The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 26, 1927, Page 6

THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. Dai 83 First By mail (in New York only): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months THE DAILY WORK SCRIPTION RAT By mail (outside o| $6.00 per year $ , Except Sunday Phone, Orehard 4928 New York): 50 six months 10 three months Address all mail and make out checks to treet, New York, N. Y. Geet BORAH is afraid that unless a halt is called to the grow- ing tendency towards centralized and bureaucratic government, we will soon have “a republic in name, but a bu- reaucracy in fact.” Senator Borah does not have to wor- ry. We already have such a bureau- cracy. At the present moment, one em- THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, The Fears of S in declaring that a strike may be il- legal any time the bosses do not like its aims, This makes it possible to outlaw all but the least important strikes, THERE has been a definite ten- | dency in our government since big business has become powerful in the JANUARY 26, 1927 enator Borah x United States and particularly dur- | government put the police and the lo- | cal courts at the service of the bosses | | in the needle trades, I. R. T. and pa- | per box makers’ strikes. | UR one time “government of th people, by the people, and for the people,” is becoming more and} more openly a government of the | corporations, by the corporations and | i oa » Let Loose.” ‘estshaies te loyé out of eleven persons| iv@ and since the world war, to make | for the corporations, These corpora- | . J, LOUIS GDAHL } Editors pitntily acibioead: in’ the Aaaited: it ever more openly the instrament Hohe control both old parties, | % WILLIAM FB) BUNNE [s7) nc cetseesns +s mS . States is on the public payroll, local, cf the bosses for whatever they want/ The only remedy is the formation | ? BERT MILLE Business Manager gatsox nationals: Chik’) doss ‘notte to put across. restate sent) cf a labor party locally and of a! é YAS URLS 3 REG 2 supa ~|clude the army and navy. Besides|“0Ur” army into West Virginia) Tarmer-Labor Party _ nationally, | @ Entered as second-class mail at the p at New York, N. Y., under the covenants prohibition snoop- | #8ainst “our” enemies, the coal) which will be contiolled by the work- | on 1TkC air _the act of March 3, 1879. ing activities and the mass of labor|™iners who are trying’ to organize Adve sing rates on application. The Attack on Powers Hapgood. The cowardly attack on Powers Hapgood, member of the United Mine Workers of America, by agents of President John L. Lewis after being lured to a hotel by a telephone call, is a typical example of the methods used by the labor bureaucrats _to discour- age union members from actively working for a stronger union and a more progre ive leadership. The story of this outrage published in The DAILY WORKER proves that the reactionary leaders of the United Mine Workers, just like their prototypes in other unions, are ready to go to any extreme to hold on to their offices. Had Powers Hapgood chosen to throw in his lot with the Lewis machine and place his abilities at their disposal nothing} Were he of the type that is willing would be too good for him. to do any dirty work, provided the salary is right, Lewis would find a sinecure for him at the expense of the membership as he found a place for the fink, Ellis Searles, editor of Lewis’s official organ, the gentleman, who paid a detective agency a large sum of union money for alleged evidence of against progressive members of the miners’ union, The attack on Hapgood shows better than words that the po- gition of the machine rests on brute force and thuggery, rather than on the good will of the membership. A leader confident of his strength would not have to resort to such methods. -Needless to say Lewis will gain nothing by this cowardly assault. “ subversive activities” only have the effect of increasing the resentment of the miners thruout the whole international union against him and his cor- rupt machine and make them more determined than exer to give the organization a policy and a leadership that will enable it to march forward, to organize all the coal fields in the United States, to fight for the nationalization of the mines and in full to put into effect the policy under which John Brophy, the progressive can- didate, conducted his campaign in the recent election. Some Rabbis Face the Class Struggle. The class struggle forced its way into a national conference | of Reformed Jewry in Cleveland the other day and the hitherto} quiet and peaceful gathering of rabbis and synagogue delegates became a battleground of warring tendencies. , : ism, which thought it was in agreement on everything, found that | ered with wooden shutters are nailed Reformed Juda- it was in fundeéaental disagreement on the most important ques- tion Of the day—its attitude toward the labor movement. : For four hours-the rabbis and the laymen of the 278 congre- gations there represented quarreled over the report of the “Com- mittee on Social Justice.” The majority of the delegates suddenly forgot their religious role as representatives of “Jewish Idealism” and remembered that they were garment bosses, businessmen and manufacturers. “There is a feeling abroad,” confessed Rabbi Philipson of Cincinnati, “that Reformed Judaism is a religion of the rich.” “We are plunging right into a sea of trouble by talk- img this way,” warned Rabbi Solomon Foster of Newark as he thot of the future shudders or his rich pantsmakers and vest- makers when he makes his report. Tt will|of its public schools which offer an Just as the Episcopal Church has its Bishop Brown and the Catholic its Father McGlynn, so the debate revealed that the Jew- ish Reformed Church also has its martyrs to plainspeaking on the cause of the workers. Bedlam broke loose when young Rabbi Isserman, of Toronto, began to tell how-he had been expelled from a synagogue for “expressing my views on the dispossessed, the poor and the disinherited. I paid for my views but I am proud I paid.” The indignant rabbis moved to expunge Isserman’s speech from the record and the motion carried. for his views” again and the convention vote proved his point. But you don’t get rid of the class struggle by expunging it from the records. Isserman was “paying Every institution that seeks to talk to men will have to take ideas on the most important question of our day. Ostrich tactics will not end the class struggle. It will not down until it. is settled and settled right by the victory of the workers and the workers’ rule. And the idealists like Isserman and Bishop Brown will learn by bitter experience that they cannot espouse labor’s cause in the synagogues and churches that are endowed and built by business men and controlled by vested interests. In the next: “Who’s Who in China?” will be the name of Mr. Hu, who formerly ironed shirts for indigent artists in the neigh- borhood of Greenwich Village. He is now helping to clean out the foreign imperialists and iron out the affairs of 400,000,000 Chinese. George Bernard Shaw in praising Mussolini has given some enterprising novelist an excuse for writing a sequel to: “A Hind The hind was a journalist with an elastic conscience * who wrote with equal enthusiasm and conviction for both sides of a question. Next week Shaw may write.a tribute to the late Matteotti, victim of the murderer Mussolini. Cyrus Wood, of Pennsylvania, Calvin Coolidge’s nominee for the interstate commerce commission was turned down by the sen- ate. Calvin is a better hand at directing battleships than handling senators. The Bookkeepers’, Stenographers’ and Accountants’ Union of New York proclaims that it aims to organize all the clerical work- crs in New York. At the rate it is expelling clerks the survivor will soon have to offer his resignation to the wastebasket. Its a dull union where there is nobody to expel or be expelled. Pacifists used to point with pride to the Chinese as models for christian nations because, tho millions in number they refuse to resort to violence against the oppressors. Assuming for the spies and all the red tape clerks, the Coolidge administration and. its im- mediate predecessors are demonstrat- ing that they have made of our gov- ernment “a republic in name, but a bureaucracy in fact”. by putting the government openly at the service of big business. The latest example of this is the putting of our navy at the Seligman and Speyer — for the in- vasion of Nicaragua; the putting of our state department at the service of the oil interests for the bullying of Mexico; and the navy at the’serv- ice of big business to carry out its interests in China. Again, we have such recent decisions as the Dorchy service of the bankers—Brown Bros., | | ministration that used the national | against the coal barons. At the com- mand of the steel trust, “our” presi- dent sent a full division of “our” army under Major General Leonard steel strike; and the national guard was shipped all over the coun+ try during the railway shopmen’s} strike to help the railway bosses de- feat that also. ' | Republican and democratic admin- | istrations are alike gulity. It was Wilson who put the army at the serv- | ice of the coal barons and the steel | trust in West Virginia and Gary.| And it was the Harding-Coolidge ad. guard to smash the shopmen’s strike. case in which the Supreme Court has made itself an open tool of the bosses Wood into Gary, Indiana, to smash| | the | ers and poor farmers who make up | the overwhelming majority of the | nation. Such a party would fight to | change our corporation government into a government of the workers and farmers. The Workers (Communist) rty has earried on a fight for the ast few years to awaken the masses | of the country to the need of such a| Farmer-Labor Party. In the coming municipal campaign, this paper and the Workers Party will give major attention to the need for a Labor| Party in this city and by 1928, when the presidential campaign begins, the | vorkers and farmers of the U, S, hould be in a position to form a Na-| mal Labor Party capable of con-| ducting a national fight against big The Smith-Tammany state and local kusiness government and for a Work- ers’ and Farmers’ government, | By NORMAN SILBER. This country is free and offers equal opportunity to all. The boast of| free Americans is the universal pub-)| lic school’ system. The country has attained its wonderful ideals because | | opportunity of education to all, and reach the most remote rural commun- ities—to a certain extent. } My faithful service to my master} |led me through org of these remote rural communities and afforded me the privilege of observing the opera- tion of one of these wonderful public} schools, supported by tax money ex- torted from poor farmers. This school is by no means unique, and | there are many more around it in the | same category. | A Carolina School. By the roadside in a sparsely set- tled river section of South Carolina stands a small unpainted shack. There are no windows nor is there a chim- ney. Two window-sized openings cov- closed, no light penetrates from that source. There is ample ventilation through the cracks in the roof and walls, and when the door is open, sufficient light enters to show the ramshackly circus- style benches, with no backs, made of undressed and unpainted slats. I Free Education in Free America ) passed this shack many times without, The chief duty of the latter official |taking any undue notice of it, having! was to visit each school in the county mistaken it for a barn or a church. Around a Fire. | One bitter cold and windy day-T) passed this shack again and notited a} flock of Negro children huddled around an open fire in the front yard, en- deavoring with difficulty to keep the fire burning. Immediately realizing that this was a publie school session, my interest was aroused and I stop- ped to investigate. The school had an enrollment of 32 pupils and. pretended to teach from the first grade to the ninth (the sec- ond year of high school). One ter- ribly starved looking elderly man, blind on one eye and dressed in shab- by army clothing constituted the teaching staff.. By way of equipment the whole school*possessed two second grade readers, a wooden blackboard (no chalk) and a blackboard éraser. There was not a single pencil, no paper and no other equipment in the whole school—not even a bible. The pathetic part lies in the fact that there is a compulsory attendance law in South Carolina which requires ev- ery child under 14 years of age in that district to attend that school. Paid Officials. Yet this same county employed a superintendent of education and an assistant superintendent of education. THE UNION By JOHN J. BALLAM Secretary National Textile Workers’ Progressive Committee. HE Passaic Textile Workers have not only established a record for reilitaney and determination, but also for endurance. The anniversary of the Passaic strike which began Janu- ary 25, 1926, finds the workers re- jecting the Forstmann-Hoffmarin let- ter over the heads of Mr. McMahon, president of the United Textile Workers, and Mr. Starr, vice-presi- dent. The letter from the Forstmann- Huffmann Co. speaks for itself. It was presented to a mass meeting of 1,500 Forstmann-Huffmann strikers at Belmont Hall, Garfield, N. J., Jan- uary 20th. The rejected letter follows: Forstmann & Huffmann Company. Passaic, N. J., Jan. 17, 1927. Rt. Rev. Thomas J. Kernan, Honorable W. Carrington Cabell, Passaic, New Jersey. Gentlemen: I am in receipt of your letter of the 14th inst., and while the general labor policy of the Forstmann ,|& Huffmann Company hds already been explained in my previous letters and public statements, I am very glad to add a few words on the points you raise: 1. This company has not objected in the past, nor does it object now, to the membership of employes in legitimate outside organizations, whether religious, social or, other- wise. 2. As soon as business conditions will permit us to re-employ still more of our former workers than we have slreasy dong so far, the company will seiec. its employes according to their individual fitness, without diserimin- ation on account of membership in legitimate outside unions, I trust the above statement will answer your purposes, Yours sincerely, JULIUS FORSTMANN, Mr. McMahon, after stating that he never’ would have ealled the strike sake of argument that the Chinese were ever more peacefully in-|°! Forstmann-Huffmann workers be- clined than any other race, we submit for pacifist consideration the thot that the Chinese are shown much more consideration { ~ now, when they use rifles than before when they had none to use. cause they did- not cut wages at the same time as Botany did, was inter- rupted by a Polish striker in the Slogan of the Passaic Strikers After One Year of Struggic audience, who declared, “™ strike today. once a year and to submit a written report of the visit. Ten to One. Each school district in the South must have two schools—one for whites and one for Negroes. The money for support of the schools is spent on a ten to one ratio. For every dollar} spent on a white child in public schoot they should spend ten cents on a Negro child. More often they spend even less on the Negroes. Of course the Negro bears his full burden of the taxes. Indirectly he pays “the Lord knows how much,” but directly he pays more than his share. Senator in Bad. A state senator of South Carolina} wanted to make himself popular by introducing a bill in the state legis-| lature which would separate white) school tax money and use it on white | schools, and operate the colored schools on the school taxes collected from Negroes. The proposed bill killed the political career of the sen- ator. It was calculated that some white schools would not have suffi- cient funds to operate three days a year under such an arrangement. Opportunities for free education are wonderfully equally distributed in the ‘ South. OR NOTHING against Forstmann-Hoffmann is ior principles. We are fighting against Forstmann - Hoffmann’s company union and to compel Mr. Forstmann and My. Reinholdt to recognize the UL aes Wi” Ellen Dawson, financial secretary of Local 1603, U. T. W., of Passaic, presented a motion that the Forst- mann-Huffmann letter be accepted as a basis for further negotiations and that Mr. McMahon be instructed to carry on further negotiations with the Forstmarm & Huftmann Co. for the recognition of the union. When the motion was put, it was carried unanimously by the 1,500 strikers, and the proposition to go back to Forstmann-Huffmann on the basis of the letter didn’t receive one vote. This is the spirit of Passaic after tweive months of struggle. ‘lhese strikers look to the labor movement) for continued support. If this is forthcoming, they will break the re- sistence ot #orstmann-Hutimann and compel them, together with the Gera mill, New Jersey Spinning and Uni- ted Piece Dye Works Co., to yield upon the same terms as the Botany, ‘assaic Worsted, Dundee and Gar- tield mills have done, Local unions should answer the ap- peal of Wassaic and make a substan- ual concribution to the reliet 1unas as a birthday present for the heroic textile workers, in making this con- tripution, organized labor must real- ie that the textile workers in J’as- suic are fighting the ight of the whole labor movement against} the common enemy and againse company unionism and the open shoppers who are attempting tu destroy every wade union in America, For one year the Passaic strikers have held theyfort against the on- siaughts of the enemies of organized labor. They have broken the back- bone of the resistence of the mill owners, They have compelied the old industrial autocrat, Mr. Ju- lius Forstmann, to receive their power. Victory is within their grasp and January 26, 1927, finds the} the heroic textile workers of Passaic as uncompromising in the struggle and as determined to win as they were on January 25, ‘Pays Tribute to Krassin French Ambassador To Moscow Publicly MOSCOW.—The following letter of 4. J. Herbette, French Ambassador in the USSR has appeared in Soviet newspapers; “The death of Mr. Krassin has caused feelings of deep sorrow amongst those who knew him more closely. When I was informed of his death it seemed to me that I have lost a personal friend, although I knew him only since his arrival to Paris in capacity of the first Soviet Ambassador in France. But from my first conversation with Krassin I saw his constructive mind, passion for work and sincerity which made him so attractive to everybody. After that we met very often and each time our friendly relations grew stronger and stronger. Before his last departure from Moscow, in spite of serious illness, he still spoke with me as a man who thought only of his country and work. He was think- ing then of his task in England and} wanted to undertake it as soon as possible. Then he got ill and his re- cuperation was not a long one. “In the history of the revolution Mr. Krassin will occupy the place of an author and organizer of the mon- opoly of foreign trade. Each. time when we spoke about the monopoly of foreign trade, it could be seen that he considers it as his personal work, which he undertook with the ‘approval of Lenin and continued with unflinch- ing persistance, ‘How could we re- tain results of our monetary reform,’ said he, ‘if we would not have mon- opoly of foreign trade.’ “Mr. Krassin knew that he has done his ‘work and fulfilled his duty, being ,on his post’ when happened. those events. which have radically changed the outlook of his country. That did not make him proud. On the contrary, he remained very. sim- ple in his manners, and sometimes his face wore a charming, tender smile, His conscience was untroubled as the conscience of a workman who has honestly finished his day of la- bor. This feeling of satisfaction, when one’s duty has been fulfilled, is the best and most important thing that can be desired, because labor is beginning of every joy and measure of every dignity.” (Signed) Jean Herbette, dinary Ambassador Extraor- 1926, one year Eo ary Minister of Prance, to the Gor < CHAPTER XVII THE FLIGHT. This summer of 1923 was a pleasant one for Bunny. To be one of the editors of a little paper, and be able to say what you thought, and print it week by week and dis- tribute it, with no Dean Squirgeto | take it away from you, and no po- lice or patriots to raid your office! +} To mail it to everybody you knew, | and flatter yourself with the idea that they were reading it, and be- ing cured of their prejudices! Bunny had put all his former class- mates on the mailing list of “The Young Student,” and in the fall the “Ypsels” were going to sell it on | the college campuses, and maybe | trouble would begin then, and they | | would get some advertising free! Dad was slowly picking up. He read the little paper every week, | a sort of loving censorship. But it wasn’t needed, because Rachel, orthodox Socialist party member, was wasting no space’ on the left wingers. When these extremists Bot hold of Bunny and cajoled him into thinking that both sides ought to have a hearing, Rachel would say, what was the matter with their getting out a paper of their own? So here was Bunny, being “bossed” as usual—and by a woman! It was almost as bad as being married! Another source of relief—Vee was not quarreling with him so much. She had been so shocked by his mad proposal to go off and get himself killed in heavy industry, that she was glad to compromise and take half his time, and let Rachel and “The Young Student” have the other half. Vee was work- ing hard on her new picture, “The Golden Couch,” telling about an! American darling of luxury who fell into the toils of a fake prince from some Balkan country. To Play the part they had got a real Roumanian prince, who had most charming manners, and was willing to devote himself to Vee at all times when Bunny was busy with his So- gialist Jewess. . Also they were getting agreeable letters from Bertie, who had been transported to heaven. Such a bril- liant world, with such important things going on! She had lunched with the Prince de This, and dined with the Duchesse de That, Why wouldn’t Dad and Bunny come over and visit them—Bunny might make a really brilliant marriage. Dad chuckled; the idea of him going to Paree and trying to polly yoo Francy! The blackmailers were busy, of gourse; but since his illness Dad had left all that trouble to Verne. gress was on vacation, which meant a partial respite, the sensa- torial reds might denounce the oil leases.in their home states, but the papers no longer had to print what they said. A curious superstition, that’when things were said in Con- gress, even the most respectable newspapers found it necessary to mention them. Such things brought polities into disrepute with business men. The drilling of the Sunnyside si was baa way. A dozen wells were flowing, and justif: all that had been plibaat of bg Sometimes Dad was driven to the office, but most of the time the bright young executives would DRIVE { come out to his home, and sit ir | the den and get their orders. Such | clean-cut efficient young men, with | all’ their faculties concentrated up- | on getting oil out of the ground! ee visions tormenting them, no | Strains of music haunting them, no | hesitations, no uncertainties, never | a doubt that to get oil out of the | ground was the purpose of man’s } life!” So they kept their wits about them, and mastered their depart- » ments, and increased their préstige and their salaries; and when any one of them had taken his depar- ture, there was an unuttered sad- ness between Dad and his son. | Why couldn’t Bunny have been like | young Simmons, or young Heimann, | or young Bolling? | Il The doctor had said that Dad must not think about business moré than two hours a day; so Bunny would tempt him for a stroll, a very slow one, and perhaps they would hear a sermon of Eli’s as. they walked along the street, and that never failed to divert Dad’s attention and set him to chuckling. He took a kind of malicious de- light in watching the glory sweep of the Third Revelation; by prov- ing that the masses were boobs, you made it all right to take their naval reserves! Dad subscribed to a litile paper issued by one of the rival religious showmen of the town, full of denunciations of Eli and exposures of his trickery. The regular churches were jeal- ous of this new ‘Revelation, which had burst so rudely upon them. Eli was an upstart and a mounte- bank, and Tom Poober, the clerical rival, declared that he faked a lot of his alleged cures, he hired peo- ple to stand up and tell how their crippled limbs had healed and their cancers had disappeared. Also, Eli's followers had not been will- ing to give up their customs of rolling and talking in tongues, and Eli had had to build for them a number of sound-proof rooms in the Tabernacle, where these rites were carried on, “Tarrying rooms,” they were called, because you went there to “tarry with Jesus”; and when things got going, you would see a hundred men and women roll- ing on the floor, pawing one an- other, tearing off their clothing; you would see a woman jerking her head back, or leaping several feet at a time, here and there, ex- actly like a chicken with its head cut off. The orgies would end with a@ mass of human creatures piled into a heap, wriggling and writh- ing, amid a smell of sweat that would make you ill. > The Reverend Poober would print such things, and send newsboys to sell the paper in front of the Taber- ° nacle; the newsboys would he fal- len upon and beaten, and the po- lice would fail to arrest the assail- ants, or having arrested them, would turn them loose. Were the politicians of Angel City afraid of the power of this stuffed prophet? Tom Poober would ask in large capital letters, and Dad would chuckle—in the mood of that West- ern pioneer. who came home and found his wife in a hand-to-hand conflict with a bear, and rested his gun upon the fence and took a seat and called, “Go it, woman! Go it, bear!” (To be Continued.) ON FORTY-FOUR LEGISLATURES TO SAVE. CHILDREN THRU BETTER CHILD LABOR LAWS; COMMITTEE ANNOUNCES FEW STATES HAVE THEM (By the Federated Press.) A drive to be conducted in the state legislatures is announced by the National ‘Child Labor Committee, The committee is not giving up the campaign for a national child labor amendment but it sees that some im- portant reforms ‘can be gained in the meantime by the passage of strong prohibitive legislation. within the boundaries of the respective com- monwealths, The drive will hit 44 states whose legislatures are in ses- sion this winter, Telling of the’ value of the child labor days of January 29, 30 and 81 the committee emphasizes the seriotis- ness of the problem: “The startling truth is that child labor is increasing,” it declares, “Ac- cording to the 1925-6 report of the federal children’s bureau of the U.S, department of labor, the number of children between 14 and 16 years legally at work increased during the last year in 24 out of the 29 cities and in 8 out of the 12 states, submit. ting statistics. This does not include’ poe ee pPockean haptic nd ; years, : tions for which work permits are required, nor the number working il legally. ? _ Minimum Requirements, “Child labor involves’ more than the mere question of the age at which a child should enter employment. A satisfactory child labor law must meet certain minimum standards, and these include the prohibition of (1) any gainful employment for children’ under 14, (2) night work for chil- dren under 16, (3) a working day longer than 8 hours for children nder,16, (4) the employment of children in physically and morally dangerous occupations, “Few states now meet these stan- dards. In 15 states the law carries an exemption which makes it possible for children under 14 to work in fac~ tories or canneries, In 12 states it is not unlawful to work children under 16 from 9 to 11 hours a’day. In only 17 states is the night regulation ade- quate. In 28 states there are no laws vohibiting children of 14 from work« ng around explosives. In 22 states it is not unlawful to employ children at 14 to run elovators. In 17 states there are no laws prohibiting chil~ dren from 14 to 16 from o 4 wiping and cleaning machinery motion.” ' is