The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 8, 1927, Page 6

| | i THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, MARCH 8, 1927 Socialist Parties Failed In Face of World War! By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. | ( ITH the development of the young Communist movement in the United States, following the war and the triumphant workers’ revolution in Russia, the Ruthenberg Told How The| | Woman Fighters in Hamburg URING the great strike of Au- gust, which brought about the dow 1 of the- Cuno govern- ment, the women of Hamburg proved that they are not a hindrance to their men but ready to spur them on. Out- side the great docks they did most of the picketing, forming a living chain, hand to hand, closing all roads to the harbor. They would not let \th husbands, sons or others be sweated any longer for miserable wages scarcely exceeding tips. Women’s Appeal Decisive. American capitalist class beheld Communism, not alone Those of the dockers’ who had not as a spectre that haunted it night and da aS &/made up their minds were decided flesh and blood foe to be bitterly fought and overcome. |hy this. And when the strikers This became very apparent in the numerous “red”| gathered in great mass meetings raids that have continued sporadically up to the present time in different sections of the country. It also ma fested itself in the vicious prosecutions launched against Communists who had been arrested. Just as he was one of the first to suffer in the so-| cialist. party as a result: of the war attacks by the | government on this organization, so C. E. Ruthenberg was also in the forefront of those to receive the first blows from the capitalist state in its attack against the Communist Party, first inaugurated as a war on the left wing in the socialist party, the left wing that or- ganized the forces of Communism into an American section of the Communist International. * * * | It was at the trial of Comrade Ruthenberg in New| York City that capitalist justice glaringly revealed its| class nature. Judge Bartow S. Weeks arrogated to him-| self all the powers of court, jury and prosecutor. In| this he had an eager ally in the prosecutor himself, Assistant District Attorney Alexander I. Rorke. When Ruthenberg was on the witness stand they both con-| ducted a double-barrelled attack against him. This can clearly be seen through the re-reading of the court testimony by those who wera not fortunate enough to have been present at the trial itself. . * These judicial lackeys of the enemy capitalist class were especially anxious to bring out that Ruthenberg was in favor of invoking civil: war to overthrow ‘the present American government, not when the time would | be deemed propitious, but during the late .world war and the period immediately following to which the in- dictment applied. The district attorney carefully led up to his point by going over the history of the development of the First and Second Internationals. He based his main attack oh the anti-war manifesto ‘of the special anti- war congress of the Second (Socialist) International. This declaration against war ahd militarism was con- ‘ t classic at the time, It remained a » however, being grossly betrayed with the breaking out of the war, when every European so- cialist party, with the exception of the Italian, gave its support to the imperialist struggle. * “ * But the capitalist prosecutor in New York City was not inte ed in how the European socialist parties really berg thought they should have acted. Thus the prosecutor declared, “What we are inter-/| ested in the manner in which the socialist. parties of the vo countries were to act against the war.| What he act against the war tha‘ the socialists failed to carry out when war was declared?” And the judge chimed in with, “What acts were not taken by the socialists that he (Ruthenberg) under- stands were required by the Second International agree- ment (at Basle).” Ruthenberg carefully explained that opposition to the war might take various forms, it might take the form of demonstrations, it might develop into the action taken by the British Council of Action, when Great Britain threatened to attack the Soviet Union.” “What action,” demanded the court. Ruthenberg answered, “The Council of Action threat- ened a general strike if England declared war on Soviet Russia. Such action, I believe, was required by the Basle resolution against any government that entered an imperialist war.” * * * Court and prosecutor then began applying the gen-| eral strike-theory to the United States. | “Let me see if I understand you,” said Judge Weeks. | “You mean that compliance with the Basle resolution | would require a declaration of a general strike in the United States after the declaration of war by the United States?” Ruthenberg answered, “If there was an organization of sufficient strength and power to call a general strike, yes.” Then the prosecutor, Rorke, took up the questioning as follows: *“Q. The Basle resolution spoke about the desirability! civil war in the event that the nations went to war, Kt it? A. I do not think those are the words of * the Basle resolution. It states that the imperialist war shouja be turned into a civil war. “@. Should be turned into what? A. Into a civil war. “@. You mean by that, that if the governments go to r, one with another, that the proletariat should tak advantage of the situation, and change it into a civil war in the country, so that the proletariat might Succeed in conquering the government? A. My view of that statement is that if it required any action on the par tof the organized workers in opposition to the war, to the extent of overthrowing the existing government | and establishing a working class government in its place, in order to stop the war— “Q. And is what I stated one of the acts— “The Court: And if necessary to accomplish that, by a civil revolution? “The Witness (Ruthenberg): If the conditions were such that the proletarian strength and the development of the situation in any particular country made that possible, as it happened in Russia through the break- down of the existing government, THEN THE BASLE RESOLUTION REQUIRED SUCH ACTION. “Q. If they (the workers) are strong enough to do it, you believe the Basle resolution requires them to do it, is that it? A. The Basle resolution requires the | working class to use all its power to end the capitalist war, the imperialist war, yes. | “Q. As part of its power, if it was strong enough to) bring on a civil war, to conquer the government? | If it was necessary to overthrow the existing govern ment and set up a working class state in its place. “Q. Did you believe it was necessary to overthrow the existing government by those means? A. I do not believe that the overthrow of any government can be brought about by anyone saying or planning that it| should be done at a certain time. I believe that all | capitalist governments will be overthrown through the | development of the social and industrial conditions in each country, which will bring the breakdown of the existing system, and with it the government, and’ that at such time a working class state will replace the gov- ernment.” id < of | It was to help build a Communist Party to strike at | the proper time for working class victory, that Ruthen- | berg gave all of his strength and energy, of body and | brain. His examination by the judge and prosecutor | in the New York court room with his clear answers, is | aed of the correctness with whith he saw the struggle al | outside the docks, it was the women who led them in one vast demonstra- tion through the town, “Better die fighting than suffer famine for the sake of Stinnes and Co.,” the women shouted to the men, And it.was not “mere words.” When the “Social-Democrat” police |chief ordered the police to fire on | the strikers, it was the women who, fighting bravely in the front: ranks | against the hired murderers of the | working class, spurred on their com- rades to greater efforts. But the attacks of the military slid off from the workers’ defences like sand thrown at a rock. ine guns and armored cars of the reactionaries failed, devotion and self-sacrifice was shown by the workers in the fighting heroic. | Already in the early morning at | the erection of the barricades the women had ‘been helping busily. | Pale, half starved, delicate-looking | girls and women were carrying great | logs of wood and large stones, tear- jin up the street pavements to form barricades, and digging trenches. ‘The sight of their work was such an encouragement and gave such a feel- in of strength that super-human things were done; barricades seemed | positively to grow out of the ground. | Invaluable Services. | could only be done by them. Smug- gling arms and ammunition through the police outpost line, acting as couriers, “scouting” — these they alone could do. | Their great capacity for organiza- The mach-| Unbelievable and the deeds of the women were| Women took an active part in all! phases of the struggle; certain tasks, |employ men when we can get wo- The Second Great Struggle. | tion was shown in the way the fight- Then, two months later, came the|ing ranks of workers were supplied greater struggle. In the early morn-|with food; feeding committees ing of October 23, the working class|sprang up spontaneously, regulating districts of Hamburg became a bat-| according to a detailed plan the tlefield, Thirteen police stations | cooking and distributing of food. were taken by surprise and stormed| The women who did all this were at the same moment. |not all or mainly Communists; many The news spread like lightning. | of them had hitherto despised the The capitalists, all a-tremble, ‘hur-| “wicked agitators.” They were wo- lly mobilized their mercenaries. | men of the working class. . Crsins The Tome Workers! : worst conditions and are the most backward, such ,as the canning and textile industries. In the canning in- men who can do their work just as|dustry more than half of the work- well.” The writer of these lines wit- jets are women, while the textile in- nessed not long ago many cases in| dustry employs 55% of women. The New England states where the men} growth of the machine world has af- cannot find work and depends eco-| fected. the conditions of the women ROM the New Jers al Report, pp. y Commission- —“We never acted in the face of the war, but how Ruthen-| jing her descent to a low state of _ visibly touched. nomically upon his female relatives. | For the past five years the num-| ber of women in industry increased j by twenty-five per cent. At present there are 11,000,000 women em- ployed in various industries in the | I do not bélieve that it is ne-| to explain why they go into | industry. It is clearly understood | that a woman is not interested in a} career as is the middle class femin- | ist, but the starvation wages of the male force her into-industry. The} bosses love to see the weaker muscles | slaving for him, not only because her | wages are less than those of the} male but also she is less fault-find- | ing and is less likely to be the gpnse jof strikes. The oppressor is taking the full | advantage of the backwardness of | development of women, for which he jis to blame. In the earliest primi- |tive society there were no classes. |The women of that stage were on |equal plane with the men. The birth of private property with its moyt un- bearable ‘system of exploitation, forced the women into a fosition of | being exploited both in the home and |in the industrial world. The woman became a double slave. Pages of literature were written, special reli- gious laws created, which made her unprotected as a weaker sex, caus- | mental development. Women Have Worst Conditions. The industries where the women! are the majority of workers have the to a very great extent. When she returns home after 9 or ten hours of manual labor in the factory, the wo- |men are confronted by domestic du-| ties. The women is thus forced to work 5 or 6 hours extra daily. Woman's Role, Now the question arises: Is the wo- man useless to the labor movement? Not at all. With the awakening of the militant struggle of the labor move- ment, women are playing an impor- tant role. An illustrated example of this may be seen in the action of the women in the Passaic strike. Albert Weisbord in his booklet “Passaic,” illustrating the woman’s role in the strike, praised the good work that they can do when they are organized, W. Z. Foster in his lecture on strike strategy at the Workers’ School stressed the importance and great The Negro Working Woman ‘HE Negro woman is a worker. There are very few | leisure class women among us. Under slavery our | women toiled in the field, and labored in the house. | Today large numbers'still slave on farms in the South |and in domestic service all over the country.. But thou- | sands have gone into factories, mills and shops in the big cities. We have also developed a considerable pro- fessionak class of teachers, doctors, nurses and lawyers. The last census reported nearly 2,000,000 colored women gainfully employed. This took no account, how- lever, of the Negro wife, who is almost always a wage learner, as well as homemaker. She adds to the slim |family income by taking in washing or going out to work by the day. Small pay, filthy work, and long hours are the lot of |the colored woman in industry. All the evils of the | South, lynching, disfranchisment, poor schools, Jim Crow | laws, peonage and the chain gang which bear so heavily |on Negro men, are doubly hard for Negro women. ‘What have colored women done to softeh these harsh |conditions? All that she has known how to do, up to ‘this time. For years the colored woman has been the backbone of every race betterment movement. She has |given freely of her meagre earnings for education and charity. The National Federation of Colored Women’s Clubs lias aided every drive for redress and justice. Leaders among the women have been persons who be- Meved'in impressing the owning class with one’s wofth or asking for justice. But pleas have not lessened lynching and worth while work has not abolished one rotten borough in the South. The idea is gaining ground that the heartless cruelties practised toward the Negro are terrorist methods de- signed to keep him a slave working class. If this is so, this fight for better conditions is a work- er’s Yight. The colored woman is prepared to fight. She has had training on the picket line in Passaic, in New York and in Chicago. Her answer to discrimination is organization. Of all the working class, the Negro woman is least organized. But she at last realizes the power of or- ganized labor. She recognizes her own ‘power as a worker. zs Now only a few factory workers belong to progressive unions in the large cities. The number will grow as the colored woman herself goes out to organize her sisters. | Have we any examples of revolutionary leadership? |Yes. Harriet Tubman, fugitive slave, made nineteen trips back into slave territory, and brought out over three hundred slaves. Sojourner Truth, freed, when slavery was abolished in New York, gave her time, and used her simple eloquence in the abolitionist cause. i | Their example will inspire us. Recent Outstanding Achievements Among Working Women The first conspicuous instance in 1926 along organi- zational Mnes was the continued growth and develop- ment of Local 43, Millinery Hand Workers Union, of |the Cloth Hat, Cap and Millinery Workers International | Union. In less than two years around 2,000 young wo- {men have been organized. Union control has been es- tablished in hundreds of small shops, with four young members of Local 43 as able and efficient business agents and organizers. This'is a remarkable and note- worthy achievement when one knows the history of has had to encounter. of heroic devotion and loyalty upon the part of a small riinority, who have been responsible for holding the (hace together since the disastrous 1919 strike, when an attempt was made to organize the 10,000 milliners in the uptown shops, Local 43 has not been spectacular, it has had little Local 48 and the great handicaps and obstacles which it | Local 43 has an unusual record | CAN THE WOMAN WORKER BE ORGANIZED? The Woman Worker and the Trade Unions, by Theresa Wolfson. tional Publishers. $1.75. Theresa Wolfson answers this question with a number of “Ifs.” But the most important “If” which she poses is: “Jf the trade union broadens its structural boundaries to include the unskilled worker—and women are for the most part unskilled.” Miss Wolfson takes into consideration many factors which account for the small number of women organized into trade unions—tradition, prejudice, kind of work in which women are engaged, etc. The array of facts which she presents in illustration of the attitude of the American Federation of Labor towards this problem is damning. At in. tervals, since 1885, the A. F. of L. has thrown sops to the unorganized women workers in the form of resolutions, statements, and the usual pious wishes, In 1918, the Executive Council even employed eight or nine women organ~ izers, but in the very same convention refused to amend its constitution re- quiring that there be two women members on the Executive Council. * * * Interna~ That women workers are highly organizable was (not for the first time) only recently demonstrated by the splendid, militant part they played in the Passaic and I. L..G. W. U. strikes, where they displayed much of the fiery spirit, the courage and the determination that characterized these strikes. The solution to the problem of organizing women, workers (as, indeed, to the problem of building effective trade unions); is the organization of the unskilled, unorganized industries. Mechanized production is today the prevailing mode of production. It eliminates the skilled craftsmen and brings into industry ever larger num- bers of unskilled men and women, and these women, just as the men, are now a permanent factor in industry. No more getting married and quitting. The unskilled male worker cannot afford the luxury of a wife who is nothing more than a housekeeper and a mother, She must add to these functions the function of a bread-earner, or continue to live in single blessedness. * * . The A. F. of L., with its old craft and “job trust” structure and ideology, will have to make room for this tremendous mass of unskilled men and women workers who must be organized if the trade unions are to function as a weapon of the working class. The’ old forms are as helpless against the surge of the production forces of modern society as was King Canute against the sea. And when the trade union movement of America realizes this (and it will be the job of the militant membership to bring this realiza- tion), the women workers will come into the trade unions and fight side by side with their brother-workers against the bosses. Organize the unorganized! That is the answer to the question. ; Ida Dailes. SOVIET GOLD AND CHINA. China and the Powers, by H. K. Norton. John Day. $2.50. “Soviet gold” is the stock explanation for the events in China. Soviet gold has purchased Sacasa, the Civil Liberties Union and the Emir of Afghanistan. Why not the Chinese nationalist armies? Not only do Austen Chamberlain and Frank Kellogg subscribe to that theory, but a host of so-called experts have been spewing learned theses to prove it. eT ek The idea is something like this. China, despite occasional scraps be~ | tween war lords over taxes and customs receipts was a land of celestial peace | until 1925. It was then that a few red agitators took advantage of the Shanghai massacre and started “to sow the seeds of discontent” in China. It was then that China became anti-foreign and threatened the lives of poor missionaries whom Kellogg and Chamberlain are trying to protect. How do the experts prove that Russia is responsible for the Chinese revolution? That is quite simple. In May, 1924, just a year before Inspector Everson ordered the murder of unarmed Chinese demonstrators in Shanghai, Russia concluded treaties with China by which she relinquished her extrater- ritorial rights, her concessions and her Boxer indemnity. Surely this was part of a “vast plot against America” (New York Eve- ning Post) and an attempt to establish a Soviet government in China, which “in accordance with the principles of the Third International,” would sanction “the exercise of free love.” (Rev. Craighill in the New York World.) * * * This is excellent propaganda for Coolidge and Kellogg, but it in no way explains the Chinese nationalist movement. It is inconceivable that a man like Henry K. Norton, who has been to China, who has followed the Chinese situation and who was chairman of the Williamstown Conference on China, should be naive enough to explain the help of women when a struggle| publicity, its active members are perhaps the least nationalist ‘movement in terms of Soviet gold. Surely he doesn’t believe a arises between the workers and the|known among the outstanding young trade union wo-| few red agitators are responsible for the successes of the nationalist troops, bosses, And today, with the celebra-|men in New York, although they number in their ranks | for general strikes, for the organization of millions of peasants and workers. tion of International Women’s Day, it is not enough to come to the meet- ing at the Central Opera House (March 8) and review the brutal in- justice and exploitation in which the working class finds itself, and give sentimental protest, but also realize that in order to free yourself you must take an active part in the daily struggle of the workers against the exploiters. Join an _ organization which will help you to carry on a more effective and successful strug- gle. This is the Workers (Commun- ist) Party of America. . . Victory Is Certain By KRUPSKAYA (Lenin’s Wife) | ROM the conception of Lenin re- garding the class struggle, there arises his attitude to the women’s question. The proletarian women form a section-of the working class who, as a result of their conditions of. life and work, are generally oh a lower level of class-consciousness than the ‘remainder. Lenin always} emphasized that great attention must be devoted to this section of the working class, and that party work among the proletarian women is of the egreatest importance. I remember one occasion in 1921, when I went along with Lenin from the Trade Union House, where he had delivered a lecture, to the Krem- lin. On the way we met a. great delegation of Mohammedan women. Some of them still wore the “Tsha- dra”—the veil which they wear over the face when in the presence of men. They recognized Lenin, em- braced him, tore off their’ Tshadras, spoke to him, and wept. Lenin ‘was | He addressed a few words to the Mohammedan women, and then we proceeded on our way. After Lenin had been walking on in silence for some minutes, he said: “You see, the most backward sections of the toilers have advanced, these women —they are the most enslaved, they are the rear-guard of the whole world, Now Socialism is sure of its victory.” » Yes, it is true: Socialism is sure of its victory, (Re-printed from The Workers’ Weekly, May ist, 1925.) Rob and Murder in Sofia, Sofla, March 7.—Four bandits to- day raided the Sofia Police Head- quarters and after murdering the chief of) police by a bomb, fled with $7,500 in cash, For a Women’s isis MARCH 8 is a very big day for the working women of the world. It should be a big day for us in Amer- ica, Tho the celebration of Inter- national Women’s Day originated in| the United States, yet during the past decade its celebration was very sadly neglected. i Now that we are planning and working more among the masses of women in America, we must also en- large the celebration. of Internation- al Women’s Day. Today, when the American working class is faced with the probabilities of war, when American imperialism, like the mythical dragon, lifts its head and trys to demolish the little countries of Central America, ysuch as Nica- ragua, when it continues to fight with Mexico and China, it is high time for the American working class to say something. Especially so for the mo*hers, whose sons will have to fight the battles of the imperialists. On this year’s International Wo- men’s Day, March 8, we, the work- | ing women of America, must raise our voices against imperialism and the impending war. The Lithuanian Working Women’s Alliance, with its two thousand mem- bers, heartily greets the only Com- munist daily in the world in the Eng- lish language—The DAILY WORK- ER We cannot for a moment forget the importance of, The DAILY WORKER in all our struggles against the oppressors. To substan- tiate our good wishes we herewith send ten dollars to The DAILY {| WORKER. , As a suggestion we would add, it would be very good to have a Wo« men’s Section in The DAILY WORK- ER appear regularly. HELEN N. YESKEVICH, execu- tive secretary, Lithuanian Working Women’s Alliance, some of the most able, most competent and most promis- ing. Under their leadership Local 43 is building a strong organization and is educating and training its membership, composed mainly of young women under twenty five years of age. With the same spirit and the same steady ground gaining Local 43 can be count- ed upon to organize the millinery trade and to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the 1919 lost strike by having a 100% organization. It will be able to rank as one of the strongest women’s locals in New York. The second interesting development was the organiza- tion campaign last fall of the Ladies Tailors and Cus- tom Dress Makers Union, Locul 38,1. L. G. W. U. Here is another group of more than 10,000 unorganized, mis- erably exploited women, in a district which adjoins the millinery market, making within a radius of twenty or thirty city. blocks, about 25,000 women whose condi- |tions and wages are ruining the slight gains of the few | organized women. In a brilliant whirlwind campaign, | under the direction of Juliet Stuart Poyntz, there was a first attempt ‘at-a United Front when the custom dress- ‘makers, furriers and milliners made an onslaught on the powerful manufacturers on upper Fifth Avenue and 57 St. For the short time allotted to it, this campaign was most effective and successful beyond all expecta- tions,’ It created a strong trade union consciousness among the women and the excellent educational propa- ganda was not without its effect in many of the ex¢lu- sive shops for a long time an anti-union stronghold, in which Local 38 has never secured a foothold. It was proved beyond a doubt that the organization of the cus- tom dressmakers on 57th St. is not impossible in the future. * The recent strike of the Paper Box Makers, largely young girls, is a third interesting case. Although this strike was lost after nineteen weeks of heroic struggle, ‘the women strikers’ spirited fight was inspiring to all New York trade unionists, Again a record was estab- |Jished of women’s achievements in 1926, The fourth demonstration of the solidarity and mili- tant action of another group of women is the most mag- nificent example of them all. The’ story of the vomen of Passaic can be told and retold, Passaic established a precedent for mass organization in the unorganized industries. The Paper Box Makers proved that young women can be depended upon to strike for four months, stick to their union, and though temporarily defeated go back to Work, undaunted, tp rebuild their union on the inside. The Millinery Workers and the Custom Dress Makers have demonstrated that the women under the jurisdiction of International Unions are ready and eager to be organized. They are held back by the reac- tionary officials, indifferent to the exploitation of wo- men workers and the demoralization of the industry. Out of eleven million underpaid and overworked wo- men in industry in America, there are barely 250,000 in the trade unions. Let us realize keenly that the re- sponsibility ‘for improving the conditions of our ex- ploited fellow workers is upon our own shoulders. Let us face facts squarely. Women must act for themselves, The organization of women must be accomplished by women, The ques- tion of the position of women in the trade unions was never more dominant and challenging than today. ‘The New York trade union women have a tremendous fight ahead of them, but there seems to be great promise for the future. 1927 should be a year of solid and able achievement in the advancement of women workers. One is tempted to believe that his motives are more sinister than that. Harry Freeman. ARTSYBASHEFF. The press a few days ago carried the news of the death of Mikhail Artsybasheff, the sensational author of “Sanin,” “Millions” and many other works. My first reaction to the news was What, I thought that fellow died long ago! My second was astonishment that he should have been only forty- nine years old. It merely indicates how greatly in my own mind—and prob- ably in the minds of others—Artsybasheff had “dated.” I read translations of Artsybasheff’s work in my early adolescence. I haven’t read him since. It was the so-called pornographic elements in his writing that chiefly attracted me, and it was these elements that were largely responsible for his immense popularity before the Revolution. I remember bow furtively I read “Sanin,” that early crude novel of his, that made him u gaudy international figure overnight. Plays like “Jealousy,” short stories like “Women” and “Raped,” (the fellow had a genius for tabloid titles) seemed so daring, so deliciously improper. * * * Doubtless there was a cruel irony in the life and fate of Mikhail Artsy- basheff, The man who wanted so much to be a rebel and a pathfinder, the restless yeast in the minds of the new Russian youth that arose after the 1905 revolution, became in time merely a stale sexual aperitif, a tickler of adolescents and hysterical old maids. It is the personal tragedy of all those whose life is a maudlin gesture, the gesture of ineffectual children or clowns, In politics we have Alexander Kerensky, a would-be Lazarus, who has come to America to weep a few pretty tears in the columns of the New York Times, Herald Tribune, ete.—doubtless, at so much a tear. And in literature we have Mikhail Artsybasheff. " The Moon Calfs of Russia grew up. Many of them became the leaders of the real Revolution. But Mikhail Artsybasheff continued to fight with imaginary windmills, continued from his Warsaw retreat to send his puny tissue-paper lances against the invincible iron and steel of a new Russia, a, Russia not of story books, but of flesh and blood and implacable bone. A. B. Magil. Uria Agitates RIA is the daughter of the most ignorant peasant, a baptised Tar- tar. From her early childhood sh was surrounded by Tartar customs and superstitions. Now Uria is a mother of three children. She lost her husband about ten years ago, Last year she was a delegate in her village. She attended all dele- gate meetings. She listened attentive- ly to everything that was discussed there, She was eager to understand everything. And how well she under-, stood everything! Now everybody Poti gp tncacy Pic ae lead call “Our Communist.” She goes out to the women who gather outside their homes, and there she tries to agitate and educate them, urging them to attend the dele- gate meetings. ! 6TH, you women! We have many rights in our hands, but we know not how to use them!, And the menfolk sneer at us. They say:| them ‘You women keep at your gossips and do not poke your noses into so- cial matters” But we our actions show ourselves light. Why not go to the reading room and listen to newspaper read- ing, or the reading of some clever book?” . Her elder son, Chtuba, she per- suaded to join the Young Cor f} eg ia gee indulging Se ness! Here is a newspaper, then--go to the Comsomol. J. and make other follow you. . H Baigulova (Shengalchinsk Vo oN, Chelninsk Canton), but at / present there is a nucleus, which Tn the long winter e little cottage is converted there and Uria, The youth gathers together with her son, ‘sation on very vital sub;