The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 22, 1927, Page 10

Lessons of 1926 and the Tasks of 1927 By WILLIAM PAUL Editor ef “Sunday Worker,” London. We have ell very mach to fearn @om the memor- able yeer that has just ended. A period of strug- gle, it was in many ways one of the greatest in the history of the British working class movement. The year 1926 began with the financial and in- dustrial rulers using every ounce of their economic and political power to worsen the wages and hours of the workers. They coneoemtrated their opening offensive wpon. the miners because if they could be beaten then @ would be a simple thing to ®mash the other unions whero the leadership was @owardly and even reactionary. In the interests of “industrial peace,” Baldwin set &p the Samuel commisston. Its aim was two-fold. 1. To sereen the preparations being made by the ®overnment and the mine-owners to enforea lower @xges and longer hours upon the miners. 2. To be used as a means to disrupt and separaie @he workers from the miners. ‘Thus the Samuel commission enabled the em- Bloyers to preach peace and prepare for war. While @he commission was sitting the loud-mouthed Wins- fen Churchill blurted out that a fight was coming ment and the bosses were dividing the trade unions, the right wing leaders of Hccleston were splitting the labor pany by expelling Communists and dis- affiliating militant local labor parties:. In this appeal for preparedness and unity for the struggle A, J. Cook played an important part. He warned the iabor movement that it wag entering the greatest fight in its history. And when the miners were locked out; when the rank and file closed its ranks agaiast the mincowners and forced the geli- eral council \¢o declare thé genera] strike, it was found, as Beyin confessed, that the leaders had made @e preparations for the struggle. As the masses swarmed into the streets in sup- post of the miners, the generel council was using ita fall influence to bréwbeat the miners’ leaders into accepting lower wages, etc, Indeed, it was the over- whelming success of the strike that made the leaders _efraid. J. H. Thomas admitted that be feared that | Bower might pass out of the hands of the general eouncil! Bahiwin was also afraid that the same @ing would happen. In the secret report drawn ap by the general @ouncil to explain why the general strike was eniied off, one can gee how cleverly Baldwin, work- ting upon the cowardice of the leaders, used the general council to attack the miners and to defeat the great strike. This document will play an im- portant part at the forthcoming conference of trade union executives, but so far it has not been issued to the rank and file, whothus have had ao opportunity to formulate a policy for the conference when it takes place. ¥ With unmatched heroism the miners fought on. With the aid of other trade unions to enforce an = Lp PF ET I Oe rr =—_€ Com a eS ee ee | ao ep gg te Itt=»’7“—_i } Spa EOE! a A a vee fm the mining industry and he showed the need for *eoping effectually with it when the time came” “Hansard,” 10-12-25). Faced with the cunning of the government, the ®unday Worker openly denounced the Samuel com- mission. Our policy was supported by the miners’ feaders. Exactly twelve months ago, Herbert Smith, , Writing in the Sunday Worker, declared that the @oal industry wag only a device for splitting the workers. Baldwin having failed to disrupt the rank and file @uring the Samuel commission, used their report as @e means to turn the general council against the miners, and thus to destroy the very unity which was essential for victory. In issue after issue of the Sunday Worker we erged the trade unions and the labor party to close @p the ranks of the movement in order to organize @ united resistance against the splitting tactics of Maldwin end bis cunning friends. While the govern MIGHTY AIRM OF~ MILLIONS’ OF f_ embargo and to collect a levy, the miners, despite everything, could have defeated the mine-owners and the government. But right wing leadership made victory impossible. Towards the end of the struggle, after the Russian workers had sent over a million pounds to the miners, the T. U. C. made a belated move to collect a levy. But this could not make up for the attacks made wpon the miners’ leaders by J. H. Thomas, J, Bromley, Hamilton Fyfe (as editor of the Daily Herald and Philip Snowden, ete. And after the mine-ownere had won, the labor party thought it advisable to move a vote of censure upon the government. Even-here, how- ever, an attack was made upon the miners, for Mr. MacDonald eeized the opportunity to openly insult A. J, Cook—much to the delight of Baldwin, Church- fii and the other enemies of the workers. The general strike and the asinorg’ struggle have been great lessons for the masses. They have seon how readily the revolutionary workers of Russia re- cree sponded to the call of their comrades in Britain And they have seen how shabbily the general coun: cil has treated the Russian workers—by refusing to 6end a delegate to their trade union conference and by threatening the very basis of Anglo-Russian unity, During the past year at every point where the rank and file got an opportunity to express them- selves, free from the poisonous cancer of right wing bureaucracy, they acted with great courage and in- sight, During the general strike they fought Mke lions. And where allowed to express their opinion of the employers and the government they did s0 with emphatic contempt, The most dmportant lesson of 1926 is that the work- ers can fight but their leaders are timid—many ef them openly treacherous, This problem of providing @ new leadership in the trade unions and labor party is the most serious task confronting the British workers. And until it is faced and solved, the employers, who are united and courageous, will inflict further defeats upon the workers, : At first sight it would seem almost impossible’ te provide the movement with a new leadership, ow- ing to the bureaucratic and dictatorial power wield- ed by the old leaders who control the machinery of their respective organizations, Hitherto, the left wing attack upon the right wing leadership failed because it was unorganized. But with the increasing demand for more militant methods the rank and file realize the urgency for cohesion of purpose, and organizaton of their forces. Within the minority movement there exists all the elements of.the organized challenge to the old T. U. C. leaders, Within the left wing there is growing up the organized power that is combatting the liberal- ism now so prevalent in the labor party, To increase the strength of the left wing is the immediate task for 1927. Already the employers and the Baldwin government have completed: their plans to attack trade unionism, This is being done under the slogan of “industrial peace,” and, as usual, the right wing leaders have paved the vay for the em- ployers’ offensive by showing the need for co-oper- ation between labor and capital, Big fights are coming. And if the workers are. determined to triumph they must be equally de termined to put forward leaderg*who will fight, and prevent the right wing from weakening the move ment by splits and expulsions, When this is done labor's struggle tor power will begin in rea) earnest,