The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 13, 1927, Page 3

) THE QUESTIONS OF THE CHINESE REVOLUTION BRITISH FEAR NATIONALIST STRENGTH Theses of Comrade Stalin for Propagandists. approved of by! the Central Committee of the C. P. of the U.S. S. R. L The Perspectives of the Chinese Revolution. The chief facts which determine the character of the Chinese revolution are: (a) The semi-colonial situation of China under the financial and eco- nomic dominance of the ‘imperialists. (b) The yoke imposed by the rem- nants of feudalism to which is added the yoke imposed by the militarists and the bureaucracy. (ec) The growing revolutionary struggle of the millions of the Chi- nese people, both workers and pea- sants, against the yoke imposed by the feudalists, the bureaucrats, the mili- tarists and the imperialists. (d) The political weakness of the national bourgeoisie, its dependence upon imperialism and its fear in face of the advancing wave of the revo- lutionary movement. (e) The growing revolutionary activity of the proletariat, and the growth of its authority amongst the toiling millions of China, | From these facts present them-| selves two possibilities of develop-| ment: for the events in China, Either the national bourgeoisie will defeat the proletariat and come to an agree- ment with the imperialists and then undertake a joint action with the Jatter against the revolutiom in order to make an end of it by the establish- ment of capitalism, or the proletariat will push the national bourgeoisie on one side, consolidate its hegemony and lead the toiling millions in town and country, break down the resist- ance of the national bourgeoisie and achieve a complete victory for the bourgeois-democratic revolution in order then to push it further along the lines of the socialist revolution | with all the consequences arising out of the latter, One thing or the other. The crisis of world capitalism and the existence of the proletarian dictatorshin in the Soviet Union whose experience can be utilized successfully by the Chi- nese proletariat, make the chances tor the second course of development for the Chinese revolution much brighter. Put the fact that the imperialists sr attacking the Chinese revolution voitedly as fer es all essential ques- ticn: are concerned, shows that at the present moment the imperialists are uet so divided and not so weak in consequence, as they were, for in- stance, before the October revolution. This fact indicates that the Chinese revolution will meet with far greater diffieulties on the way to victory than did the revolution in Russia, and that during the course of the Chinese revolution there will be far more cases of treachery and disloyalty than was the case during the civil war in the Soviet Union. The struggle between these two possibilities is therefore the char- acteristic feature of the Chinese revo- lution. The First Stage of the Chinese Revolution. During the first stage of the Chi-: nese revolution, the period .of the first campaign against the North, when the national-revolutionary army neared the Yangtse and won victory after victory, although it was not yet possible for it to be supported by a powerful movement of the workers and peasants, the national bourgeoisie went together with the revolution. | This was the revolution of the united national front. This does not mean that there were no differences be- tween the national bourgeoisie and the revolution. It means merely that the national bourgeoisie supported the revolution and at the ‘same time en- deavored to utilise the revolution for THE D Y WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, MAY 13, 1927 Page Three Sun Yat-sen of the peasant movement and the or- ganization of peasant unions and Peasant committees, the powerful strike wave in the towns and the for- mation of trade unions, the victorious advance of the national troops against Shanghai which was besieged by the fleets and the troops of imperialism, all these and similar facts prove that this policy was correct. Only this circumstance can explain the fact that the attempt of the right-wingers in February 1927 to split he Kuo- mingtang and to form a new centre in Nanchang failed in face of the un- animous defence action of the revolu- tionary Kuomingtang in Wuhan. But this attempt was a preliminary sign that a re-formation of class forces was taking place in the country and that right-wingers and the national bourgeoisie were not resting but in- creasing their work against the revo- lution, The Central Committee of the C. P. of the U.S.S.R. was therefore right when it declared in March 1927 that (a) “at the present time the Chi- nese revolution is experiencing a eritical period in connection with the re-formation of class forces and the concentration of the imperialist arm- ies, and its further victory is only possible if all efforts. are, nfade to develop a mass movement,” (b) “the police of arming the workers and peasants and turning the peasant committees in the provinces to real organs of power with armed possibil- ities of defence, must be continued,” (c) the Communist Party must not conceal the tfeacherous and reaction- ary policy of the right-wingers in the Kuomingtang but must mobilize the masses around the Kuomingtang and the Communist Party at the same time exposing the right-wing.” (3rd March 1927) * It is therefore not difficult to un- derstand that in face of a further powerful swing forward of the revo- lution on the one hand and the at- {tack of the imperialists in Shanghai on the other, the national bourgeoisie inevitably went over to. the camp of the counter-revolution, just as the occupation of Shanghai by the na- tional troops and the strikes of the Chinese workers united the imperial- ists to throttle the revolution. And thus it took place, The shootings in Nanking serve as .the signal for a still further separation of the fight- ing forces in China. By firing on Nanking and issuing an ultimatum, the imperialists wished to make it clear that they sought the aid of the its own ends and to limit its swing by directing it towards /external) demands. ij * * The struggle between the right and left wings in the Kuomingtang in this period was the reflection of these contraditions. The attempt of Chiang Kai-Shek in March 1926 to drive the Communists out of the Kuomingtang was the first serious attempt of the | national bourgeoisie to bridle the) revolution. (As will be remembered, the Central Committee of the ©: P. of the Soviet Union was al- ready at that time of the opinion that the “policy of keeping the Com- munist Party inside the Kuomingtang must be maintained” and that “the expv'sion or the resignation of the right-wingers from the Kumingtang must be contrived.” April’ 1926.) The aim of this policy was to con- tinue the development of the revolu- tion, to work closely together with the left-wingers in the Kuomingtang and in the national government, to con- solidate the unity of the Kuomimg- tang and at the same time to ex- pose and isolate the right-wingers, to utilize the right-wingers, their cun- nections and their experience, as long as they subordinated themselves to the discipline of the Kuomingtang, or to drive them from the Kuoming- tang if they violuted discipline or attempted to betray the interests cf the revolution. . ° . The events which followed proved e correctness of this policy com- ly, The powerful development t y national bourgeoisie for a joint strug- | gle against the revolution. By shoot- | ing upon workers’ meetings and by his | coup d’Etat Chiang Kai-shek} answered the imperialists indicating | his readiness to join the national bourgeoisie against the workers and | peasants and to make a bargain with | the imperialists. The Second Stage of the Chjaese Revolution. The coup d’Etat carried out by Chiang Kai-shek signifies the abandonment of the revolution by the j national bourgeoisie, the formation) tne of a centre of national counter-revo- lution and bargaining by the right- Eamonn De Valera . sei Head of a faction of Irish Repub- licans who recently returned to Ire- Ian ater visit to the United +| so favorable as it was in 1917. jis no .war between the imperialists. | wingers with imperialism against the |" Chinese revolution. The coup d’Etat of Chiang Kai-shek China there will be two camps, two governments, two armies and two centres—the centre of the revolation in Wuhan and the centre of the counter-revolution in Nanking. The coup d’Etat of Chiang Kai- shek means that the revolution has entered into the second stage of its development, that a change has taken place from the revolution of a na- tional united front of all classes to a revolution of the millions, the masses, the workers and peasants, that the agrarian revolution has com- menced which will inerease the in- imperialists, against the gentry, against the feudal against the counter-revolutionary | grouping ‘arouhd Chiang Kai-shek, This means that the struggle be- | tween the two possibjlities of the revolution, between the supporters of a further development of the revolu- tion and the supporters of a liquida- tion will intensify from day to day. This struggle will occupy the whole tion. This means that the revolutionary Kuomingtang in Wuhan will be trans- formed into an organ of the revolu- tionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry by a decisive struggle against militarism and imperialism whilst the ‘counter- revolutionary group of Chiang Kai- shek in Nanking by separating: itself from the workers and wgasants and seeking ‘a rapproachement with the imperialists, will finally share the fate of the militarists. It follows from this, however, that the policy of maintaining the unity of the Kuomingtang and of isolating the right-wingers inside the Kuoming- tang and utilizing them for the pur- poses of the revolution, is no longer in accord with the new tasks of the | revolution. This old policy must be | replaced by a new one, the policy of | driving the right-wingers out of the} Kuomingtang, of fighting them to the end, by the policy of concentra- ting the whole power in the country ir the hands of the revolutionary Kuomingtang, the Kuomingtang without right wing elements, that is a Kuomingtang formed from a bloc between the left-wing elements and the communists. * * From this it follows that the policy of working closely with the left-wing of the Kuomingtang inside the Kuo- mingtang becomes _ particularly significant and necessary in this stage of affairs, that this co-opera- tion, the alliance of the workers and peasants which is being formed, will reflect itself outside the Kuoming- tang, that without such co-operative work the victory of the revolution is impossible. i It follows further, that the chief source of strength of the revolutionary Kuomingtang is to be found in a continued development of the revolu- tionary. movement of the workers and peasants and the strengthening of their mass organizations, the revolu- tionary peasant committees, the workers’ trade unions and the other mass organizations as the preparatory elements for the Soviets of the fu- ture, that the chief guarantee for the victory of the revolution is the growth of the revolutionary activity of the millions of. toilers and that the best and most important weapon against the counter-revolution is the arming of the workers and peasants. From all this it follows finally, that the Counnunist Party whilst fighting in the same ranks with the revolu- tionary Kuomingtang members, must preserve its independence more than lever a necessary condition for en- | suring the hegemony of the prole- asst in the bourgeois-democratic revolution, Iv. The Errors of the Opposition, The chief error of the opposition (of comrade Radek and Co.) is the failure to understand the revolution in China, to realize in what stage of development the revolution is at presefit and to realize the interna- tional situation of the revolution. The ‘opposition demands that the Chinese revolution develop in some- | thing like the same tempo as that of | the October revolution. The opposi- | tion is dissatisfied because the work- ers of Shanghai have not commenced decisive struggle against im- | perialism and: its lackeys, It does | not understand that the revolution in | China cannot develop as quickly as the October revolution, because the international situation to-day is not There The opposition does not realize that | it is not possible to commence a de- | gisive struggle under unfavorable eir- cumstances, before the reserves have been called up, just as for instance. {the Bolsheviki in April or even in | June 1917 did not undertake any de- ecisive struggle, The opposition fails to understand that not to avoid a decisive struggle under unfavorable circumstances (when it could be avoided) is tantamount to lightening the task of the enemies of the revolu- tion, The opposition demands the im- mediate creation of Soviet workers, peasants and soldiers’ deputies in China. What would that méan, to means that from now on in South | Soviet Union Government Opens Big New _ Broadcasting Station at Moscow FENG DECLARES LOYALTY TO HANKOW (Continued from Page One) When these attempts had failed Nationalist Government with a storm Chiang Kai-shek then acted on his of protest. They continue to clamor !own in Shanghai, Nanking and other for open war and the occupation of }towns and commenced the path’ fol+ tensity of the struggle against the| landed | land- | | owners, against the militarists and of the present period of the revolu-| is ¢alled “The Big Comintern,” uses 4 of reaching the United States. Top, {and behind it, the transmitting room. Above is a picture of a new high power radio broadcasting station! opened in Moscow for use of government propagandists and educators, It a in front of it, the intermediary control panel. the Yangtze valley. British business men believe that Chamberlain places too much faith }in Chiang Kai-shek and Chang Tso- | | Nationalist Government at Hankow, | and believe. that if Great Britain de- sists from intervention, all of China | Will soon fall into the hands of the | Nationalists. | British Fear Nationalists Commenting on Chamberlain’s hope that Chiang Kai-shek will defeat the | Nationalists, the Hongkong Tele- graph says, “We are doubtful about | the consummation of such a hope, | even tho it is too devotly wished. | The change in the Cabinet's policy is regarded as a Chinese victory over Great Britain. Rights Continue Murder | Right wingers here are continuing tHeir merciless execution of labor and left wing leaders, The police an- nounced the wholesale execution of an unspecified number of Commu- ists. yesterday. Only two boys were spared because of their age. + The right wingers in control also granted merchants and pradoes the right to reorganize their armed defence corps. Workers who | carry arms run the risk of immediate execution, have com- “+e (By Mail) MOSCOW, April 27.—According to 5 c report of the Chinese National 0 kilowatts of power, and is capable | Telegraph Agency, the Central Com- a general view of the control board,| mittee of the Kuomingtang and the Below, the big antenna spool, and, | National government have published |a declaration exposing Chiang Kai- all, one cannot form soviets at any time, they can only be formed in a time of intense revolutionary energy. Secondly, soviets are not formed for talking purposes. They are formed} primarily as fighting organs against | the existing power, as organs of the} struggle for power. This was the case in 1905 and again in 1907. * * * der the control of the government ot Wuhan? This would mean to issue the slogan of a struggle against the }existing power in this territory. | This would mean to issue the slogan |to form new organs of power, the \slogan of the struggle against the power of the revolutionary Kouming- tang, for at the present time there is no other power in this territory but that of the revolutionary Kuoming- agi ® aha | Shek and the participants in the con- bles aaa nag tenet ference of Nanking. The declaration This would mean to leave the battle- | ie tha obec Chiang Kai-shek had field and to leave our allies in the | !0ns barged oe amore: Kuomingtang in the lurch to the he siadg and long before his present ac- i Sea 4 | tion had attempted to turn the cen- great pleasure of the enemies of the! tral government of national China revolution. This would ,mean 4/ into an instrument for his own por weakening of the Communist Party, )| nan A poses. jan undermining of the Kuoming- | They concede the strength of the! | lowed by other militarists before him. |The declaration records all the steps by which Chiang caused a split in the Kuomintang. Immediately upon his arrival in Shanghai, Chiang came to an under- {standing with the imperialists and }chose together with the latter the struggle against Communism with the methods of Chang Tso-lin. The of- ficers and soldiers who did not agree |with him he sent to the front, cut them off from all support in their }rear and so abandoned them to cer- tain destruction at the hands of the enemy. He caused the political work- ers in the army to be arrested and had them openly executed. He insti- gated his soldiers to destroy the party and its leading organs, He used terrible cruelty against real revolutionary clearness and their friends. All the elements in the hands of the imperialists rallied around his banner. The declaration appeals to all, par- | ticularly the army, to rally around | the national government and to over- throw and destroy Chiang Kai-shek the traitor to the people and to the Kuomingtang Loeb, Leopold, Wealthy Thrill Murderers Given Easiest Jobs in Prison JOLIET, Ul., May 12.—Nathan F, Leopold, Jr., slayer of Bobby Franks, has been promoted from shoe shop clerk to billing and shipping clerk in the fibre factory at Stateville Peni- tentiary, it was learned today. “Good conduct and education”. were reasons for the promotion, according to Deputy Warden Frank Kness. Richard Loeb, convicted with Leo- pold of the brutal “thrill murder” is foreman in the yard and performs clerical work in checking merchandise received at the old Joliet Penitentiary. What would the formation ‘of|Cavaignac of Shanghai and the| soviets mean at the present time| handing over of the Kuomingtang for instance in the territory un-|flag, the most popular emblem in China, to the right-wing members of the Kuomingtang. That is exactly | what the imperialists and the mili- | tarists and the right-wing members |of the Kuomingtang demand at the | present time. A It follows therefore that by de- manding the resignation of the Com- munist Party from the Kuomingtang |now, the opposition is playing into | tang, a lightening of the work of the! | the hands of the enemies of the Chi- | | nese revolution. tang. This would mean to confuse ‘ the task of. forming and consolidation|| THE PLENARY SESSION OF of mass organizations of the workers) THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF and peasants in the form of strike, THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE committees, peasant unions and pea- | SOVIET l NION WHICH HAS JUST sant committees, trade councils, fac-} TAKEN PLACE ACTED COR- tory councils, etc., upon which the} RECTLY THEREFORE WHEN IT revolutionary Kuomingtang already| REJECTED THE PLATFORM OF | supports itself with the task of|THE OPPOSITION. | creating a soviet system as a new) type of state power in place of the | SACCO and VANZETTI} power of the revolutionary Kuoming- | | tang. That means a lack of under- SHALL NOT DIE ! | standing for the present phase of the PEATE SEES, | development of the Chinese revolu- tion. That means to present the enemies of the;Chinese people with a new weapon for the struggle against | the revolution, to create new legends | that in China there is no national | revolution, but an artificial “Mos- cow sovietization.” | (Worker Correspondent). By putting up the slogan of the) LOS ANGELES, Calif, May 12— formation of+ soviets at the present| Joseph Siminoff, Communist, was ar- time the opposition is thus playing| rested at Brooklyn and Soto Street nd the bev of the enemies of the | Thursday night, May 5th. He was Chinese revolution. fone of the speakers addressing an The opposition considers that a par-| open-air gathering on the Labor Party ticipation of the Communist Party in | question, the Kuomingtang is purposeless. The! When Frank Spector, secretary of opposition considers therefore that the local branch of the I. L. D,, pre-| the Communist Party should leave! sented himself at the police station | the Kuomingtang. But what would | with the bail money, they locked him |Los Angeles Communist | Arrested, Charged €. S. But Later Is Released | By L. P. RINDAL, it mean if the Communist Party would | How the Reactionaries Have Helped the Daily Worker This is an authentic photograph of a dyed- in-the-wool dollar paytriot speculating upon the results of the attack upon The DAILY WORKER. Contrary to their expectations that the attack would crush the paper, it has stimulated increased support from workers throughout the country, Every mail brings evidences of sympathy and support in our fight against the forces of reaction. If any worker was not convinced about the militancy and the fighting character of The DAILY WORKER, of its efficacy in the struggle against American capitalism, then the attack of the so-called patriotic societies lenve the Kuomingtang now at a! time when the whole imperialist | brood and its . supporters every- Circulation of Pravda, Moscow Daily, 8 Times _ As Large as in 1923, ‘on bail, charged with violations of | ances, up also for good measure. | The first charge against Comrade | Siminoff, criminal syndicalism, was | dropped, So Busickism in this state | is sick—-but not dead. Siminoff is out | two different brands of city ordin-| | Released. | would convince even the most skeptical. It is very evident to the most doubtful one, that Tye DAILY WORKER is being attacked be- cause it is waging a militant struggle against Prank Spector also gained his free-| the forces of American capitalism, on every ' dom tonight, as they were unable to} front. MOSCOW May 12.—The amazing! frame-up anything against him at) \inerease of literacy in the Soviet) present. Spector is, however, out on! Union is indicated by the following | bail on another charge. He was one} figures: (Circulation of Various Moscow Papers) i “Peasant “Workers'| “Pravda” Paper” Paper” | | Year | (daily) Gaily) | 1923 70,000 118,000/ | 1924 400,000 11925 542,000 600,000 1926 589,000 725,000 (March) 1927 603,000 + 875,000 ~—-310,000 | The circulation of “Prayda” is al- |most twice that of the New York | Times, | Loyal Painter Dies, Comrade D, Laretsky, active mem- ber of Painters’ Union, Local 261 died yesterday of pneumonia in Lebaenon Hospital, | | The funeral will be held from pis} late home 885 Concord Ave,, the Bronx, today at 2 p.m. All comrades are urged to attend. SACCO and VANZETTI tates. | form soviets in China now? First of S HA LL NOT DIE! of 28 Communists arrested last Sun- day, May 1, for unlawfu arading and display of Saceo-Vanzetti pro- test banners. May 11 is the date of | the trial, | The activity of the police since May 1 seems to have stimulated the CLASS INTEREST of the workers, They flock to Workers (Communist) Party | headquarters from all directions of | the city. i Soviet Revenue for | Six Months Near | One Billion Rubles, MOSCOW, Russia, May 12,—Rev- enue for the first half of the current year amounted to 49.6 per cent of this year’s estimate, a higher percent- age of the revenue budgeted than has been raised in former years, it was announced today. The revenue for the period covered was 1,739,000,000 rubles (about $850,- 000,000). Expenditures were 1,735,- 000,000 rubles. Every dollar contributed to the Defense Fund, is not only a demonstration of support for The DAILY WORKER, labor's militant organ. It is a demon- stration against the ef- forts of the reaction- woe tae aries, to reduce the — tnetosed is od ecatethisen il workers of America to silent acceptance of con- ditions of industrial slavery. Let no worker fail at this time to show where he stands. Send in your contribution at once to show your sol- ||. a idarity. j Attach cheek or money order, af | DAILY WORK sreeeeananevtsoeenentanana, dollars .... cents to the Ruthenberg Sustaining Fund | for a stronger and better DAILY WORKER and for the OVETY .rccduoveescvensaccece Name ...... Addiess ... | dity .. Petco reece estes Ween eee ee nenenee defense of our paper. I will pay — the same , amount regularly ore tes cnn sss ww ‘