The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 5, 1927, Page 6

Page Six Communist Weekly, to) Join the Ranks of Dailies) By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. NE of the sure indications of the increasing strength | of the Communist movement is shown by the mount- | ing influence of its press. No Communist publication can long survive if it does not enlist an ever wider support among the masses of the workers. : To be sure, a group of workers may well overestimate their strength, they may build their press on too large | a scale, and fail to achieve their ambitions. That would be a case of mistaken judgment that must be guarded against. * * * This latter estimate, however, surely does not apply | to the Greek workers in the United States who accept the leadership of the Greek Section of the Workers (Communist) Party. | They have builded their press on a strong foundation. | Their present organ, altho a weekly, has the widest | influence, acting not only as a spokesman for Greek | workers in this country, but also in other lands to which | Greek workers have been exiled or driven by economic | necessity, as well as in fascist Greece today. | It is with great pleasure that The DAILY WORKER | extends its greetings that appeared today on page one | to its brother organ, The Empros. The removal of| this militant publication of our Communist movement | to New York signifies two things: | FIRST:—That our Greek comrades are striving to | get in touch with ever broader masses of workers who speak their language. SECOND:—That they are confident that New York | City will provide the basis for building their weekly | into a DAILY EMPROS. | Greek workers are mo strangers to the American | class struggle. In many conflicts of the coal miners, |enough, by the way, for “steel prices | notably in labor’s heroic efforts against the Colorado | Fuel and Iron Company, owned by the Rockefeller in-| terests in this Rocky Mountain state, were the Greek | workers especially noted for their gourage in the class struggle. In the steel strikes, in the copper ‘fields, in the iron | mining districts, the Greek workers have also been in| the forefront of the battle against the class enemy of | labor. The Empros speaks * * * | Thus, in any great industrial district The Empros | would be among its friends and supporters, In New! York City, however, The Empros has the support of the | large number of Greek workers in the fur industry as | well as in the food industry. It is estimated that in| New York City and vicinity at least a million workers | are engaged in the preparation and handling of food, | the daily necessity of the growing population of the | metropolis. Among these there are large and influential | numbers of Greek workers. | The spirit displayed by these workers in the past, | in support of their press, indicates that there is every | possibility of soon establishing The Daily Empros, | thus adding to the battery of Communist dailies helping | to build the left wing of the labor movement, to carry | the slogans of militancy to ever-increasing masses of workers. * * * In their struggle the Greek workers will develop their | mass daily organ, on a smaller scale perhaps, but in proportion just as our Freiheit, published in Jewish, showed itself to be by filling Madison Square Garden for its Fifth Anniversary last Saturday night. * * * All workers struggling to establish their English- language organ, The DAILY WORKER, may rest as- sured that the Greek workers will give every possible assistance in the future, as they have done in the past, in this effort. They recognize, just as workers in every foreign- language section of the American population have come to realize, that an English-language press is absolutely necessary. No argument was left after the officialdom | of the American Federation of Labor turned loose their mud guns and opened up their campaign of attempted expulsions against the needle trades workers in New York City, that was considered exclusively the province of the foreign language press. VS * It is certain, thereore, that the Greek workers, as they build their own press, will continue to inspire thru their deeds all other workers in the building of The DAILY WORKER. * * * There are in New York City at the present time The Freheit, published in Jewish; the Elore, in Hun- garian; Laisve, in Lithuanian and The Daily News, Ukrainian. The DAILY WORKER only recently joined this quartet of Communist fighters. The coming of the Empros and its development into a daily will make a half dozen of dailies rallying the workers for an effective struggle. It must not be forgotten that there are two weeklies, the Novy Mir, in Russian, and Lavoratore, in Italian. These weeklies have been dailies. The Italian and Rus- sian workers are anxiously working to restore them to their former effectiveness. The absence of an Italian daily, for instance, makes it impossible to rally the Italian workers in the mining industry, in the needle trades and elsewhere with the same degree of effec- tiveness that would be possible with an Italian daily in existence to lead the struggle. * * * What a mighty battery thundering for labor. But, no matter how mighty this battery is, it must and can be strengthened. The army of readers of The DAILY WORKER to- day*is approximately what The Freiheit had during the first two or three years of its existence. Then it began to grow by the proveribial “leaps and bounds,” especially in the Joint Action Committee struggle in the Interna- tional Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union, in New York City, in 1925, and during the furriers’ strike that won the forty-hour, five-day week, the following year. Our battery is strong but it must shoot at something. It must shoot more effectively at the daily problems of the workers, the issues that immediately engage the attention of the masses, using them as levers to pry the workers loose from their conservatism and engage them for the greater struggles. On this basis every Communist daily will continue to make progress, even as progress is being made at the present time, altho not to the degree that would be desired. Progress made should be an urge to greater and more rapid progress. * * * It is in this spirit that I am sure not only The DAILY WORKER, but every other organ of the labor's left wing in New York City greets the coming of the Em- pros. Hail the Empros, fighting organ of the working class. Hail greater victories for the working clas» Hail the victory of Communism, Read The Daily Worker Every Day 2 y Bt | steel |would have to the spirit of this struggle. jonly between France and Germany |jron ore from 75 to 112% cents per THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, APRIL 5, 1927 By T. LOAF. Ya lessened rate of steel produc- tion that developed in November and continued into the first weeks of the new year has changed during March to a new production peak that gives rise to a belief that March production would exceed the high figure of March ’26 with its production of 4,448,362 tons. According to the leading authori- ties of the trade, the steel industry is still pointing toward prosperity and showing a substantial expansion of business. The industry is working around 92 per cent. capacity while the U. S. Steel Co., has reached its capacity. To give a correct explanation and estimation of this new activity, one study the various consuming lines that form the out-| lets for the present high production, chief among which are the building operations, agricultural implements, railroads, automobile production, oil and gas industry, etc. Moreover, one would have to investigate how far the production tonnage of the last two years was keeping in line with the other industries and with the general growth of the country. The nearest but necessarily merely a partial explanation for this expan- sion of steel operation is given by the probable policy of stockin; anticipation of the bitumino strike. Steel companies operating | open shop mines in Pennsylvania re-|the American producers. port an influx of union miners seek- ing employment: they fear or pro- | fess to fear that this rush might be| | aiming at “stirring up trouble” among | “their” mine employes, Reason to show firmer tendencies.” MANY remember the great jubila- tion demonstrated by the spokes- men of capitalism and the entire conclusion of the steel agreement. Franco-German It was greeted as The “Empros,” Our Greek | Economic N otes ket) on the other-—was in itself d ruse to reach an agreement with the Eng- lish industrialists. The matter is still pending, but curiously enough it developed lately an American angle. HEN the news of the formation of the steel cartel was published in the American press Mr. Gary, the chairman of the U. S. Steel Corpor- ation made a declaration that the car- tel would probably help the steel pro- ducers in the U. S. and surely would not harm them, A féw months later Mr. Gary complains of a severe and menacing competition of the Euro- pean steel manufacturers “whose la- bor cost in production and transpor- tation cost in delivery were mater- ially less than those of the mills in the United States.” The significance for American labor of this declaration |was already pointed out in “The DAILY WORKER” of March 17 (see article “Drive Against the Wages of the American Workers”) and it is but accentuated by the simultaneous an- nouncement of the same gentleman that “no wage cuts were planned”. Mr. Gary is apparently considering at present the advisability for the | steel trust to join the cartel. A side show of the affair is offered however |by the stand of the head of the sec- | ond largest steel producer in the U. |S. Mr. Schwab of the Bethlehem ig up in | Steel Corporation, who has only words |staying in’ th® way,—doubtless on the superiority of | us coal|of praise for the cartel and refuses|their military backing, rather than on the Lord. If | ies |to see in it any source of worry to | It is be- jcause of his probable large invest- ments in companies that are a part of the cartel? {WHETHER the foreign inroads in the steel trade of the U. S. pro- | ducers are already of importance or not, the truth of the matter is that the world (chiefly European) com- | petition begins to let itself felt and | that it will constitute a new problem |erowd of capitalist scribes over the | gor American industry and commerce. |It is already a “thorn in the side” of |the iron pipe industry. Just recently a step toward the “reconciliation” not| Coolidge had to raise the tariff on but between all the other European countries (with the notable exception of the Soviet Union) and was linked to that abortive “congress” at Vienna that was supposed to do away with the trade barriers between these countries and to inaugurate a “Euro- pean Federation.” Hardly was the steel cartel es- tablished and the “high political and economic aim” of the cartel was not only forgotten, but the cartel was sharply attacked by the German par- ticipants who considered themselves to have been “tricked.” Gone were the pretensions that the cartel would moderate trade competition, still more that it would “foster international harmony.” The Germans now pointed out what the Communists had been maintaining from the very start that “the steel agreement did’ not mean economic peace, but merely a truce between the struggle for markets and the struggle over quotas”. In other words, it is but a shifting of the fight into an internal one, within the cartel itself. Now, the German attack—though it has been caused by the changed condition of France and Belgium (more or less stabilized currency) on the one side and the changed con- dition of Germany (expanding mar- |ton (this time the competition comes from British India), whereas Mr. in on various steel lines because of the German competition. However, the earning of the steel companies in 1926 (as well as those predicted for the first quarter of 1927) prove that the home market is as yet capacious enough to guar- antee high profits. Steel consumption in the United States is many times greater per head of population than in any other country and is steadily increasing. It grew from 360 pounds per head in 1900 to about 930 in 1926, The United States produced in 1926 39,000,000 tons of pig iron out of a total world production of 76,000,000 tons (51.3 per cent.) and 48,000,000 tons of steel ingots and casting out of a total world production of 91,000,- 000 tons (52.7 per cent.). The net profits of twenty eight iron and steel companies, including the largest ones, for the year ended December 31, 1926, totaled $202,282,- 897 compared with $154,593,750 in 1925, an increase of $47,689,147 or 30.8 per cent. (Journal of Commerce March 23rd). Several of the smaller companies show losses, but the few giant corporations make fabulous dads ~profits. Here are the figures: Net Profits Years ended Per cent 926 1925 Increase U. S. Steel Corp. 116,667,404 90,602,652 28.7 Bethlehem Steel Corp. 20,246,167 13,858,196 46.0 Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp. 15,149,094 9,954,494 52.1 Inland Steel Co. 7,147,704 4,869,735 46.7 Crucible Steel Co. 6,547,730 5,703,619 14.8 Republic Iron & Steel Co. 5,065,022 3,813,484 32.8 ° Wheeling Steel Corp. 5,006,460 4,073,295 22.9 ESE AI FEW words about the U. S. Steel | Corporation. It is known in the business world for its “sound finan- cial policies” and “conservative dis- tribution of profits’. It paid out in the period 1920-25 in dividends only |66 per cent. of the net income and in 1926 1920-25 1926 only 52 per cent., the balance going to surplus, improving proper- ties, ete. Very illuminative is a com- parative table showing the diversion of the U. S. Steel’s dollar for 1926 and for the four six-year periods from 1902 to 1925 (Wall Street Jour- nal, March 26th): 1914-19 1908-13 1902-07 cents cents cents cents cents Wages 43.52 44.71 33.34 35.54 30.47 General expenses 32.38 34.36 32.19 35.46 37.92 Taxes 4.88 5.17 12.12 1.98 0.85 Depreciation 5.98 4.84 4.14 5.22 5.72 Interest 2.38 2.85 3.36 7.55 7.52 Net for stock 10.86 8.07 14.14 14.25 17.52 100 100 100 100 100 __ We notice that in 1926 together with an increase of the “net for stock” from 8,07 for the period 1920- 24 to 10.86 went a decrease in “la- bor’s share” from 44.71 to 43.52, The corporation points out that this was due not to a lower wage but to “high- er efficiency of labor” because of reg- ular employment and labor-saving de- vices, in other words to more intense exploitation of labor, In fact, accord- ing to the company’s data, the aver- age wage in 1926 was slightly higher | than in 1925, $1844 against $1828. This would mean an increase in wages of less than 1 per cent, ‘whereas the More ; Millionaires. WASHINGTON, April 4.—“Pros- perity” and deep slashes in taxes have produced the greatest crop of “mil- lionaire incomes” ever known, income tax figures. made public by the Bureau of Internal Revenue disclosed. More than 9,000 persons strode into the ranks of Americans boasting an- nual incomes of $50,000 and over dur- ing 1925, earnings increased more than 28 per cent. “ We call the attention of the AF. of L. Executive to this fact and re- mind them of their noble resolution at the Atlantic City convention ( 1925) on labor’s share in profits from in- |creased labor efficiency. We see how splendidly it works in the case of the steel trust. It is because all the aggressive spirit that is forthcoming from the A. F. of L. burocracy is di- rected only against the left wing’ in the labor unions, while any resolution supposedly. aimed at capitalist ex- ploiters is mere cant or better a love serenade of an impotent, RL PA eer i ase FS CE | Seab Bus Company Tries Welfare. NEW YORK (FP),—Bus drivers and dime collectors for the Fifth Avenue Coach Co. are to have 10% of the company’s net earnings as an annual bonus, announces President F. T. Wood. The company’s policy is definitely anti-union. The bonus will amount to only $100,000 for 1,850 workers, or about a dollar a week if it were paid in the form of wage ad- Read The Daily Worker Every Day~ vances. ; Gary complains of sharp price cutting | Our China War | By WILLIAM "PICKENS | Field Secretary, National Association for the Advance- | ment of Colored People. E called the Germans bad names when they threw; | a few long-distance shells into the streets of Paris, | even tho they were at war with Paris. But the other day British warships and their imitating American cousins bombarded the peaceful, non-combatant and innocent people of the Chinese city of Nanking. And on what pretext? Because, as they say, a single American missionary had been murdered. If we should grant that a white man was murdered in coldest blood by a marauding Chinese mob, that could furnish no excuse whatsoever for the brutal murder of 2,000 Chinese by } American and English warships. We have mobs in the United States, and when they turn loose and murder somebody, our government does not shoot up their wives and children to pay for it. The Germans were at war with Paris; we are not even at war with China, and our shooting of their non-combatants as if they were dogs, was an act of savage revenge. We were simply showing our might,—and damn the right! We had the big guns. We could get away with it. We did not care a fig how hypocritical it makes us appear when contrasted with out outcry against “German atrocities” (which never existed) a few years ago. We knew when we were ex- claiming against the Germans, that we were not better than the worst of our enemies,—but we were simply bawling because the Germans had thought of poison gas before we thought of it. If we had only thought of it first, we would have put it down to our superior science and brains, 5 Every honest man must confess that one of the mar-| vels of the present situation is HOW FEW foreigners | have been killed or injured in this civil war in China. | We wonder how on earth the fighting Chinese can keep | from killing a lot of “dumb” missionaries who insist on | these missionaries were really Christian brothers to the | | Chinese, they would get out, for the time being, instead | of standing around in the way, and so furnishing an ex- |cuse to their barbarous gun-boat commanders for slaughtering Chinese people when a single white man| gets hit. Altho the English and American naval commanders jumped quickly to the pretext that one American had been killed and a British soldier or two hurt,—we suspect that the real inspiration was to protect Standard Oil’s “Socony Hill” at Nanking, and the vested interests of the British. And we at home are so dull-witted that! these fellows will get away with it: we will go on be-| lieving that our navy is on a sacred mission of the nec- essary protection of life. If they wanted to protect life, | they would be taking the whites out of China to Manila} or elsewhere, to stay until the Chinese war is over.) That would be simpler and easier and cheaper, than | standing by in the way, and making eternal enemies out | |of the Chinese by slaughtering their babies on the! slightest excuse of injury to any European. As it is, | instead of our protecting life there, we westerners are | about the biggest menace to life that Nanking or the | rest of China has ever seen. Even the Europeans in the city were in more actual danger from the bombardment than they had ever been in from the Chinese. i Very soon our militarists and capitalists and newspa- pers will have us all frothing at the mouth hating Chi- nese and prating about “Chinese atrocities,” as if the world ever knew any greater atrocity than this whole- sale and indiscriminate murder by British and American war vessels. | The Letter-Box International Falls, Minn. Editor, Daily Worker—The New Masses recently went through a severe castigation at the hands of several ef our “hard-boiled” comrades, and while I personally believe that the criticisms were a trifle unjust, and in a few instances, absurd, I find that no one has yet taken Mike Gold on the mat for a statement made in LOUD SPEAKER and OTHER ESSAYS. Personally I have only the highest regard for Com- rade Gold. He seems to be the only revolutionary writer the New Masses has that feels a hate, and ex- presses this hate in fiery words. But what about this statement? “Respectable heads borne on bloody poles are not as revolutionary as a hundred typewriters drumming out statistics and manifestos.” Has Comrade Gold become a peaceful evolutionist? Has he fallen for the bunk that has seduced Albert Jay Nock, Upton Sinclair, Charles E. S. Wood, James Oneal, and a multitude of other “revolutionists by bal- lot and for peaceful evolution”? Lenin has said some- thing about the writers who analyze from the outside, and Marx declared in the Communist Manifesto, “they (the Communists) openly declare that their ends can be achieved only by the forcible overthrow of all exist- ing social conditions.” I do not underestimate the value of manifestos and revolutionary propaganda. They will help to bring about the ultimate revolution, But the final success of the proletarians will not be by a manifesto. It is easy to declare that the existing putrid social order is at an end, but unfortunately the capitalists and their lackeys have also a mind on the matter. _What did Lenin say as an afterword to his State and Revolution? “It is more pleasant and more useful to live through the experience of a revolution than to write about it.” Joseph Kala, International Falls, Minn. , . * . Peonage In The Golden State. Editor, Daily Worker.—The unemployment situation is extremely acute in the agricultural districts of Cali- fornia, especially the cotton belts. Many Mexicans, whites, and Negroes are working for what they can eat. Some ranchers, taking advantage of the situation and the general distress, refuse to pay any money wages at all. They make arrangements with the local store- keeper to allow the employe a limited amount of credit. This practically enslaves the worker since he is unable to get enough money together to leave the district. Where cash wages are paid, they are generally the very lowest figures possible. The competition for jobs is so keen that from $1.25 to $1.50 per diem is offered for a nine-hour day in the Palo Verde Valley. Cotton pickers are urged to come into the valley in the fall. They are usually given just about enough work to keep themselves going until the cotton is harvested. When the cotton is gone (about February) a horde of broke, stranded agricultural laborers is on hand for the spring planting. Hence, although the ranchers pay $1.50 per cwt, for picking, the crop is planted for practically nothing, the labor expense being practically negligible. —JOHN OWENS, Ripley, Calif. SEND IN YOUR LETTERS The DAILY WORKER is anxious to receive letters from its readers stating their views on the issues con- fronting the labor movement. It is our hope to de- velop a “Letter Box” department that will be of wide interest to all members of The DAILY WORKER family. Send in your letter today to “The Letter Box,” The DAILY WORKER, 88 First stfeet, New York City. —An Epoch In Labor History. Autobiography of Mother Jones.. Chas. H. Kerr & Co., Chicago. $1.50, Although written in the first person, this book is a series of flash- light pictures of the battles of the coal miners, The “principle” of law and order, the carefully cultivated theory that Americans are so very peaceful and reasonable, the notion that the stern battling for elementary human rights with rifles is something alien to American labor history, are so prevalent that it comes almost as a shock to find here an old woman boasiing of her American citizenship, of which she says on the first page of her life story, “I have always been proud,” and still ‘standing before the West Virginia statehouse and telling the crowd of miners to save their money and buy guns. . * * The miners’ struggle has never been a peaceful one. It cannot be. The operators resort to violence. Mother Jones, this old, old woman who survived her husband and children before she even entered the labor movement, and served in it then for half a century, rendered her final mature, unwilling judgment in Cooper Union, in the evening of her life, when, speaking. for Rockefeller’s slaves, she had to say: “The miners lost because they had only the constitution. The other side had bayonets. In the end, bayonets always win.” If it had not been for this involuntary militancy of the miners of America, if it had not been for the hundreds and thousands of cases, which Mother Jones saw and many of which she reports in her auto- biography, of miners shot in the back, of miners clubbed to death, of miners burned alive with their wives and children as at Ludlow, of women raped and tortured and children beaten into unconsciousness by brutal, power-crazed company police in the uniform of the state or merely with the badges of the coal companies over their hard hearts, Mother Jones would not have been the figure she is today. It seems she started out to be a dressmaker. * * * But the legal lynchings that followed the Haymarket affair when she was forty-one years old, and her immersion immediately there- after in the struggles of the United Mine Workers of America, then a rising, vigorous, rapidly growing union, made a labor leader of her. Her particular function in life came to be the driving onward of for- lorn hopes. While helping some miner’s wife to lay out for burial the children dead of filth from living in company houses, and malnourished from trying to live on the company’s starvation wages, she would get a hurried call from some harrassed local official, “For God’s sake, come over to Roaring Branch, Pennsylvania,” or it might be Hazleton, or Fairmont, West Virginia, or somewhere in Colorado, where the miners were heartsick, and broken with the long struggle, and ready to go back to work. And she would go, and with flaming words} and rich wit, bolster up the lagging courage, and send’ men back to face the terrors, the black death of starvation, the bloody brutal death at the hands of company gunmen, and the horror of a longer strike, which they must face, nevertheless, or suffer slower but even more certain destruction in the company’s power, after a lost strike, * * * She tells of plenty of plain murder, like the shooting at Holly Grove, West Virginia, less known now than the Ludlow affair, but strongly resembling it, showing the same coal company tactics: “The day before I arrived, an operator named Quinn Morton, the sheriff of Kanawaha County, deputies and guards drove an armored train with gatling guns through Holly Grove, the tent colony of the miners, while they were sleeping. Into the quiet tents of the workers the guns were fired, killing and wounding the sleepers. A man by the name of Epstaw.rose and picked up a couple of children and told them peel Mog their lives. His feet were shot off....No one was ar- rested.” ¢ Or this, a little incident at Stamford Mountain, West Virginia, forgotten now, covered up by the stories of so many more like it that have happened later: “As I came nearer the miners’ homes, I could hear sobbing. Then I saw between the stilts that propped up a miner’s shack the clay red with blood. I pushed open the door. On a mattress, wet with blood, lay a miner. His brains had been blown out while he slept. His shack was riddled with bullets. “In five other shacks men lay dead. In one of them a baby boy and his mother sobbed over the father’s corpse. When the little fellow saw me, he said, ‘Mother Jones, bring back my papa to me. I Want to kiss him.’ “The coroner came. He found that these six men had been mur- dered in their beds while they peacefully slept, shot by gunmen in the employ of the coal company.” * * . And Ludlow has been so often described that it cannot be repeated here, Is it any wonder that the miners of Illinois formally celebrate “Virden Day” every year, with parades and speech making, in memory of a battle rich in casualties, in which nevertheless miners were vic- torious, and drove from the state a trainload of armed gunmen and seabherders? Herrin only carried on a tradition old in the history of American coal mining. Of course Mother Jones faced death too. She was convicted of murder once, Another time a plot was made to arrest her on a trivial charge, and burn her in the coke ovens—she would not be the first to burn in those ovens! Many times she was shot at. Once she stood with her back to a tree and defied two company skunks who had boasted they would like to hang her: “Here is the tree, and here is the old woman,” but that time there were too many miners around for the rope to be useful. m She had her clashes with the miners’ union officials too, In fact, the slow growth of a disillusion in the union bureaucracy is a feature of the book. Back in the old days, there were men like District Presi- dent Wilson, in Pennsylvania. “One by one he killed his chickens and his hogs. Everything he had he shared. He ate dry bread, and drank chickory. He knew every hardship that the rank and file of the organization knew. We do not have such leaders now.” And Organizer Miles Daugherty, at Shamokin. “When he quit work and drew his pay, he gave one-half of his pay envelope to his wife and the other half he kept to rent halls and pay for lights for the union. Organizers did not draw much salary in those days, and they did heroic, unselfish work.” Now union officials draw too much salary. International President Lewis gets his $12,000 a year, and worse than*that, District President Frank Farrington suddenly left his office last year when. it was dis- covered he was drawing $25,000 from the Peabody Coal Company. In the preface to this book, Clarence Darrow defends International President John Mitchell—Mother Jones sees that he came into office poor, betrayed strike after strike, and died with a fortune of a million dollars—“He was not dishonest, but he had a weak point, and that was his love of flattery.” Ah, but that million! f * Sein Mother Jones is not ready to think evil of labor leaders—she still believes in John Fitzpatrick, because he stood by Foster’s side durin, the great steel strike. There is a chapter on the strike, in which she tells of their lives in constant danger, of the gunmen following them, of Foster's office in which no chairs could be permitted or the would be raided as a “meeting,” and of the shooting and bayoheting of workers, and workers’ families. The fact that Foster went on from this great object les: place in the ranks of Communism, and Fitzpatrick retreated, from one step to another—this is not mentioned, Neither is there one word in the book against John Lewi: —only by implication, and as part of a group, and a new bureaucrat officials which she despises: In the last chapter, ly entitled, “Progress in Spite of Leaders,” she holds up “modern leaders of labor” who “have wandered far from the thorny path of those early crusaders. Never in the early days of struggle would you find leaders wining and dining with the ai istocracy; nor did their wives strut about like diamond-bedecked peacocks; nor were they attended by humiliated, cringing colored servants,” * * * | { toa beaten, » directly class of significant- to scorn the Could she have been thinking of John L. tevin, dining last in Springfield, with Peabody, the czar of the Illinois coal mines, ave feast where the principle speeches were for separate wage agreements i . cut in the miners’ wages? Or of other little dinners of the pe ; . * * Mother Jones is shown by her pent fr to be what Darrow says she is: An honest old woman, a warrior of flaming zeal and cour- age. Now she is very old, and the fight is more complex. But workers who know the miners’ history have confidence that new leaders will arise, including new leaders of her own type. And,. “The is in Labor’s strong, rough hands.” ; —JACK LEE.