The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 7, 1927, Page 5

¢ THe NEw MAGAZINE Section of The DAILY WORKER SATURDAY, MAY 6, 1927 This Magazine Section Appears Every Saturday in The DAILY WORKER. ALEX BITTELMAN, Editor Editor’s Note would seem from recent developments that the imperialists of the United States are not alto- gether ready to play in China the game of Great Britain or to follow there fully the same tactics as British imperialism does. There seems to be a tendency in the ruling circles of big American capi- tal in favor of the American government playing its own game in China, and with its own policies ‘and tactics. Which, of course, will not make Amer- iean policy in China any less imperialist, but only different from British policy. How strong this tendency is remains to be seen, One must not overlook the fact that on several oc- easions in recent months the American government had acted jointly with the British in open attacks upon the Chinese Nationalist revolution. Suffice it to mention only two of the most outstanding inci- dents of this character: the joint bombardment of Nanking by British and American warships and the five-power protest note to the Chinese government in which participated also the United States. These, along with several more incidents of a similar na- ture, would indicate quite clearly that there has been and still is serious danger of the American government joining hands with the British for com- mon military action against China. The demand of No Alliance With British Imperialism Against China must continue to be pressed with the greatest vigor and determination if such an eventuality is to be prevented, : + * * F ae orsicyingl imperialism has its own interests in China to look after. And these interests do not always coincide with those of the other imperialist powers, least of all with the interests of British and Japanese imperialism. In fact, the larger imperial- ist ambitions of American capitalism in the Far East and in the world generally run almost exactly contrary to the imperialist policies .of both Great Britain and Japan. Hence, the concentration of American naval and military forces in China con- stitutes preparation for war not only against the Chinese revolution but also for the eventuality of armed conflict with the imperialist opponents of the United States such as Great Britain and Japan. The struggle for imperialist domination in China and for the mastery of the Pacific is, of course, the chief objective in the diplomatic maneuvers and military preparations of the big imperialist powers that is taking place before our very eyes. It is precisely here that we find the greatest danger of a new world imperialist war. And among the forces which are working and preparing for it are the imperialists of the United States. — * * * THe defection of Chiang Kai-shek and his attacks upon the revolutionary block of the Chinese work- ers and peasants, has had a good deal to do with the so-called “pacific” turn in American policy in China, strengthening those elements among the ‘American imperialists who favor a more independ- ent (of Great Britain) policy in China, This turn is quite in accord with the traditional, “open-door,” but nevertheless imperialist, American policy in China. Due to the fact that the American imperial- ists are comparative newcomers in China, they are less entrenched there than the British in an eco- nomic, political and military way. Consequently, the present day interests of American imperialism do not run so irrevocably and uncompromisingly in opposition to the interests of nearly all classes and groups in China, as is the case with British imper- jalism which finds itself able to co-operate almost exclusively with one or the other of the reactionary Chinese generals representing portions of the feudal- militaristic cliques. British imperialism is fighting- almost the whole of China, whereas American im- perialism could afford to “pacify” at least the big native commercial and industria! bourgeoisie, in or- der to fight more effectively the workers and peas- ants of China which are the real backbone of the revolution. Chiang Kai-shek’s betrayal of the revolution re- flects a readiness on the part of the big Chinese mer- chants, industrialists and landlords to reach an un- derstanding with the foreign imperialists at the expense of the Chinese masses. And the “pacific” turn in American imperialist policy in China re- flects the orientation of American capitalism to- wards an alliance with these big merchants, indus- trialists and landlords for a common ary x against the Chinese workers and peasants and for the joint ay STRIKE Drawing by Maurice Becker exploitation of these masses. One of the chief in- ducements for the native Chinese capitalists to ac- cept such an alliance with American imperialism against the Chinese Nationalist revolution is un- doubtedly the ability of American imperialism to “finance” and promote the development of industry for large scale exploitation and profit-making in which the Chinese capitalists would have their proper share. Despite therefore the so-called “pacific” appear- ance of the American imperialist policy in China, the maneuvers of the American government constitute a. life danger to the Chinese revolution. This is particularly so because the American attack is di- rected chiefly against the Chinese revolutionary bloc, the workers and peasants, which is the back- bone and mainstay of the revolution. To offer real support to the Chinese Nationalist revolution means to exert all possible effort to compel the American imperialists to keep their hands off China. * * * Tt question of farm relief and farm relief legis- lation has not been settled by President Cool- idge’s veto. of the McNary-Haugen bill. Not even the middle and rich farmers are willing or able to accept Coolidge’s veto as something final and con- elusive. While the poor and working farmers, whose lot would have improved little if any even with the passage of the McNary-Haugen bill, have not yet really begun to move. The voice of the masses of poor and working farmers is yet to be heard, and when this happens it will hardly sound like the MeNary-Haugen bill. What will actually happen with the farming masses, which have been most seriously affected by the critical conditions of wheat and cotton farming, will depend in a large measure upon the initiative, aggressiveness and foresight of those organizations that are qualified to speak for the poor and work- ing farmers. Above all will developments depend upon the militancy of the farming masses them- selves. It is high time that the poor and working farmers begin to consolidate their forces, clarify their program, and organize for struggle to demand actual relief. Particularly becomes this urgent beca' the classes and groups hostile to the poor and whhking farmers are far from being passive in the situation, The big capitalists, whose political affairs are now managed by the republican administration, are ac- tively engaged in breaking up the opposition of the farmers by first dividing their ranks. It is an open secret that President Coolidge is desperately trying to fix up an understanding with the spokesman of the middle and ‘rich farmers which would give little to the middle farmer and nothing at all to the poor and working farmers. In doing so, President Coolidge is working not only for his own renomina- tion as against possible fake agrarian contenders By ALEX BITTELMAN like Lowden, but also for big capital as against the farming masses. This united front of the big finan- cial, industrial and commercial capitalists on the one hand with the rich farmers on the other hand constitutes a hostile and dangerous move against the poor and working farmers. The latter cannot afford to remain passive or indifferent to this con- dition. They must wake up to the dangers con- fronting them and begin to mobilize their own united front with a basic program of agrarian re- lief of their own. And in addition, they must also take measures towards closer relations with labor which is the only real ally of the poor and working farmers against the oppression of big capital. Contrary to the comparative passivity of the poor and working farmers are the active efforts of the rich farmers to secure relief legislation in their in- terests. The spokesmen of this group, organized in the executive committee of 22 headed by George N. Peek of Chicago, held a meeting in that city a week ago to review the situation following the defeat of the McNary-Haugen bill and to “lay plans for the fight” at the next session of congress, It is understood that this meeting was preparatory to conferences soon to be held with Senator McNary and Congressman Haugen. The statement issued at the close of the meeting says that the sentiment in different sections of the south and middle west for effective farm relief legislation is stronger than ever, and “that there is no sentiment among those represented here today in favor of a legislative program which falls short of these aims or which attempts to compromise these principles.” Which is all very well, of course, showing first that the well-to-do farmers are alive to their interests and, second, that they are prepar- ing to put up a stiff fight to get the best of the bargain which Coolidge is trying to negotiate with them. But where do the poor and working farmers come in on this deal? “Nowhere. It would be sheer folly to expect anything beneficial: to the farming masses from the bargaining between Coolidge and the spokesmen of the rich farmers. To repeat what was said above, the poor and working farmers must begin to concentrate and mobilize their forces, in alliance with the workers, and prepare for struggle on a basic agrarian program. . * * * WY DAY celebrations this year bore all the signs of the beginning of a real awakening of the workers to the dangers of imperialism and imper- ialist war. Even in the stronghold and citadel of the steel trust—Pittsburgh and the Pittsburgh dis- trict—the spirit and temper of the masses partici- pating in our meetings was frankly and openly demonstrated against the war machinations of world imperialism, against the war on China and the con- templated attack upon the Soviet Union. Neither the terror nor the systematic persecutions of the workers by the steel trust and its agents could prevent the masses from expressing their loyalty to international working class solidarity. An especially gladdening picture was presented by the May Day celebration in East Pittsburgh, The strenuous efforts of our comrades and their indefatigable preparations were well compensated by the splendid outpouring of the workers, their wives and children, the perfect organization and real militant spirit that prevailed at the celebration in East Pittsburgh. The slaves of the Westinghouse Company, which dominates the town, came to the celebration in large numbers. Adults and youth, boys, girls and children—all came to celebrate the workers’ holiday. The celebration continued till far after midnight. The writer of these lines cannot abstain from ex- pressing his hearty admiration at the role played by the pioneers at the East Pittsburgh celebration. They sang and played, recited, cheered and demon- strated with such force, beauty and enthusiasm that the faces of the grown-ups became virtually trans- formed and the whole gathering imbued with cour- age, hope and pride in our movement and in our cause. Three cheers for the East Pittsburgh Pion- eers. They have given us a vivid and beautiful image of the militant generation of working class fighters that is growing up now in the United States. These will not only carry on our struggles of today but will see them through to the very end and bring to a final conclusion the defeat of capi- talism in the United States and the victory of the working class.