The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 17, 1927, Page 6

Page views left: 0

You have reached the hourly page view limit. Unlock higher limit to our entire archive!

Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.

Text content (automatically generated)

————ee Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, MARCH 17, 1927 Ruthenberg Saw Necessity | of Wiping Out Nationality’ lines Among the Workers DAHL. | By J. LOUIS ENG E. THENBERG recognized from the beginning c. of activi in the American revolutionary movement that the barriers of n y had to be over- come in order to build a unified struggle. fore, that the first speech he t Convention (Indianapolis, It was no made in a } al 1912) was on ubject. More than half of the Socialist membership at that time was contained within foreign-language federations. These federation mem- paid their dues directly to their own national sec- s, many of whom had the thinnest relations with list Party national headquarters. The result was that little unity existed between the different sections of the socialist party. * * * ber: Ruthenberg as the organizer and the executive of the ight against this condition. al was that the members of the foreign tions get their dues stamps directly from the Socialist secretary. He felt that this would at le: force a contact between the party’s mem- bership that could result in closer relations. He pointed out that in Cleveland, at that time, the only propaganda carried on by one group of foreign- latiguage members was the distribution of literature calling for the separation of church and state. This propaganda would have been very much in place in the home country where the church and state are practically identical. But entirely different conditions prevailed in Cleveland, Ohio, where the revolutionary movement must necessarily adapt its propaganda to meet the local situation. language * * * The™socialist party never made any real headway in solving the problem of the foreign-language groupings. ‘The federations all retained their status practically un- changed up to the split in 1919 and the organization of the Communist Party. It was only in the Com- munist Party, of which he was the first secretary, that Ruthenberg was able gradually to blend workers of all Nationalities into a unified movement. Thus, in a sense, 15 years ago, seven years before the break in the socialist party that resulted in the building of the Communist Party, Ruthenberg beheld the weaknesses characteristic of the pre-war social- democracy in this country. Huge obstacles did not pre- vent him carrying on the ceaseless fight to solve them. It was inevitable that in the same spirit Ruthenberg should seek to develop the struggle for Communism among all the varying groups of the working class; among the Negroes, among the women, among the children, among the farmers, and, in the spirit of Lenin. ism, reaching out and putting emphasis on the anti- imperialist work of the party, and developing its rela- tions with the oppressed of the subject colonial and semi-colonial countries. * Thus the New York Times snarls against what it calls “the skillful efforts of Ruthenberg to fan race as well as class hatred.” The writer had just seen Lovett Fort-Whiteman, the champion of the Negro workers, speak glowingly in memory of Ruthenberg at the Carnegie Hall Memorial Meeting in New York City. Then there had followed a speaker for the Chinese workers. But the appear- ance of these workers of, different races was merely an evidence that Ruthenberg had carefully carried on the struggle for the unity of the workers of all races, as well as all nationalities, which is true working class unity. It is only natural that American imperialism, all-| dominant in the world today, should fear this unity of the downtrodden. It was no accident that “Time,” that calls itself “The | Weekly News Magazine,” but delights in publishing almost exclusively the pictures of and ‘eulogistic re- marks about foremost capitalists, should point out that, “Editor Linson of the Chinese Nationalist Daily, news organ of the Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party), wrote, ‘We are very sorry that such an able man as C. E. Ruthenberg leaves us so soon’.” To point out that a‘Communist is lauded by a spokes- man of the Chinese masses, is supposed to create, in the belief of the editor of “Time,” prejudice against Com- munism among backward American workers and farmers. But it is the crushing force of capitalism that is bringing about the unity of labor of all na- tionalities, of all races, of all religions. It was not Ruthenberg’s task to fan the flames of class hatred. It was rather to help organize and direct that hatred in the right direction. * th Ruthenberg was thus agitator, educator and organizer in the growing effort to carry out the appeal of Karl Marx, “Workers of the World, Unite! You have noth- ‘ing to lose but your chains! You have a world to gain!” Before that growing cry world capitalism trembles as it beholds its doom. President Hindenberg of Germany as viewed by. Jer _ Knuppel (The Club) of Berlin. It quotes Hindenberg as saying, “The republic that I support can be _ knowledged by all monarchists with a clear conscience,” Personal Recollections of Arthur McManus By CHARLES ASHLEIGH. FIRST met Arthur McManus when rrived in England, in 1922, after deported from the United at the expiration of a prison The annual Congress of mmunist Party of Great Brit- being held in the town hall Pancras, in London, and McManus was chairman, At~ that time, he was also chairman of the Party—-an office that was _ subse- quently abolished, He has been a member of the Central Executive| since the Party’s formation. After thirteen years’ absence from England, including three years in an American prison, “I felt a stranger in London, the city of my birth. But the welcome I received from the | British revolutionists speedily dis- |persed any sense of strangeness. nd, among those who tried so hard © make me feel that I was indeed among comrades, was McManus. He as busy and harried at the time, {and not in the best of health, but he |had time and inclination for the cor- | dial extension of his friendship to |the returned exile. Since those days, |we have been close personal friends. pee, ae Striking Figure. My first impression, I remember, | was that of surprise at his shortness of stature. | Yes, this detracted in no way from |the effect of decision and mastery, when he was on a public platform. His _ sincerity, |born of assured knowledge, made him a striking and commanding | figure, despite the deficiency in jheight. During the rather difficult congress of 1922—these were - the earlier formative days of the Britis! Communist Party—he showed: an jeasy skill in directing the delibera- tions and preserving order. | He was “Mac” to all his friends; and he had many friends. There was at times something almost wistful about this man of young middle age |—and then that wistfulness would be | gone, and an elfin humour would take \its place. His sensitive face reflec- ted immediately the swift changes of ;mood and thought. And to this, add a certain quality of youth—a boyish- |mess which, one knew, would always jbe with him, throughout the years. | There was the quick emotional varia- |tion, and the readiness of repartee |and wit, which perhaps were an in-| \heritance from his Irish forebears. But this quality of elfishness— | this capacity for mischievous banter {and for play—in no way appeared to | affect the keenness and steadiness of his political reasoning. He had a j background that was invaluable: a |thorough theoretical Marxist train- |ing, and practical experience of pro- \letarian life and the working class |struggle. Trained in the school of |the Socialist Labor Party,—which gave its best Marxist writers and students to the Communist Party— in Glasgow, his native town, he had the advantage of graduating in what | was then the best school of revolu- |tionary economics in Britain. ea" In Wage Disputes Early. As an engineer, a wage-earning machinist, in the great industrial }centre of the Clyde, he early became involved in wage disputes, and won |to a position of trust among his fel- |low trade unionists. He was prom- |inent in the shop stewards’ move- jment, and, during the war, was one of those, with Gallacher and others, who organized an effective resistance to the attacks of Lloyd George. So | effective, in fact, that the British | government deported him and sev- eral colleagues from Glasgow. | This early experience of the indus- trial struggles of the workers, com- bined with excellent theoretical train- |ing, fitted McManus for the part he | was to play in the formation of the Communist Party of Great Britain. The Russian Revolution, the triumph |of the Bolsheviks, and the establish- |ment of the Communist Internation- al. this was the insuperable logic of events which his mind—elastic, dialec- * !nowledged and proclaimed. | Of his work, both in the Com- | munist International, as a member of |the Communist International and as ja leader in the British Communist movement, I need not speak heré, I |the personality of the man, whose ;death is such a loss to the workers of all countries, ee Be Abounding Mental Energy. Conspicuous in MeManus was his |abounding mental energy, and the | versatility of his interests, Besides his political work, and his organiza- tional labours, he had an uncommon knowledge of literature and the arts, During one of those long evenings |in London, when a group of com- |rades and sympathisers were gath- ered in somebody’s apartment for |supper and talk, the conversation would range widely. Perhaps the subject would be the occupation of the Ruhr, and “Mac” would deva- had been invited to meet him. And, without effort, from this, he would turn to a consideration of modern pootry; and he would show, with co- pious quotation, how this or that | school” represented principally the | de —the partly conscious desire to escape from reality—of the middle- |class intelligentzia of Britain. In discussing fiction, he was equally at} {home. And then, perhaps, a casual remark from someone would reveal |that our “Mac” also ‘possessed an unusually complete layman’s knowl- | edge of astronomy or biology! | It was this wide acquaintance with | the culture of our times which some- |times won McManus friends from | those outside the Communist camp— | writers, artists and others, who, | while not opposed definitely to Com- munism, thought but little at all on political subjects. Often, these good |people would try to adopt McManus {as one of their own clan, “He is not like the rest of the Bolsheviks,” | they would say hopefully, after the | first half-hour of acquaintance, hear- jing him discuss a new symphony, | just then being performed in Lon- don. Usually, of course, they had never met the “rest of the Bolshe- viks!” But, a smashing disappoint- ment awaited them. “Mac” was just feeling around his man; and then, at some remark by the hapless intellect- ual, “Mac” would pounce ferociously upon him, and pin down fallacy after fallacy with the steel. points of his relentless Marxist logic. And, be- By P. FRANKFELD T the “Hands off China” conference held on Tuesday, March 15th, twelve youth organizations were | present. Amongst the twelve youth organizations. were college groups from City College of New York, both day and evening sessions, Columbia, Hunter, the Young People’s Socialist League and Young Workers League. When Edward Levinson, a so-called socialist who |seems to know just a bit too much for an honest man, began with the work of disrupting the conference by demanding that the delegates of the Furriers Union Local 5 be not seated, I inquired from one of the dele- gates what organization Levinson represented. I was | surprised to learn that he came from the YPSL, es- | pecially, in view of the fact that the other Yipsel dele- | gate had previously informed me that he alone repre- | sented the young socialists, | Once It Fought. The YPSL in the past was a fighting, militant work- Even to-day, in the ranks | |ingclass youth organization. revolutionary organization that fights in the interests | of the working-class, e It would have been quite enlightening to those honest young Yipsels to have been present at the Hands off | China conference to listen to the provocative speeches of | Levinson, and the confusion and disruption deliberately the Young People’s Socialist League! Issue Was China. The real and only issue at the conference was China. The fact that the Chinese masses have arisen with guns {in their hands to redeem China from the world im- | perialists is an event of world importance to the work- ling class the world over. It is the international duty |of the working class in America as well as elsewhere, to |give all possible aid to the Chinese people in their {of the Yipsels there are still honest and sincere young | | workers and students who believe that the YPSL is a} brought into the conference by Levinson, delegate of | | His face, I knew ‘from| | photographs; but I had not imagined | that he was so unusually short—about | ides dialectics, there would be bit-| Struggle for emancipation. Not only is it the duty of lok eegaide ai aeciaion in his words, | the workers in America to help their Chinese brothers, if the comfortable intellectual ven-| but also an act to safeguard their own standard of liv- tured some remark anent the work-|ing that makes it imperative for the workers of Ameri- | five feet, two inches, I would guess. | and the confidence | tic and earnest—immediately ack-| | wish merely to give some inkling of | state, with masterly ease, the argu-| ments of some learned liberal, who} ers which revealed the snobbishness of the academic. * * * Knew Life of the Poor. Born in one of the poorest quar- |ters of Glasgow, McManus knew the | life of the poor, the slow crucifica- | tion of the proletariat on the cross |of profit. And he was always con- scious of this. The passion of pro- |test and pity, which possessed him, | when speaking of the children of the |workers, and their limited, . unful- | filled lives, was wrought from ex- |perience. His eyes had seen a thou- ‘sand tragedies, and his soul was seared with suffering. In the midst lof his enjoyment of a painting, a theatrical performance, or of beauti- |ful landsvepe, he would remember | the millions who could’ not enjoy; and |he would point out how the enjoy- ment of beauty is mainly a class | privilege. | * * Had Gift of Friendship. “Mac’s” good nature, his gift for \friendship and synipathetic observ- ation, extended even to the least of |ereatures. In the corner of his room |at the hotel was a small sack of |flour, part of his regular ration in |those earlier days, just before the “payok,” or food ration was aban- |doned, with the famine’s end.’ This |naturally attracted the mice, and |“Mac” liked to watch the little crea- |tures seampering out from their bur- |rows, and nervously attacking the flour. One of the mice, he singled out, for its courage and impudence. “Tt doesn’t care a damn for me,” he would relate. “It just sits up on | its hind legs, in the middle of the room, curls its whiskers, and looks me straight in the eyes. I bet you it’s a shop steward of the other mice!” An inexhaustible capacity. for en- thusiasm was one of McManus’s chief traits. Perhaps it would be a revolu- tionary play, at Meyerhold’s Thea- tre; or a visit to a Moscow factory; | or a trip to Tver, to visit the military establishment there; or a banquet given by the metal workers of Mos- |cow—they never forgot, and “Mac” never forgot, that he was ‘a metal worker, and old engineer! Whatever | the occasion, he would have the fresh curiosity and complete enjoyment of |a boy, coupled with an understanding of the political significance of the event. He worked hard in Moscow, and, on the rare occasions of his leis- ure, he played hard, not sparing his | frail body in the least. His health was never very good; and, all the time, his untiring energy and inter- ests were burning this body of his— this body which would sometimes get tired, despite the flogging of his will. And so he died. The overstrained heart gave way. He died still young, with many more years to give to the workers’ cause, He died after hav- ing lived to see, and to rejoice in, the general strike, the greatest demonstration of workers’ solidarity in Britain, despite its surrender by leaders who will one day pay the price of their treachery. He lived to see the party which he loved grow, double its members in a few months and to see the great International, at whose councils he had assisted, es- tablished as the defense, leader and hope of millions of the oppressed, He died a few days after returning |frem the first Congress of the Op- pressed Peoples, at Brussels, where he had sheard, and greeted, the arti- culate voice of China’s rebellious masses, His name will be honored by thou- sands of workers, in Britain, when the names of those who capitulated, during the general strike, are lost in obloquy and contempt. He was a soldier and leader in the class strug- gle, valiant and alert; and he was our dear comrade, He lies now, sleeping. We who were inspired by his words and ex- ample, we who loved him as our com- |ca to support the Chinese workers and peasants. | Actual Sabotage false and controversial, is a direct attempt to sabotage the struggle of the Chinese people. The conference was called for the purpose of considering ways and means of helping revolutionary China, and Levinson, in the name of the young socialists, tried to demoralize .the conference, and sidetrack the problem before it. Es- specially repugnant and unscrupulous were his actions, when one considers the fact that the Chinese National- ist Party, the Kuomingtang, accepts and welcomes into its ranks the members of the Chinese Communist Party, and the Young Communist League of China, (which incidentally has a membership of over 15,000 young workers and students). | In America, as a result of foreign imperialist aggres- sion, there are developing many military institutions. The militarization of the youth is proceeding with leaps and bounds. At this conference, the question of how American imperialism in China, and other places affects the youth should have been discussed, since there were 12 youth organizations present, but due to Levinson, the matter was not even broached. In that way, the repre- sentative of the YPSL, not only sabotaged the work of the conference, but placed the organization in a light of sabotaging the problems of the working-class and student youth. “Disruption Is Imperialism” The Chinese speaker said in answering Levinson: “The question of China is broad enough to include all elements of the labor movement. The Chinese revolu- | tion demands the support of everyone opposed to world imperialism. The Chinese revolution is part of the |world revolution and therefore needs your support.” Whoever tries to divide this conference is no friend of China but a friend of imperialism.” . We say to the rank and file of the YPSL: “The Hands off China conference has proven that your leadership was more interested in creating disunity and disharmony in the ranks of the conference than in helping the Chinese workers and peasants. Will you stand for a delegate that plays the part of a provocateur in sabotag- ing labors’ struggles? Where Does YPSL Stand? We say to the membership of the Young People’s Socialist League: “Do you agree with the tactics of Sigmanism in the Needle Trades that is so heartily en- dorsed by the Socialist Party? Do you agree with the policy of fighting against the Communists and no strug- gle at all against the capitalist class? The rank and file of the YPSL must answer these questions as did Upton Sinclair in a recent issue of the | New Leader in which he wrote:” Instead of concentra- |ting our energies in the fight against the communists, | let us concentrate our energies in the fight against the capitalists.” : The real dangers confronting the young workers and students in America are the dangers of a new imperial- ist war, and the growing militarization of the youth, All the honest young workers and students in the YPSL must join in the fight against imperialism and militar- ism, give their utmost support to the struggle of the Chinese masses for emancipation, and sharply repudiate the actions of Edward Levinson and the disruptive tac- tics of Sigmanism. The Daily Symposium Conducted by EGDAMLAT. THE QUESTION. Should the United States government recognize the Soviet Union? % THE PLACE. Fourteenth street between First and Sixth avenues. THE ANSWERS, Max Gronich, First Ave. Manhattan neckwear worker: “The state department maintains diplomatic relations with the black shirt governments of Italy, Hungary and Roumania, it therefore has no right to discriminate aginst the workers’ government of Russia. Recognition of the Soviet Union would offer employ- ment to thousands of American workers in the basic al ler, Church Ave., Brooklyn, postal em; 8 “The United States government cannot lose pes by granting de jure recognition to the Soviets. It would undoubtedly stimulate more trade between the two countries, and help check unemployment here.” Fred Mirsky, Tremont Ave., Bronx, druggist: “Wall Street has recognized the Soviets. Russia imports more from the United States than from any other country in the world. It is nothing short of hypocrisy for the state department to deny recognition to the Soviet gov- ernment.” Samuel Ravin, 167th St., Bronx, traction expert: “It ment to recognize the,present regime in Russia until the Communists change their attitude toward religion, women and property.” y Senator Borah that the Soviet Union should be recog- nized, It has been in power for ten years and proven rade, shall make his name perpetual, | itself to be stable, Most powers have ited de Ly building it into the fabric of the|or do facto Eg indy to the Bowitee tnd thera Pad British Workers’ Republic, reason why we shouldn’t,” Roe ea Any attempts to divert the issue, and raise others, | T happened last summer at a left wing Workmen’s Circle picnic. Workmen, “free” on a Sunday; the \children, having a wonderful time |nagging the grown folks, mostly their mothers, on a Sunday—and all in a lovely grove near a brook digni- fied by the name of a river. By and by, the sandwiches of pos- trama and salami and corned-beef, the dill pickles, the pickled tomatoes and the two-per cent beer take the stage and the crowd draw together to eat, to talk to one another, and to be addressed all together by one at a time. The smaller children scream, shout, jery. The,mothers pacify them with | food, with chewing gum, with any- | thing. iI ganizing, for learning the lessons of the class struggle more clearly. One talks of the necessity of sending |the children to the Left Wing school. |“There is one in the town of | (Connecticut), get your neighbor's children to attend—help them to |grow up class-conscious revolution- ary young workers!” etc., etc., etc, All the speeches are made for the men, the children. No one even men- tions' the women! And a little pro- |letarian grandmother, a rebel, a bol- shevik, a white haired Red, begins }to “get her dander up.” She asks for “the floor,” gets it, and plants fore the knot of thirty or forty men, |women and children grouped around |“the eats.” Her English is bad but she makes her speech in English. She flays the men speakers, she tells them they ignore the women of the working class to their peril, to the weakening of the revolutionary movement. By delaying the organization of the fighting forces, she exclaims, we de- lay the revolution. Her illustrations bring a chuckle, but they are telling. “Také a hexemple dis year de June bocks: dey yoozhule come in June. Bot dis year dere -was a late Spreeng und a vet Summer. So de June bocks didn’t arife.till Owgust!” Men, women and older youngsters howl with delight. “Dunt be hippocrips,” she glares quizzically at the men. “If you dunt vunt de vives to go to mittings, say so. Once in two wicks shoot de hos- band stay home vit de children? I say, 'yes!” The women shout approval. The men, a bit sheepish, expostulate with their wives, | “Yah, yah, vimmen!” cries the little grandmother. “Dot’s de vay! Tell it to your hosbands! I go too to a mitting. I vant to loin some- ting about de voild. I too vant to be a pot from de struggle.” A man in the group calls, “But we got five children!” - : “Vife! do you hear dot?” sallies the white-haired Red, “do you hear * * * Speeches are made. The main} talk, on the need for political understanding, the need for or- herself under a young maple tree be- | HAS THE Y.P.S.L. COME TO THIS?| = Last Summer at a Picnic (dot? Tell him something; five children ha? Vell, dey are your children as gut as dey are mine. We are partners—no? From every four- teen nights I take off one night. You get toiteen—und I take yat Dora und | Faig] mit me, so you hafe only Jakie, Molly und Rosie in de house to mind. Coot you say yat dot 1 em a | bad partner—dot I take out too moch from de bizness? So I am too a somebody. Vat?. You dun’t vant? Vell, I take my het, my cape und on a vet night my oombrella und I shot de door—und —goot-night! und I leave yat Dorke und Faigl too for det—und I am still a fair partner—und I dun’t take so much, yat from de bizness as you take. “Yes, ‘sisters, dot’s de vay to fix em!” * * * The men scratch their heads and look to each other for comforting glances, which they exchange with good-natured smiles in the bargain. The women, some laughing and clapping their hands, some thrust- ing out playfully at their better (or- ganized) halves, others shaking their heads dolefully, give every moral support to the speaker. A little man, tired, pale, a tailor (cleaning, dyeing, pressing—no air, no light, no space) protests’ weakly. “Bot de children cry: Momma! Momma! und dey make me crazy.” “Hear to dot men! The little grey | “bolshevitzki” withered him with her | scorn. “Dey make you crazy, hah? Und dey call: mamma! mamma! you—a |comrade, und you talk like dis, eh? |aint you be ashamed from soch a |talk? Look your wife. Look, Com- rades, look everybody? De vife iss veying aboad ninety-five puns. If you aint very big, she iss yet lest bigger like you—und you can’t stend a little de children crying ‘mamma!’ once in two vicks for one evening!” “Vot? dey is used to de modder. | So dey holler Mamma? Vell, den be mit dem a few times und dey vill get used to de fadder und dey vill by and by holler Pappa instet from Mamma!” She exhorted them to organize. Strike while the irorf was hot. Went from woman to woman. Names, ad- dresses, friendliness, enthusiasm. They formed a group. I don’t re- call what they named themselves. A meeting night was chosen, a place for the first meeting. Have they held together? I don’t know. I haven’t inquired. The little grey mother of the mothers and fathers of growing children did not live in those parts. She was a visitor. Whether those women will have held fast to their organization or not depends on , whether or not they had among their |number one or more from the van- guard, conscious, clear, disciplined enough to realize that without or- ganization there is nothing and with- out constant activity, no organiza- | tion. My Country "Tis of Thee || By NAT KAPLAN. Our Friends The Socialists.—Over 6,000 women workers of Mississippi work more than 10 hours a day for an average wage of $8.60 per week. Can’t our friends, the socialists, have a law ag’in it passed, or is the New Leader too busy hailing the Alger-like rise of “Roxy” to fame and fortune? * * * The Holy Men Are Howling.—With the appearance of “Elmer Gantry,” the story of a small-town youth who goes through a christian college, a christian seminary and a christian minister’s life as a hypocrite, crook, liar and seducer, Sinclair Lewis bids fair to knock the ministerial smug- ness and security for a row of Gideon bibles. Representatives of the consecrated cloth of all creeds are criticising Brother Sinclair’s methods and man- ners. The Reverend William Stidger, erstwhile Kansas City friend of Lewis, predicts the failure of the book be- cause of its “unfair, irreverent treat- ment of deep religious emotions.” Every knock from the holy men will act as a boost as far as the book’s sale is concerned. But our friend, the flapper, will find it only mildly titil- lating, the sophisticate will yawn and turn to psycopathic sex studies, and not a few nice people will be pleas- antly shocked. | * * The Literaturé Of Sensation—One often has a vague notion that some of the writers of sensational stories are actuated by the same urge that produces the cruder type of literary expression encountered on the walls of subway comfort stations. Personally, we find commercialized sin almost wholly unpleasant. * * * Tabloid.—Which reminds us, now that the party’s getting rough, of the “art” editor of the filthiest tabloid, one of the newer school of Greenwich Villagers. He habitually wears a windsor tie, long hair and a bored, al- most vacuous, expression that be- comes slightly animated when he glances over the layouts submitted for * would be immoral as well as unsafe, for our govern-|his O K. Laugh This -Off!—For the protec- tion of the 4,000 Americans within| Louis were the children’s foster- the oriental danger zone your Uncle formed men and about 100 officers pa- trolling the may area. . Well, well.—145 Princeton students, sans sense of shame and a belief in the Santa Claus who provides real, upright sons of Old Nassau with racoon coats, boldly proclaim, in an- swer to a questionnaire, that they have lost their faith in a personal god since entering Princeton. But Dean | Gauss tells the world that nobody took the questionnaire seriously. * * * Praise.God From Whom All Bless- ings Flow.—But there are god-fearing men in our midst—President W. W. Campbell of the University of Cali- fornia, ascribes the scarcity of student suicides to the wonderful weather of the Pacific Coast. And Untermeyer, the poet, is going to start a fund to discourage student suicide. Maybe he will join with President Campbell and provide scholarships for and transpor- tation to the University of California. * * * The Imperialist’s Creed.—While you take with a grain of salt the military propaganda for the Citizens’ Military Training Camps dished out by the Re- eruiting Publicity Bureau remember the military creed, as it is expounded by James Joyce: “They believe in rod, the scourger almighty, creator of hell upon earth and in Jacky Tar, the son of a gun, who was conceived of unholy boast, born of the fighting navy, suffered under rump and dozen, was sacri. ficed, flayed and curried, yelled like bloody hell, the third day he arose from the bed, steered into haven, sitteth on his beamend until further orders whence he shall come to drudge for a living and be paid.” * * * ? “Mental, Moral And Physical De- velopment.”—Observe with reference to the C. M. T. C. drive that “Go To Church Sunday” will be followed week-day admonitions—“be good be careful, then visit the Post pital for proplylactic treatment.” Preacher’s Son (¢ Own Children to CHICAGO, March 16. —/ Walter Scholl, 33, ne’er-do-well son of a Pitts- burgh, Benna., minister, was hiner in Ghicago, today and confessed strangling to death his two children, Vivian, 8, and Donald, 6, > little Gary, Ind., cottage a week today, School told of motoring from St. mother, Mrs. Margaret School had left Miss Becker, White Plains, teacher: “I agree ‘with Samuel has 50 warships, 4,159 uni-|him Feb. 14, of renting the little in Gary then strang! be Jo he fo he had pity t enough ether for the deed. %

Other pages from this issue: