easley, chairman of the National Civie Federation, writing to Allen Wardwell, chairman of the ‘ ! i | To District No. 2, United PP OE EE ES a mm a8 HE (Continued from yesterday) The present question is not one of a 30 per cent wage reduction with more work and prosperity on one hand and the present wages and lit-! tel or no work on the other, as the operators are presenting it. Let us analyze the problem: First, we must take into consider- ation the fact that the nation re- quires a certain amount of coal.! When it has secured enough to meet all requirements it ceases to pur- chase. We are now consuming suffi- cient coal for all those requirements, yet unemployment is widespread. If the miners accept a reduction, it would obviously not create additional requirements. How then would such a reduction provide more work and more prosperity, when living costs for the miner are higher, if anything, rather than lower? The results of a 30 per cent reduc- tion would mean: 80 per cent less money for miners. 30 per sent less of miners’ money for merrhants. 30 per ient less of miners’ money for merchants. We must also consider the effect a wage reduction in Central Pennsyl- vania would have on the mining in- dustry in the country as a whole. We must remember that West Virginia and the various non-union fields are not the only bituminous coal produc- ing districts. Were the miners here to accept a w reduction, the Western Pennsylvania operators, the Ohio operators, the Indiana, Illinois} and all the operators who are parties to the Jacksonville agreement would demand, and most justly so, the same concessions. The non-union fields would immediately follow suit and any slight advantage that might be gained by making the first cut here! would in the course of a week or two, | be wiped out and the same relative! position would maintain between dis-| tricts. The only result would be less | money for the miners and conse- quently less for the merchants an the community at large. The miners of District 2 are fully} aware of the futility of the “wage | reduction remedy.” This is evidenced | by the fact that in spite of months} 1 OEE ECE RC RCN. eR eR OMNIS Report of John Brophy a a Mine Workers of America. We protested vigorously against this contract jumping at various times. Following is one of the ietters of protest to the Operators’ Associa- | tion, To Clark February 9, 1925. Mr. B. M. Clark, President Assn. of Bituminous Coal Operators fo Central Pa. Dear Si We are in receipt of a communica- | tion from your Association stating | that the Rochester & Pittsburgh Coal | & Iron’ Co, has resigned its member- ship in the Association. This an- nouncement comes almost simultane- | ously with newspaper statements that | that company has leased its Adrian} Mine to the Jefferson & Indiana Coal | | Company which concern will proceed } ‘ ‘| | To take their place to operate, Eve since the present scale agree- ment was signed last year the offi- cers of your Association have con- ducted a campaign of propaganda to! undermine that agreement to which} you were a signatory in your capa- city as president of your organiza-| tion. The propaganda took various | forms, some more or less open, much of it under cover. Inspired news. it- ems purporting to show that the pres- ent wage agreement was responsibl for slack work appeared almost daily in the public press; miners were ap- proached by various mine manage- ments with the specious argument that less pay would mean more work, and were urged to accept a wage re- duction; men were intimidated by threats of eviction from their homes; so-called “citizens” groups were en- couraged to form in order to crystal- lize public opinion in favor of wage revisions, These and many more insidious} means were employed or encouraged by your Association officers in an ei- fort to set aside the wage provision of the Scale Agreement. As President of the Rochester & Pittsburgh Coal & Iron company and} ciated coal companies you have served notices to families to vacate, or threatened to evict many in an ef- fort to break their morale who have lived in your company houses in some executive committee of the Russian Famine Fund in| of unemployment and of privations |@8¢8 for thirty years. The rentals 1922, on which served such citizens as Governor Alfred! and sufferings, there is not a single |¥U have received from these families Smith, Cornelius Bliss, Jr., William Fell rles W. Eliot and Cyrus H. McCormick, delivered elf thus: } “If the people who are contributing to the Russian Famine Fund understood that their money was going to be used by Lenin and Trotsky, contributions would | con cease.” He added that he had “turned the matter | over to the Department of Justice.” | When Mr. Easley was interviewed by Miss Mary, Lena Wilson concerning his attacks on the American! Committee for the Relief of Russian Children, he in-| d in characteristic language, referring to Captain} Paxton Hibben, its secretary, as “a rascal and scoun- | drel,” to the Reverend John Haynes Holmes as “wild and crazy,” to the Reverend Henry Sloane Coffin as a “red” because he “founded that Labor Temple down there,” and to Raymond B, Fosdick as “a wild red.” Easley Scared to Death. Some of Mr. Easley’s other characterizations are interesting: the former Mrs. Willard Straight he re-! ferred to as “the most dangerous woman in America”; Ch hint has suggested the acceptance of aj wage reduction. On the contrary, | many of them are urging that we} stand firmly for the present agree- ment. This is the position of the Inter-| national Officers and the District Of-| ficers, but more than that, it is the} position of the union miners of the| country for whom we are but the spokesmen. The present agreement is. for a period of three years ending March 81, 1927. That agreement was en- tered into after a joint conference at which all these various matters were carefully considered. There- fore, we can see no advantage in hav- | Everywhere there are contracts and | Trades Council Stadium and the stadium.of the Food ing a joint conference now to dis-|agreements underlying all our social} Workers’ Union, the largest of their kind in the coun- cuss questions which are closed for|life. When confidence in the pledged|try have been completed. | stockholders—for example vs Morgan,| local union in the entire district that have paid for those houses over and over again, and the labor of their men | in your mines has made possible the payment of huge dividends to your 103 per cent in January of 1923, or in the ease of the Jefferson & Clearfield Coal & Iron Company, 150 per cent in January of the same year. The whole economic struggle of our |present day depends on confidence \and the faithful carrying out of the | pledged word. Credit—confidence in} | pledges to pay made possible our business life today. The trade agree- | ment has been instrumental in bring- | jing some stability into the relations | between the employer and employee. | Along the Yangtse, | And are assuming ; have 120,000 spindles. VHEN WHITE, YELLOW AND BLACK TURN RED | Paled by hardships Under the whip of exploitation, The white race now blushes At its servitude— And a red glare Spreads over the eastern horizon. The peoples Stretching over the vastness Are losing the yellow of submission The normal yellow of their birth, Mingled with the red clearness Of a new life. Dark colonial slaves Writhing under imperialist domination, Will join hands with their brothers Negro wage slaves, And discard the fear of the underdog, In a world gone red. | And when— The red blood of awakening has permeated NOW IT CAN BE TOLD WALL STREET AND THE FASCIST DICTATORSHIP 1A Diplomat Look; at Europe, by Richard Washburn Child. Duffield & Co. $4. | A steady campaign to whitewash the Black Shirts is being carried on in the United States. The capitalist press—that staunch defender of demo- eracy—has deluged the country with articles and feature stories about the greatness of Mussolini. He has been compared to Caesar and Bonaparte. |} have not seen the religious journals, but very likely they compare him | to Christ. | The Duce’s pouts and poses are as familiar to every American as Babe | Ruth’s batting average. He has been hailed as the restorer of his country, a great theoretician, an administrative genius. Above all he is the “founder” of a creed that will “save” the world from the “scourge” of Communism. Among his devoted “disciples” are Judge Gary and Otto Kahn, honorary members of the Fascist gang of Italy. Liberals like Horace Kallen and renegade Socialists like John Spargo have fallen all over themselves in their mad scramble to get their tongues near Mussolini’s boot, * Ke But here is the pioneer of them all. Richard Washburn Child, former American ambassador to Italy, can claim the honor of having “discovered” the fascist savior. Mr. Child was more than a pioneer; he was a scout and . an impressario. He admits that he looked for a man like Mussolini, and when he found him, he did his best to recommend him to the State Depart- ment at Washington. This book, written by a professional literateur in the best Saturday Through white, yellow and black— A red, red world Will greet a unified humanity. -EUGENE KREININ. MAY DAY IN THE SOVIET UNION Ivanovo-Voznesensk (Textile centre). The founda- tion stone was laid of a new spinning mill which is to | 1 } i | The mill is being built on the banks of the River Talka, where the workers in the Tvanovo-Voznesensk usually celebrated the ist of May in pre-revolutionary days, when they had to conceal themselyes from the persecution of the police. Leningrad. The “Red Putilox” works put out the| first locomotive of the “M” series, which is the most} powerful locomotive in Europe. Such locomotives have | hitherto been built only in the United States. | The Karl Marx works in Leningrad produced the first wool combing machine to be produced in the U.S.S.R. Hitherto these machines have been imported from abroad. In Nicolaiev (on Ukrainian coast). The Russud ship-| building yard completed repairs and started work. This| yard has been idle for the last 5 years. The yard will | be engaged in building merchant vessels. | In Moscow. In the outskirts of Moscow the first) asbestos works in the U.S.S.R. was started. Up till) now asbestos goods were imported from abroad in spite | of the fact that there are the richest deposits of as-)| bestos in the world in the U.S.S.R. In Kanavina (Nijhagorod province). The first co-| operative large scale kitchen in the province was! opened, capable of providing 12,000 dinners per day. The meals will be distributed in special thermos utensils to the factories scattered throughout the Kanavin dis- trict. | Sports in Soviet Russia. According to the incomplete returns for 1926, there are! over 4,000,000 workers men and women, engaged in physical culture in the U.S.S.R. In many provinces, a spontaneous growth of sports organizations is observed. For example, in one year, the number of persons en- gaged in. physical culture in the Vladimir Province in- creased by 226 per cent and in the Pskov Province by 258 per cent. Everywhere considerable work of construction of stadiums, sport grounds, swimming stations, rifle ranges, etc., is going on. In Leningrad the great Lenin Stadium has been completed. In Moscow the Moscow At the present time the Evening Post style, is full of curious and occasionally important revela- tions. One of the most important of these is that the American ambassador | thence the State Department, and American High Finance) was aware that the Fascist coup was coming ,and favored it profoundly. In view of the financial and political support which American capital has since given to the Fascist regime, and of the oceans of pro-Fascist propaganda which have flooded this country, it is useful to hear the ex-Ambassador on the subject of dictatorship, * * “In April 1922,” Mr. Child confesses, “I sent word to Washington that I was certain that something would happen in Italy. I believed that there would be nothing which could prevent a dictatorship. I said so.” One of Mr. Child’s reasons for saying so is that he knew Italy’s future lay in water-power and “man-power” industries, which take raw materials and primary mannfactures from other countries and convert them into goods for sale, Another was that workers were writing on the church walls of Italy: “Viva Lenin!” * . * * Mr. Child says he had never seen Mussolini when he wrote to Washing- ton, but having prophesied a dictatorship, he thought it his duty “to follow it up and find the man, whoever he might be.” The important thing was the dictatorship. Mussolini came to see Mr. Child on invitation and asked him: “What do you want to know?” Mr. Child wanted to know his program; he wanted to know whether Mussolini was the man that he (i. e., American High Finance) was seeking. When Mussolini left the American ambassador, there was—Mr. Child phrases it neatly—“the beginning of an understanding between us.” The two kept in constant touch, and Mr. Child kept the State Department informed. He wrote reports “on the new organization of the Fascisti forces.” He found them heroic and noble. He dismisses the Fascist campaign of brutality against labor organizations and revolutionists lightly. The castor-oil story, he thinks, is “amusing, but it has been exaggerated.” * * * Finally the “great day” came. Mussolini, the man whom Italian and American High Finance were looking for, marched on Rome. By pure accident, one might say, Mr. J. P. Morgan, a well-known New York banker, was present in Rome. He had come to Italy to see “ruins”; he had plenty of ruins to see, for the Fascists smashed the headquarters of trade unions and radical newspapers. Later he showed some interest in Fascist finance, The rest of Mr. Cihld’s chapters on Mussolini praise the dictator as fulsomely as Spargo. He compares him to Roosevelt, than which there is, one assumes, no greater praise. He approves heartily of Fascism’s aims and methods. And he expressed this approval in publie speeches ‘and in code telegrams to Washington. Mr. Child was in this case the voice of Wall Street. Earlier in these memoirs Mr. Child describes how he told the Genoa con- ference that the United States government “will not tolerate any agreements with Russia, separate or joint, which impair the rights of the Open Door or the property rights we claim in Russia.” Thus spake the messenger boy of Washington and Wall Street, which aid and abet dictatorships, provided they are capitalist, and not workers’ dictatorships. \ —JOSEPH FREEMAN. THE COW IN THE VILLAGE. the Amalgamated Clothing Workers as “the Balkans|a three year period. | word fails the social structure is en-| Dinamo Stadium is in the process of completion and of America, as revolutionary as anything in Europe”; | eighty-year-old Mrs. Henry Villard as “a most notorious | pro-German and leader of the non-resistance forces in this country at a time when they played into Germany’s} hands.” He is quoted as saying: “I would drive every damned Quaker out of America,” and “There are plenty of damned liberals in this country who are just as ready to believe Will Irwin as they are to believe the Govern- ment.” Mr. Irwin had written up Mr. Easley in a mag- azine article entitled “This Man Worries Too Much.” Among the persons and movements publicly attacked by Mr. Easley are: Father John A. Ryan of the, Na- tional .Catholic Welfare Conference; the Reverend Id- dings Bell, president of St. Stephens College;; Bishop Charles H. Brent of Buffalo, former chaplain of the| American Expeditionary Forces; H. G. Wells for radi- | calism in his “Outline of History’—“willful misinter-| pretation of the teachings of Jesus,” and the “unpatriot- | ie Tolstoian psychology (sic) of non-resistance.” Radicals in A. F. of L. | Mr. Easley’s attitude toward the radicals in the) labor movement, for which he was deeply concerned in| his effort to hold the American Federation of Labor in leash through the Civic Federation’s union of em-| ployer and trade-unionist, was voiced thus: | “Organized labor has in its own ranks some of the} disloyal elements (referred to elsewhere in the article | as ‘socialists, I.W.W., and their “high-brow” echoers’ | —Ed.), the pro-German Germans and the anti-English | Irish who will play the Potsdam game at every possible opportunity; but disturbances will be reduced to a mini- mum because there are now plenty of laws and ma- chinery for seeking out these treasonable persons and handing them over to the firing squad. “To talk about education on Americanization as a method of dealing with such people is a waste of time, effort, and money. Only the fear of the law, backed| up by the police, the militia, the Army and Navy if necessary, has any terrors for such terrorists.” So much for Mr. Easley, the most picturesque in speech of all the militant patriots. The Better America Federation of Los Angeles also speaks up colorfully. In a booklet picturing on its cover a college Bolshevik peeping from a rosebud, the Federation’s former secretary says: “The bomb-throwing, bullet-shooting anarchist does | not worry me very much. It is the subtle, highly intel- | lectual pink variety that is boring into the very heart of America. Such tragedies as the explosion in Wall | Street on last September 16th are horrible—monstrous, but they will never halt our progress as a people. Amer- | ica will carry on, despite Czolgosz, \Tom Mooney, the) MacNamaras, and their tribe. But when I find a slow poison being secretly injected into our body politic through the class rooms, I do worry-—and so should you.” | . In one of the Federation's weekly letters to its; members its officers say: “We are urged to pursue vigorously our Americaniza- tion program to hold ourselves in readiness to fight in| ‘the breach all forms of radicalism, communism, and radical socialism. A great many of our members write that radicalism has obtained a toe-hold among teachers in public schools.” (To be continued.) | The whole bituminous coal indus- | dangered. | will be the largest in the U.S.S.R. try is in a chaotic condition and no stability will come to it until some form of regulation controls it. If then these people whose interests are dependent on the coal business, should | 1917 scale is mere subterfuge, and is| the Moscow football championship this year. No less appeal to Congress for the necessary palpably meant to circumvent the| than 300 referees will be required for these matches. | regulatory laws that will make the | coal industry stable and serviceable. Yours truly, John Brophy President of District No. 2 Contract Repudiation. In the early part of 1925 the Roch- lester & Pittsburgh Coal & Iron Co., began repudiation of contracts through a leasing system with their Adrian operation in Jefferson county, following with Lucerne Mines in nldi- ana county and various other oper- ations until they had a considerable number running on the 19%7 scale. These included other subsidiaries of the B. R. & P. R. R. as well. Other concerns followed the lead of the B. R. & P. Coal companies and repudiated their contracts with the union, either openly or through a leasing system, such as the BR. & S, Allegheny River Mining Co, Heistey Coal Co., Middle Pennsylvania Cor- | poration, Moshannon Coal Co., Mor- risdale Coal Co. and numerous smaller concerns. | Your action as President of the | | Rochester & Pittsburgh Coal & Iron| |Company in leasing your Adrian | the operators are not able to do S0, | Mine to a new corporation which in- | spend no less than 100,000 roubles on physical@ulture. |tends’ to attempt operating on the} |contract. It constitutes therefore, in | our opinion, a repudiation of your contract obligations, and an attack jupon the United Mine Workers. |this company of which you are pres- ident, has not been condemned by the Operators’ Association, of which you are also president. It is indeed an anomaly and queer ethics, when. the president of a company which repu- diates contracts is also the president of an association, one of the objects of which is to aid in enforcing con- tracts. The United Mine Workers condemn these actions on the part of officers of the Operators’ Association, and es- pecially that of the Rochester Coal & Tron Company, in connection with Adrian mine, and intends to use every proper means in its power to main- tain its contract rights. Yours truly, John Brophy, President District No. 2, U. M. W. of A. (To be continued) So far as we’know, the action of} In order to indicate the extent to which sport will develop during the coming summer, it is sufficient to | point out that the Textile Workers’? Union alone will One hundred and fourteen teams have entered for | International Matches in 1927. | During recent years, Soviet sportsmen took part in |63 matches and contests abroad. This year matches | and contests with working class sport organizations | abroad will be arranged on a much larger scale. The RSFSR football team which has acquired con- siderable popularity abroad will this year visit Ger- many, France, Belgium, Finland, Turkey and Latvia and possibly also Sweden. Light athletic teams have been invited to visit Latvia, Germany and France. Boxers have been invited to visit Braunschweig, swimmers to France and Belgium; boat teams to Germany, and shooting teams to Austria and Turkey. In addition to this a large excursion of 100 participants will visit Fin- land during the labor sports festival. In June Yaroslav, Moscow, and Razan will contest teams in light athletic contests from the Working Class Sports Federation of France. In June, July and August, matches with football teams from Hungary, Austria and Turkey will be played in both Leningrad and Moscow. The visit of a Swedish football team is expected in September. In July, German cyclists are expected to visit Moscow, Tula, Bogorodsk and Lenin- grad. Moreover, representatives of working class or- | ganizations, from Finland, Latvia, Germany, France, | Norway, Czecho-Slovakia, Austria and Switzerland are due to arrive to take part in the All-Union sports festival. The New Cow, a monthly periodical. Vol. I, No. 1. Greenwich Village, New York. $.25. Dear Boys:—You are determined to be gay and impudent and to thumb your nose at the conventional bourgeois world. You are determined to keep pulling the reader’s whiskers to prevent him from falling asleep. And you are probably also determined to laugh long and loud at any suggestion that there is such a thing as the class struggle, or if there is, that it matters very much, And being the disenchanted victims of a society that regards the artist with contempt and measures his worth in terms of money and popular succéss, you show your counter-contempt for such a society by whimsical rebellions, picturesque slappings and enormous pin pricks, Being a Villager in my own right (11 Greenwich Avenue, ring bell three times), I speak without condescension, Your magazine is blithe and inter- esting, but it is very small potatoes. It is Hubert’s Cafeteria, Troubador Tavern and the other Village hangouts done to death. Your satire has no bite, your irony dribbles in vacuo, your emotions are stuffed with straw. All your writing and posturing and shooting off your mouths interminably is based upon the assumption that nothing is important except “Art”—and even the importance of “Art” is illusory. The proper attitude is an elaborate pointlessness. Well, maybe you're right. Your own work proves your case admirably. Already it is a legend, it has ceased to be. er rey You are intellectuals, you say, artists. You have nothing to do with the mob, with the workers. They don’t understand you. No wonder. Even in- tellectuals and artists may be expected to be human beings. And to be a human being is to have a relationship with all other human beings, to par poner in a society, in its changes, its sufferings, its cries of anger and ope. But maybe I’m getting too serious? What would I have you do? Nothing. The workers of the w 1 who do not understand you—will do your work for you. And when that work is done, you too will have ceased to exist. r * * / Yours, with best wishes and hoping that The New Cow doesn’t croak too soon, y apy & 4 * A.B. MAGIL, THEY KNOW Labor’s hands built those courts, those dark, frowning walls, And labor's hands can tear them down again. O my brothers in the shadow, do you hear? Let him speak words of death, for death is in the air, | Speak words of doom, O vulture cowering in terror, For the world is an ear, a vast ear which hearkens to all A vast eye that observes all you do, O never-to-be-alone, where is the chamber to hide your shameful | nakedness from the sight of the all-seeing eyes of the world? ‘Where is the door which you can shut, lock, bolt, bar, and say: Tin here, they out there? ¢ Fool! _ From henceforth the world is at your bedside when you sleep, or when you try to sleep. From henceforth, this day, and all the days to be. And the ones who have heard you speak are smiling. Even tho they go down to death, they are smiling. For they know—do you hear?—they know That labor’s hands built those courts, those dark frowning you say, 4And labor’s hands can tear them down again, f