The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 4, 1927, Page 6

| Us [AAR ee ee ee O47 a emMe ro >. Page Stx THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, MAY 4, 1927 The Solidarity of Labor Is Developed Thru Wiping Qut All Nationality Lines By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL onsen, ann T SEA, Aboard the United States Liner, President | Ro (By Mail from yvelt, Wednesday, April 13. Cherbourg, France.)——This morning at two o'clock the ship. dropped anchor in Plymouth Harbor, Plymouth, England. But it was not until a curious! ped boat came ongside out of the night—a mai er-—built y thousands of sacks of mail on ifs top, that one fully realized the shores of a foreign land had finally been reached after a week of nothing but water. This realization came thru the medium of the faces and voices of a different people—the Englishmen. There were fully two score of them, under the direction of British postal officials, at the receiving end of long chutes that led up to the main deck of our ship. They grabbed the huge sacks of mail, placing them in desig- nated piles to aid in forw ing them to their separate destinations. They were jovial and boisterous for the most part at their work, these Englishmen. * * * Up on our main deck two score members of our large- ly German crew revolved in a huge, human wheel, almost silently, not morose but ominous, touching the chutes | at the boat’s railing on the side, dumping its load ard then returning to reload from the mountains of filled mail sacks piled in the deck’s center. No greeting did I see or hear, between these German and English workers. Altho the sides of the two boats touched, these German and English workers. might as well have moved in two separate, far-removed worlds, The newsboy came aboard from another tender that came alongside to take off the passengers bound for London and other points in the British Isles. into Canada, from Detroit or Niagara Falls. I got a copy of the London Daily Mail and found that | the Prince of Wales had only yesterday pressed the button that had set in motion the 42 printing press units | It was all thoroly | in its new home in Northcliffe House. covered in pictures. * * * But the itgm that should interest workers in the United States, especially the coal miners, told of the thousands of would-be emigrants from Scotland to the/ United States who have applied for visas in the Glas- gow, Edinburgh and Dundee consular areas. stated that these consulates have a waiting list of 60,000 applicants, more than 50,000 of whom live in South} Western Scotland. Scotland’s share of the British quota will this year be not more than 15,000. But this migration is on the move and must be assim- | ilated by the working class in the United States, largely by the coal miners because into this industry much of the immigration flows. This is something for the coal miners to think about, and to steel them to greater efforts in the struggle now raging. Thousands of these Scotchmen are coal miners who,; Their funds are prac- | tieally depleted. They will not have much more than | will want jobs in American pits. passage money. They are doubtless in the same cir- cumstances as the large number of Irish who came to the United States on this boat on its last trip westward | A steward told me they were all! aeross the Atlantic. practically down to their last cent. They want jobs, The stand-offish attitude of the Germans on this gov- ernment-owned United States Liner, President Roose- They will work. yelt, and the Englishmen on the mail tender, “Sir Francis | Drake,” or even support of capitalist class immigration laws of the United States will not help. The solidarity of labor will, * * * In this series of articles on the coal miners’ struggle, | jup to the nearest tree, stands the| had to get out of the automobile and | was in earnest and threatened to give the matter a more I cite the favorable position enjoyed by the anthracite mine owners, in 1888, when they managed to crush the strike of that year largely because of a “superabun- dance of labor thruout the anthracite regions. By this time the southern European workers were coming in at a rate which made their competition formidable for the miners of north European extraction who had come be- fore them. Differences in language and customs made their assimilation difficult, and their lower standards of living and willingness to work for lower wages tended to suplace “native” workers. Yet these same “immi- grants” and fighters of the United Mine Workers of America. * * : In this respect the problem of the anthracite is also that of the bituminous fields. In fact, the development of the struggle in the two wings of the industry have been very similar. It may, therefore, not be out of place to recount some of the other features of this gnthracite struggle jn 1888, that may be duplicated at any time in the present bitu- minous conflict. At first the Lehigh operators had refused to consider the demands of the workers for remedying the evils of the industry. As a result 10,000 men went out on strike. The Reading Company agreed t6 an increase of wages for its men. While working the Reading miners contributed money to the support of the Lehigh strikers. But the Reading miners soon discovered that the Read- ing company was supplying the Lehigh selling agencies with coal. The effect of this would ultimately be to starve the Lehigh strikers into submissign, in spite of the support they were getting, when the Reading com- pany in its turn would reduce the wages of its miners, This is an excellent example of the working out of the Lewis policies in the present warfare between miners and owners. . * * * Refusal on the part of the railroad workers to load coal “nd to switch cars designated for Lehigh agencies | led to the discharge of those who refused and brought on a crisis with both the miners and the railroad work- | ers of the Reading Company. The trouble was tempo- rarily smoothed out, but because of a delay in sending the telegrams which ordered the men to return to work, mahy failed to report. The company had stipulated that those who did not return to work at the agreed time would be discharged, and as a result 6,000 railroad men. were let out. On Jan, 1, 1888, no agreement having been reached, 22,000 Reading miners went on strike. * . * The ensuing bitter struggle brought on a congressional investigation. The committee of investigators concluded that the Reading Company had delayed the telegrams in order to precipitate a strike. Also that the so-called “Shénandoah Riot” was intentionally provoked “by the company for the purpose of placing the strikers in the Position of offenders, and of thus influencing public opinion in favor of the company.” It was declared that the committee believed the com- pany had decided that the union was getting too strong and that the time had come to crush it. The committee was confirmed in its opinion by the evidence which it collected relevant to the general indus- trial situation in the anthracite field. The company had mined its full quota of coal as established by the “Mor- (Continued on fourth column) . American | money was as good as if I had merely crossed the border | | South; the Northerner knows he is in} the South. Both forget or ignore the | | existence of the Emancipation. Pro- | Constitutional | Tt was} | ARTICLE I. | Somewhere below probably not many mile drab and drea y—the like body of son and Dixon’s line Out of Cincinnati, bound fo s in the South, run palatia from that runs, Nagging de Niggah By WILLIAM MELVILLE SUTTON, | the inside story, not the one given to | {the press, which I represented some Cincinnati— | time later in the world’s proudest | and biggest inland cotton market-—a rene, eel- | story involving a young Negro whose | lithe and clean body was hanged to telegraph pole down in the Ozark Mountains. Originally the black, who ' Professional Patriots | ' and Labor Leaders | By ROBERT DUNN, | (Continued From Last Issue.) | There are other reasons why labor should stay away |from Easley for there igs no doubt that the relations | | between Mr. Easley and Mr. Burns, late of the Depart- | |ment of Justice, were very intimate. Some reports have | | all-Pullmans, designed for | was 19 years old, had been accused of it that Easley claims the credit, for the appointment of , nouveau-riche andj stealing corn from another black. But Burns as head of the Bureau of Investigation. It is Salesmen Who Demand} that was inconsequential. Then he| known also that Mr. Hasley raised a moderate amount | Comfort. Out of thi: e port run| was accused of stealing furs and ani-|0f the cash used by Mr. Burns in his Michigan prose- | cheaper accomodatio smbinations | mals from a silver fox ranch, owned |cUtions against the Communists in 1923. Certainly he of Pull gah” ec ; ng the Dead Line. The Northerner may know about geograph little just where the Mason and Dixon line| he could not produce sufficient evi- | that would be denied tion then took on serious proportions, ees a white man was involved, the rancher could not stir up enough s and coaches—and “nig-|by a white man. Although the situa-| gave Burns a more than generous hand in broadcasting | that gentleman’s assaults on liberals, pacifists and| i “reds.” | In addition to his relations to Mr, Burns, other chan-| he may not know| wrath to bring’ about a lynching and "els to the federal authorities were open to Mr. Easley | the average citizen. Personal divides North from South, much vaun-| dence, even in the South, to cause | friendships mean a lot. Common aims and interests also | ted, but fictitious liberalism from the Negro’s arrest. paraded bigotry, half-hearted, wordy} But he succeeded in destroying a |tolerance from complete intolerance, | reputation eas: slain—that of a Yet, however weak his powers of dis- | Negro. Thus, when a white girl, aged cernment, let him cross the Mason and Dixon line and he knows. he know? The Negro of Negroes who, slightly emboldened by the . absence | of kicks in the North and as employe of the Pullman or the railway com- pany, courteously, but firmly and im- | pressively, furthered the chamber business of his or her employers, now become, veritably, a shrinking, fawn- | ing slave. The white man—the homing South- erner and the sojourning Northerner with a superiority complex-—-who ac- cepted the black man’s service a little timidly, a little fearfully perhaps, yet in the spirit in which it was prof-/ fered, now is the self-assertive mas- | ter, curt, abrupt, peremptory, bluster- ing. The Negro knows he is in the clamation or the Amendment that seeks to make all men free and equal in this good old U. S. A. For the Southerner i: « merely the return of the master ~. domain. The spirit of the Scat: * “friend,” pervades them both. who doubts that a Northerner can be- come a Southerner in a few minutes | need but ride across the smug im- |aginary line that separates the ap- |parently free Negro from the ob-j| How does | oi speak of the Negro and his Northarn) He} nine, disappeared from the hills, young Tom—I call him that, as 1 cannot recall his real name—was charged with raping and then killing | the child. Without much ado, with- out questioning, without efforts hav- ing been made to ascertain the facts, | without trial, Tom was torn from his | cabin, around which grew the corn he was raising for his livelihood, was dragged through the hills, over rocks and stones, and hanged} a torn figure, to the pole. And when the district attorney of the county was asked what he was going to do about it, he | replied, naively, yet with finality: | “No-Account, Biayways.” “They ain’t much we kin do. We don’ know wich fallers wuz in on the | lynchin,’ an’ besides, he wuz a no- | account niggah, enyways.” |.Prevention of War who had requested permission to in- And illustrating the effect on the Negro: A young Southern lady, full of the Southerner’s pride of the South, | and a worker for the estimable Red | Members of one’s executive committee who have held public office also help. It is not, therefore, an ex- | aggeration to say that Easley’s access to the nation’s | \ved-baiting government departments, such as those pre- {sided over by Messrs. Daugherty and Denby, was more ‘or less one hundred percent. The late Alton B. Parker, | former’ president of the N. C. F. hinted as much when, | in speaking of the “radical menace,” he said: “Through | | the expenditure of large sums of money and the use of | all the machinery of the federal and some of the state governments a tremendous amount of authoritative and invaluable material has been gathered which is available to all citizens seeking the truth.” The N. C. F. undoubt- edly had access to this ponderous information and ap- parently assisted in its distribution. Again in one of Easley’s leaflets describing proposed skirmishes with the “Reds” we find this sentence: “Also in so far as is compatible with public in- terest, the department (Easley’s) is promised the co-operation of governmental agencies in Wash- ington,” Burns’ unusual intimacy with the. professional patri- otic societies, notably Easley’s, may be contrasted with his reply to the secretary of the National Council for | count. spect the files of the Bureau of Investigation for the incriminating evidence Burns stated he had on the peace advocates: “I must advise you that it has long been the prac- Cross of Memphis, who accepted my wife and myself despite our atheistic | and Northern views, finding in us a! |new sort of audience to her fund of | Negro stories which she was so fond | of telling because they illustrated her | humane and social scientific activ-| ities, and thereby her rare: ability, re- tailed this one—not privy to-the fact | that it was an arraignment of her and | her kind: One day, a much harassed and fear- | Woll—into a spasm, viously enslaved. line on an American train is sufficient | and pleaded that the workers therein introduction to the nature of the/| help him out of a dilemma, which in- Just to cross the | ful Negro entered the Red Cross office |is the abomination of abominations. South, | Give a Liberal Power! The usual Northerner, however) boisterous he is in asserting his lib-| eralism, is always ready to try out} his power on the black in the South. Often, being of the.same mental and | | social calibre as the Southerner, he smarts of a too equal rating of Negro | with white; often, he smarts for no reason at all. Whatever his emotions, | he becomes an experimental psycholo- | | slaves. volved a debt, a white farmer and al patriot’s rage and indignation. threat of jail for the black. Our} men have not been spared. Relief workers have come in young lady promised to help him, to arbitrate with the white man and te obtain more time for his paying of the debt. suburb of Memphis, where the farmer | reigned liege lord over the descen- dands of ‘his ancestors’ slaves and ex- In her Ford, the Red Cross worker took the black to the suburb, deigning to accept his fulsome com-' Cormick and William Fellows Morgan! This entailed a trip to 4} Famine Fund had some 60 pronounced Bolshevik sym-| | born and bred to superiority and mas- | hill was too steep. | kick a dog—there is much more fun! im have later become some of the best members,!in that for him. | black walking a few paces behind her, 4 gist’ among the Negroes. Fig- | pany. | he has the assurance that no Southern | Country roads was slippery mud. black has the audacity or the courage | Especially was | offing, with hands itching to slip a/ had to traverse in order to reach their noose over his head and to string him | destination. To avoid accident they |white man’s mob—symbol of the walk. | white man’s justice in the South—as-| _ A few feet from the top of the hill, |sembled as if out of nowhere in less | the Red Cross lady found that her | than it takes to say “Jack Robinson” | French heels and her automobile legs or, for that matter, than it takes to| Were not equal to the task before | kick a niggah. To the Southerner, | them—the mud was too menacing, the \ There was the tery, asserting his royal rights is a 1 danger of a twisted ankle or a broken |boring process. He would rather | Collar-bone or worse. “Hey, niggah,” she called to the in approved Negro-to-white attitude, They Do Lynch. sae . hand, id hel, di This matter of Yynchings and mob- the haL” |, and help me down | rule: I, in common with other North- The Lésson of Fear. lerners who. had never been in the | “Lawdy, lawdy, leddy” cried the ‘South, had always been inclined to Negro in alarm, “If, ah was to give doubt the number of hangings of y’all a’ haind and y’all was to slip | Negroes and to ascribe the few I was|Wwheah would ah be? Ah’d jest | Willing to admit were perpetrated to! natch’ly be lynched an’ no questions |a gang of irresponsible, uprighteous | asked,” ( | defenders of virginity, who, envious | She remonstrated with him. because a black and not they, was} “No, no, leddy, ab’s “fraid. They i Tt was a day after a severe | writing to the Chairman of the Executive.Committee of | uratively, he likes to kick one and | rain storm, the first in many weeks |the Russia Famine Fund: “If the people who are con- hear him squeal and see him run, and Of drouth, and the dried dirt of the |tributing to the Russian Famine Fund understood that it slippery and) contributions would soon cease.” to return the kick, for always in the | dangerous on a steep hill that they sham and Henry W. Taft and Herbert Parsons and Julius courageous enough to take it from a woman, reimbursed their lean souls by wrecking vengeance upon him. | Unreported Lynchings. But during my stay among the corn and watermelon, the cotton and the | | rice, my doubts were knocked on the | head. I found that lesser crimes gave rise to mob rule and lynchings, that a mere theft—for which a white man might be sentenced to 90 days in the ain’t no white men ’round heah naow, | nohow, but jest y’all let ’em see a | white leddy git hurt in a niggah’s comp’ny an’ den dey’d ’pear fum no- | wheah.” And all the way down the hill, as ! slow descent, he importuned her not _to slip, looked about furtively in | panic, hoped that she would not fall, | “Y’all’s got mah life in yoh hainds, the leddy clumsily and fearfully made | county jail—would bring swift death | jeddy, Y'all see, don’cha, dat ef yall | to a black, that the mere presence of | was to tall an’ ah was to trah to help a Negro in the neighborhood of a’ y’ali--does white men simply wouldn’ crime would make him and a rope | ynderstan’ an’ think ah was—wal, ah | the center of a huge and hilarious) was tryin’—y’all see, don’cha. Ah celebration, no news of which would | ever penetrate to the North. | The festivities would be entered in with a great show of spirit, zeal, gayety and enjoyment by every wor- shipful Baptist, Methodist, Ku Kluxer and other such fiendish morons in 15 minutes or so, and these sadists would be supplemented as the cele- | bration continued by others to whom the glorious news had spread. After it was all over, nothing would be said. There would be a deadly sinister calm, No one would know anything about it, the participants would not even recognize each other. Perfunc- tory investigations, resulting in noth- | ing, of course, would be made by the authorities, many of whom, I would venture to say, were among the merry throng, if not among the masked mas- ters of ceremonies, that watched like a scientific group the writhings and moanings of a Negro depended from rope and tree, It was while I was in Memphis that I heard the story of such an affair— in the vicinity who could be gathered | | suah would be lynched.” e | Thus, has the Negro learned his | lesson of fear. Free Publicity for Navy Publicity experts for the navy got in some good cracks yesterday eve- | ning as the populace aerial illumination of the by the _searchlights of 47 men o’ war, part (of the imperialist armada anchored \in the Hudson River, Ships from Staten Island to Yonkers joined in the display. Mile. Gade Corson, channel swim- | mer, was employed to ride the entire length of. the fleet on water skiis _while news pictorial boats loaded | with camera followed. The whole business is expected to boost the law rate of enlistment in the navy and the marines for service against the workers and peasants of China, Nicaragua and other countries against whom the United States is no make war. naan congress: the | interests controlled all tice of the Bureau to hold its files confidential and available for confidential use only and I regret that, under this rule, it would’ be impossible for me to answer your inquiry.” | But Burns made a practice of breaking that rule for the benefit of Easley and his fellow business patriots! Seeing Red. q There is no room here to recount the Easlian reaction to Russia except to remark that no subject is better calculated to throw Ralph—as well as his pal Matthew Socialism has always been an} abomination to him but Soviet Russia and its program Anyone visiting Russia and returning with anything but horror and atrocity stories is the immediate object of our business Senators and congress- for particularly intense specimens of his wrath. Take, as the index to his phobia on Russia, his attacks on the Russian Famine Fund. Easley charged that the Russia pathizers out of 84 on its National Committee which in- | cluded Governor Alfred Smith of New York, Cornelius Bliss, Jr., Charles R. Crane, Charles W.’Eliot, President Emeritus of Harvard, Hon. David R. Francis, former Ambassador to Russia, Robert Herrick, Cyrus H. Me- Said Mr. Easley, their money was going to bé used by Lenin and Trotsky, George W. Wicker- Rosenwald, also members of the Fund did not under- stand so! They did not resign. But super-patriot Ralph | serious press and stated that he had “turned it over to the Department of /Justice for investigation.” In his whirl against the Russia Famine Fund and the Quakers, through whom it was distributing its supplies, Mr; Easley developed a frenzied line of reasoning which is characteristic. He held that Prof. Jerome Davis of the Yale Divinity School was a hardened Boshevik be- cause he had written an article for the New Republic describing in sympathetic terms the milk distribution work in Moscow of a certain English Quaker named | Watts. But Watts in turn praised the Soviet authorities for their co-operation in milk distribution and in general for their educational activities in the face of famine. So, reasoned Easley, Watts is obviously a hardened Bol- shevik. But Watts is also a Quaker. Therefore the Quakers ate all hardened Bolos: Since the Russian Famine Fund distributes through the Quakers it, too, must be Bolshevik. And’ since Davis praised Watts who jpanes the Soviet, he too is a double-dyed follower of nin, The whole episode—and pages like it are available— is of value only, to show another case of Easley’s com- age Communists in generel and any organiza- tion which can, by his singular logic, be even distantly connected with them, And in this case he was involved with an organization including on its committee even the name of his trusted friend, Samuel Gompers himself! (To Be Continued.) plex _SEND IN YOUR LETTERS The DAILY WORKER is anxious to receive letters from its readers stating their views on the issues con- |fronting the labor movement. It is our hope to de- velop a “Letter Box” department that will be of wide interest to all members of The DAILY WORKER family, Send in your letter today to “The Letter Box,” The DAILY WORKER, 82 First street, New York City. (Continued from first column) gan Pool” of 1886. This pool had estimated the output needed for the year, fixed a penalty of 50 cents per ton for exceeding tonnage, raised the price of coal 25 cents per ton, and appointed a committes to fix allotments. » * ‘The ional committee found that inter-related the railroad lines which pene- trated the Lehigh and juylkill regions except the Pennsylvania Railroad; that competition in freight rates was eliminated; that production was restricted and prices were controlled; that so-called independent oper- ators surrendered as freight charges 38 percent of the price which their coal brought; and, that wages were arbitrarily fixed. The committee concluded that “it (was) difficult to imagine how the common carrier could commit greater depredations upon national com- merce, more flagrant violations of the’ law, of greater abuses of individual and public rights.” But these were “mere words” from capitalist parlia- mentarians. The miners lost the strike and went to work at the terms dictated by the mine owners, The policies of John L. Lewis failed in 1888. They cannot help but fail these two-score years later with an even greater consolidation of ownership of railroads, coal lands and coal companies, |is quoted as saying: FOOTNOTES a BY HUGENE’' LYONS TO THE NEWS Sailors’ Chanty I throw out my chest, And I boast and I brag; Oh, great is my country, And proud is its flag; Its power is dreaded Wherever men speak; , It gives me a job For eleven a week. Our navy’s the best, Our air fleet’s supreme; Lands quake when they see Our bayonets gleam; My country is honored By Turk and by Greek; It gives me a job For eleven a week. It’s true there are holes In the shoes on my feet; And once in a while I have nothing to eat; But still I rejoice (Though I can’t pay my rent) That the “national wealth” Has increased ten per cent. \ JOSEPH FREEMAN. t Society Notes.—There is no cause for pessimism in regard to British labor. It is making steady progress socially. Already its leaders mix in the best circles. MacDonald was allowed to chat with Coolidge. More significant still, an authority on style has attested publicly that British labor leaders—whatever one might say about their views—are at least correct in their clothes. The wedding of Peggy Thomas, daughter of the labor chief, J. H. Thomas, served as a crucial test. Society circles were all agog. Would the occasion measure up to Social standards? Would labor be equal to its new dignity as lackey of the aristocrats?’ Labor stood the test. The New York Times from London reports that “the British Labor Party has been tried by a style expert and found not wariting.” This expert (none other than the editor of “Tailor and Cutter”) ‘here was a pleasant surprise in store. Labor has grown up, has assumed responsibility and gone to a good tailor. Not only 1elatively but positively is labor to be congratulated on its appearance at the wedding. There were leading Conservatives and Liberals present with lords and men of great possessions, but labor held its own in the cut of its morning coat and the tilt and gloss of its top hat. Mr. Thomas was well dressed and wore a vest, spats and a boutonniere to brighten up his formal suit. Mm Henderson, although not the glass of fashion and the mold of form of Thomas, because he lacks the figure and air, offered no room for criticism.” From private sources we are able to supplement this account. It is reported that eighteen members of the British Labor Party will be expelled because of serious deviations in etiquette. One of them, it appears, wore a white cravat instead of the yellow one prescribed, as everyone knows, for conservative labor leaders. Another is accused of a red stripe in his un- derwear; in defense he has submitted affidavits by his laundryman to the effect that the red was quite accidental. All candidates for office on the labor ticket hereafter must show a diploma from an accredited finishing school. They will be required to take oath on some standard work on etiquette never’ to shame their constituencies by any lapse in good manners, HINTS TO HOMICIDES What follows may have no practical value for Mrs. Snyder or her boy friend. They have chosen their strategy of defense and will have to abide by it. But we offer the comment anyhow. It may be of service to future murderers. Somewhere and some- how our advice may strike fertile soil, like an oat sown casually, etc. We feel very strongly that Ruth Snyder and Judd Gray and their respective attorneys have blundered. Their defense has shown an astounding failure to understand the psychology of the suburbs, One of the strongest tenets of American middle-class faith is that “love is blind.” It is perhaps the cornerstone of the whole structure of popular beliefs. Not merely is love blind, but it is somehow made more beautiful by its blindness. In real estate and bridge and politics we must have sanity, clear vision, etc. But in love—the more cock-eyed and imbecile the better. In fact, when a man and a woman retain their common sense, look normal, talk without twittering, avoid frenzies and otherwise run counter to literary and movie specifications for lovers—their love is obviously a fake. That was the great chance for Ruth and her boy friend. They had it in their power to make of themselves symbols of love at its blindest and most imbecile. They might have twined their names and their pictures in numberless chromos of Roman- tic Love, Devastating Passion, Great Primal Instincts, The Pas- sion That Dares, Love That Recks Not. They might have tapped the great reservoirs of American sentimentality and made them to gush and to gurgle. Imagine Ruth and Judd sitting in the court room, gazing love-lornly into one another’s eyes, seizing every chance for touching hands. Imagine them each insisting that the other was blameless; that he—or she—alone did this thing blindly, driven by an overwhelming love. " “T hardly knew what I was doing, gentlemen. It was some- thing stronger than myself—something that gripped me and made me its slave. How can I explain it, when I do not know myself? I suppose it was love, gentlemen, love—you know.” And we wager that no jury could be found to disturb such a pretty picture by shoving an electric chair on the scene. Such insane passion seems somehow a part of Glorious American In- stitutions, the Constitution, Dr. Frank Crane, the National curity League. ' But instead the two.defendants chose to accuse one another, to glare across the table. Any scenario writer could have put them wise. TO JUDGE THAYER Tyrant, you, who sit there on the throne, Leering down on those who dare to moan At your cruel passion. Sadist, taking joy in others’ pains! You, we say, sha’n’t always hold the reins In this bold fashion! . For soon a day will come when o'er the land, A marching throng of men hand in hand; Shall make you cower! dd een et eee a Shall oust you and the rest who live on When they take power,