The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 30, 1926, Page 6

PN (HE DAILY Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il. Phone Monroe 4712 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in Chicago only): By mall (outside of Chicago): $8.00 per year $4.50 six months | $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months $$$ Address all mafl and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, Il, ne J. LOUIS ENGDAHL Editors WILLIAM F, DUNNE {™ BERT MILLER ... smnermmereeernee Business Manager 113. W. a", Bntered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. WORKER = The New | ARTICLE VII. | By WILLIAM F. DUNNE | TF, as stated previously, the real ob- |~ jective of the united front offensive of labor officialdom, socialist party bureaucracy, capitalists and the capi- | talist press, aimed now at the Com- | munists and the left wing, is not for | the purpose of, supplanting militant | struggle by the workeremployer co- . | operation policy, why is the drive be- A , | ade in precisely those unions feet ad Pia aed | Sion have abe sacenbed entirely to > |paralysis as a result of having this Who Wants to Fight for Wall Street? [polley folsted upon them—cloakmak: American imperialigm with its marines, bluejackets and gun ao omprctba boats is not having its own way in Nicaragua. y : ay jaa seatci abl clei Anew national consciousness is developing in Latin-Americe | | erlor Giadanstaks Gieseh@suhd aoe and a new and better understanding of the purposes of American liems of the labor movement in the diplomatic and forceful intervention. In addition the revolts against | period of rising capitalism meets ae liindpicked dictators such as Diaz are taking on more of a popular or sponsors of the present ca character, 3 The statement of Hernan Robleto, undersecretary of education tn the cabinet of the popular leader Juan Bautista Sacasa, quoted -in dispatches, is significant for two reasons: F First, because of its defiant tone when speaking of American ‘ : ‘ he .; |language as they use in speaking of imperialist aggression, and second, because it was given to the pres: “ominaeilite, oueeiy suppers che tsi in Mexico City, the Latin-American capital which is rapidly becom-| inion oficialdom. This is consciously i enter of the whole anti-imperialist movement in the south | ior reasons which these sheets state ing the ei of the who k pai egpgie oteretenas iat ir ern republics, Py * 0st ‘3 that the present campaign It is also of great, signiticance that Senator Borah is conducting i a m a campaign against the siate department methods. Speaking prin- . se © One of the most hopeful cipally for the middle class, Borah voices the general suspicion of | events In the history of organized hi , vial » that adventures like those in Nicaragua are only | labor THE WISEST LEAD- tone ala di ¢ militarist agcression which will] ERS OF AMERICAN LABOR UN- rehearsals for a wider program of militarist aggression W ; IONS ARE AWARE THAT THE benefit only the upper level of capitalist society while adding to the] Very FOUNDATION STONE OF burdens of the middle section of taxpayers. é SUCCESS IS THAT THEIR AIMS f It is characteristic of the present low level of the official labor | AND METHODS SHALL BE IN AC- Bo. 4 initiative in the popular protest against] CORDANCE WITH THE AMERI- movement that it takes no initiative in the popular p eens | CAN SPIRIT. AMERICAN WORK. the-policy of armed conquest in Central America, but by implica INGMEN ARE, FIRST OF ALL, tion at least acquiesces in the policy of Wall Street’s state depart-| AMERICANS WITH AMERICAN ment. SPIRIT AND IDEALS. Some of Any evidence furnished by the labor movement showing its un- bie id ay eed leaders, pe ret Ee a 4 ably am . i alierable opposition to the imperialist program w ould be a powerful talcaapalibces, SrKbhKbiEA eNIS. FASE: force in halting the armed parade which the American government (Emphasis, swine) is making with the purpose of crushing all resistance to the rule of its puppets in Nicaragua and other unfortunate Latin-American na- tions. ; oe Only a demand from the rank and file of labor, who may know what to expect from labor offcialdom since endorsement of military training camps and battleship keel-laying functions have become MEXICO CITY, Dec, 28,—Buropean | part of the regular routine of labor leadership, will compel some} workers will stand Sore _ = i i it wi agents of American im-| their Mexican comrades as well in eee tld an it ee rem oe ance their hours of need as. in times of P ism. * ra]} | Tiumph, was the message of John W. Every worker who is not ip favor of fighting the battles of Wall | ; own secretary ot the cikannacinnel treet will join in making such a demand. Federation of Trade Unions to some « ° pat - forty thousand Mexican workers from ie ‘ : the Federal District around Mexico's ye Class War Prisoners and Class Justice capital city who came preg ict in a . ao + : meeting of farewell to the European Sacco and Vanzetti remain in the shadow of the electric chair. and “Hoi -AwoHAs ‘iebhaek te the Mooney and Billings are in San Quentin and Folsom prisons. | international labor movement. Whe Centralia defendants are serving forty years for defending From Many Countries, the I. W. W. hall against a white-collared mob. The delegation which came to on" y hav m acquitted. ico as the guests of the Mexican Fed- % tide ae een ae ~ - Sacco and Vanzetti—not even | eration of Labor (the CROM) includ- tad eg poubie tie inmorence 0 ed besides John W. Brown, of the I. * their prosecutors. F. T. U., Amsterdam, Francisco Ag* § No one doubts the innocence of Mooney and Billings. Byeryone with any knowledge of the Centralia case knows that the imprisoned workers were completely justified in defending themselves and their hall even tho the case is judged by capitalist _ judicial standards. \, ° : No one believes in the innocence of Fall and Doheny. Nor does anyone believe the cock-and-bull story of the Japanese menace they 3 _-eanéocted to excuse their wholesale thefts and frauds. Yet Fall and Doheny are free men. é : Sacco and Vanzetti await death as they have for six years while the Centralia workers and Mooney and Billings wear their lives away in prison. Do these appear to be strange facts? ; : They are not. They are the facts of capitalist justice—class 2g . . : Working class justice demands the release of their imprisoned This demand must be given such organizational expression as will open the jail doors. This can be done if the continued persecu tion of workers loyal to the labor movement is made a first point on the order of business of the labor movement. : To prate of the power of the American labor movement while - these workers remain in prison is sheer mockery. Let Fall and Doheny go free, if such is the will of the rulers, - wnd end their days in shame. But release the members of the work- ing class to whom the labor movement owes a debt of honor that can never be repaid in full. — NEGLIGENCE AND GREED ARE SHOWN "AS CAUSE OF SINKING OF LINSEED __ KING AND DEATH OF MANY WORKERS cabin and the decks. Floating about the wreck were pipes, lunch boxes, caps, and other pathetic reminders of the tragedy A fund has been stated for the rvlief of the families of victims, mosi of whom are in destitute circumstances, The boat was built, according to the company’s statement, in 1923 This is disputed by the builder, Clay- ton, who says he made it in 1919. There ‘is no record of the boat's ever having been overhauled or repaired since then, and this is a point which the federal authorities will investi- gate. . ‘NEW YORK—Bvidence piles up that the sinking of the launch, Lin- seed King, in the Hudson, with the death of at least 30 and perhaps 51 workers, was due to over-crowding the boat in taking the laborers to ‘their ‘task. m the frail, cockle-shell of a f raised from the river bed, West 254th street, a hole in the bow woodwork. The le two inches above the steel ten which sheathed the hull, which , according to Assistant Dis- McGowan tat the boat heavily when it hit the Uncle Sam Nabs Decerters. WASHINGTON.—-The Bureau of In- of the Department of Jus- is that in the year ending Rohwedder, who was ex- by the district attorney, is to have been criminally negll- packing too many men ix the ‘avoid making a second. trip At least 80 workers the captain into the , of which number it caught 105, while 32 deserters from the ma- were apprehended. ot eg Not only the New York Times but other powerful capitalist dailies which when the garment workers were struggling to build their unions, |} denounced them in much the same THe DAA a ET Drive : w n O this is the old struggle for “100 per cent Americanism” in a new form. It is interesting to note that in its defense of labor officialdom The Post manages to use the word “Ameri- can” four times in two lines, In ad- dition to being “the wisest leaders” the official elements are patriots of the purest type in the estimation of the capitalist spokesmen. The Post continues: The local unions are to be con- gratulated upon thelr resolve to as- sume the aggressive against Com- munism within thelroranks. “When Communists or other groups at- tempt to manipulate: American la- bor organizations for political ends, there is only one cdurse to take— open war. 2 No group of persons in this coun- try can make it hotter for the Com- munists than the labor organiza- tions. IF THE LOCAL ORGANIZ- ATIONS GO INTO «FIGHT WITH THE SPIRIT THEIR LEADERS ARE DISPLAYING, :the battle will be over almost before it has be- gun. i But there is one drawback, It is that “the local organizations”, that is, the workers, are not following “their leaders” in this. fight. HE Post in the above extract echoes the plaint of the socialist and official trade union press i. e., it infers that the Communist workers seek only to capitalize union strug- sle for the interests of their party without regard for the immediate in- terests of the union and its members. This charge is formulated by The Post as an “attempt to manipulate American labor organizations for po- litical ends.” One will search the files of the of- ficial trade union and capitalist press for the last twelve years without find- ing any denunciation of the republi- can and democrat parties for their Open corruption of unions and union officials for their own interests—in- terests which are ‘those, not of the working class, or eveh a section of it, but solely the interests of the capi- Y WORKER n Militant Trade Unionism — talist class of this country. AVE the huge sums of money spent in debauching the electo- rate in general and the trade unions in particular by Frank L, Smith of Illinois, whose campaign was financed by Samuel Insull, head of the open shop movement in that state, called forth any denunciation of his party as a party making an “attempt to manipulate American labor organiza- tions for political ends?” Not so one could notice It. On the contrary, the president and secretary of the Illinois State Federation of La- bor and the chairman and secretary of the Chicago Federation of Labor openly supported Smith before and after the exposure of the Insull slush fund. HAT is true in Illinois of the re- publican party is true in New York of the democrat party—Tam- many Hall. It is public knowledge that the great majority of the New York unions, including certain sec- tions of the needle trades unions, where the Communists are now charg- ed with “attempts to manipulate for political ends,” are appendages of the Tammany Hall political machine. John L. Lewis, president of the United Mine Workers of America, used his position openly in an at- tempt to swing the union in support of Coolidge. Gompers was for years, and Green is now, a wheelhorse of the democrat party chariot. Ave us to say, to the capitalist party henchmen holding positions in the unions, and to the New York Times, The Post and other of their capitalist defenders, with all the po- liteness that we can muster, that we| Communists were not born yesterday and that we understand you very well indeed. We understand what you are saying and so do many thousands of workers who are not ready to incur the blacklist in an open struggle with you just yet. For what you are saying is just | this: | The only parties that you will tolerate in the trade unions are parties of the capitalist. class and Parties like the socialist party which Instead of fighting you in the in- terests of the workers, does the dirty work that you cannot do in the drive against militant unlonism, because of its ardent desire to be taken close to your bosom and giv-. |. en a more equal. share of the. pro- fits the capitalists dispense to you as a reward for leading the labor movement into the camp of its ene- mies. ‘ HE Washington (D. C.) sounds ‘the note of “peace”. against’ Communists because One of the principles of Commu- nism is to promote conflict between workers and ‘employers. Strike set- tlements are not sought ‘in a spirit of adjustment. The performance in New York was obviously designed to continue the turmoil. It is becoming so whusual for a un- ion to strike in America that a whole theory is being based on the absence of strike movemesitsin which Ameri- can workers formerly engaged. The inference is that strikes are unneces- sary and that only the callous Commu- nists will inflict such struggles upon the masses,. This is the spiritual jus- tification of, the drive against militant unionism but the. theory is as false as its principal proponents are deep in collusion with the bosses and the po-| ‘litical parties of the bosses, ja giving the whole. conspiracy. against. militant trade .unionism a “spirtual” character the socialist press and bureaucracy has a spe- cial role to: play. It is being play- ed, not very - wisely, ‘but cértainly with an enthusiasm which only the smell of the fleshpots in the upper circles of labor officialdom can evoke in the breasts of the high priests of a party whose chief leader, Morris Hillquit, is numbered ‘among’ the wealthy elite of Riverside Drive. The socialist party leadership has found its niche at last. It is that of flunkeying to: the flunkies of Ameri- can imperialism in the labor move- ment. Star It is; (To be continued.) Mexico and International Unity nelli and Francisco Perez Leiros, Buenos Aires/ Argentina, representing | respectively ‘Confederation of Argen- tina and Argentina Federation of La- | bor; Alfredo V. Hoffman, secretary Brotherhood of Railway Workers of Cuba; J. Bromley and George Hicks, ®ngland, representing respectively the British Transport Workers and che British Construction Workers’ or- ganizations; Edo Fimmen, Holland, secretary of the International Unions of Transport Workers; Z. Zulawski, Poland, general secretary of the Un- ion of Polish Workers’ Syndicate; Solomon de la Selva, Nicaragua, rep-| resenting the Nicaraguan Federation | Charles Lindley, Sweden, | Swedish | of Labor; secretary-general of the Trade Unions and a former minister +n the Branting cabinet; Robert Diss- mann, member of the German Reichs- ag and president of the German Me- al Workers’ Union; Karl Durr, Switz srland, secretary of the Swiss Trade Unions and Canuto Vargas, Labor At- caché with the Mexican embassy in Washington, D. C. Tell of Lies. “Europe gets news of Mexico only thru the eyes of a press unfriendly to the Mexican proletariat,” Brown told the thousands of workmen rep- resenting other thousands of Mexi- can workers. “Mexico, outside of the country, is pictured as a land of bandits, of cannibals, It 1s lied about and calumniated. But Nttle by lit- tle the workers of the world are awakening to the struggle they must make against world capitalism and its press and are looking to the inter- national labor movement to supplant the secret diplomacy and connivance which aims to keep peoples apart for that amity which will in truth make for peace and fraternity among na- tions. “Never have the workers of Hu- rope been spiritually separated from the workers of Mexico,” Brown as- sured his audience. “European work- ers are well aware that the greatest enemies of the Mexican people ha’ aways been clericalism and landlord- ism—both the gifts of the Huropeans who have come to Mexico's shores. And while the sense of the delega- tion regarding the present conflict of the church with the state was that the matter was entirely a domestic question, Brown assured his hearers that not only in Mexico but in France less than ome hundred years ago, ri- vers of bl were shed in the same cause andy@ven constitutional Hng- | Presentation of j1and had seen fit to cut off the heads of two kings before they settled the same problem. See Mexico at Work, The representatived of the workers in the various countties of Europe and America approached "Mexico with the idea of getting as lose as possible to the heart of the pédple ‘of the coun- try—to see first hiifid’the true situ- ation. They saw thépeople of Mexi- co at work—in factorlés, some of them of the most modern%type as the gov- ernment munition and supply plants in the environs of México City, or to- bacco factories of ‘Which Mexico has | | By MONIUS. | In its tranquil dréams of the future, new, full of beauty,{truth and justice, life, I was painfully craving for the “Breaking Chains,” to See at least a part of its ideal realized |—the sacred ideal: liberation of the | oppressed peoples allover the world. | And on December 3 the photoplay Was presented, Katja, the little girl, daughter of one of the workers fighting on the barricades with his comrades in order to break the chains which for cen- turies had tortured the toilers of great Russia, is one of the most sympathetic heroines in the play, who immediately with her appearing captures the at-|! tention and particularly the thoughts of the audience, She feels deeply into her naive, virgin soul—the irreproachable soul of a common girl—the greatness of the revolution and quietly drags her- self through amongst the fighters on the barricades, She wants to partici- pate and be one of the witnesses to the struggle gor liberation of the suf- fering workers and; peasants, who, through their labor and misery, create the Inxury and happiness of the mas- tets of the present system, x Her father is killed on the barri- cades. That fills hersoul with sorrow, but immediately awakens in her a strong will to devote herself to the revolution and building of the new life. 8 The revolution ig«epaving its way toward success, taking the lives of those who, with the revolutionary song on lips and joy in the hearts, are ready every moment to embrace death for the rightveause: Mberation of the oppressed andvequal living con- ditions for every human being. The revolution igs sweeping the religious ignorance and prejudice purposely conveyed to the peasants and workers in the czar’s regime—symbol of which is Baboushka—and rapidly making way to enlightenment and conscious- ness—symbol of which is Katja, Sougoblin, the mill owner and op- pressor of his enslaved workers, is induced by a workers’ committee to surrender his property built with the labor and sweat of the tollers. After hesitating to do so, which will mean depriving himself of the luxurious life of a parasite, he finally signs the pre- sented papers. Whey the opportunity presents itself, both son and him- self hide their treasigy and leave for Paris to continue to in idleness, hoping to return some day back to the Jone of the largest in the world, oth- ers, as for instance in some textile factories where conditions are not so modern. They saw them at work in the mines, they saw the peasants are working their own plots of ground, the “ejidos’ given back to them by the post-revolutionary governments of Generals Obregon and Plutarco Elias Calles. Realize Development. Labor's representatives from Europ- ean countries visited labor unions; they visited the third and assisted at the inauguration of the fourth state ‘BREAKING CHAINS’—APPRECIATION “dear” native land for which they are always ready to “sacrifice” them- selves. The actor in the role of Sougoblin represents very successfully the real character of the Russian aristocrat reigning during the czarism; his sreediness for wealth and governing the others; his hatred toward the workers and peasants; his immorality and Vanity, Andrew, as an actor representing the real peasant and worker of Russia ——the man deprived of the opportunity to display his qualities—while ex- pressing his love, speaking to his comrades and working in the station, cleverly distinguishes himself with the emotional play, in which he throws bits of his inner life—lite with which is gifted only the vast sentimental Russian soul, When all the money is spent in orgies in Paris, Sougoblin and Volodja decide that one of them must go back to Russia and get the money hidden in their property. For that purpose Volodja goes to the village as a wounded and unknown red army sol- dier, But when trying to mislead the peasants and secretly take the money, they reveal his personality and kill him, Volodja, as a spy and lover-seducer; Katja, Andrew, Baboushka, the work- ers and peasants taking part in this scene, which the author presents in such picturesque manner, play so un- affectedly that the observer forgets that he is looking at a moving picture. The plot creates itself quite uncon- strainedly and smoothly, then gradu- ally develops intensively and ends as an event accidentally taking part in the everyday life, Hours of distress are spreading their dark shadow, upon every corner of the country. Lenin, the liberator of the country, is ill, A winter storm breaks off the communications be- tween Moscow and remote parts of the Vast land. A brave peasant on horseback starts for Moscow in order to learn about his illness. Gathered, the people-—children, men and women —are anxiously waiting to hear the news. And finally it comes: the sad and bitter news that Lenin is dead. Lenin, their great leader, struggling oqually with them, living in misery with them, is dead! All that, taken from the ‘réal lite eg and put on the screen, touches pain- fuly the soul and speake that no man can speak, agricultural school for the’ peasants which President Calles’’ government’ has established since last May; they visited the national agricultural bank established» this: year, -the + co-opera- tive agricultural, banks and ‘the very unique co-operative agricultural bank | founded by labor; they inspected the new highways built by the Calles gov- ernment during the past year and saw the work continuing; they © learned about the irrigation projects being worked on; they visited the new open air schools; :in :Mexico: City. establish- ed in the poor districts where the chil- dren have never before had schools; they saw rural schools 5000 of which were established last. year with an ad- ditional 1000 planned for in the’ 1927 budget; they studied the church situ- ation and the problem arising from the application of the ofl and land laws. Much to do Yet, Luis Morones, secretary of Industry, | Commerce and Labor, assured the for- eign delegates that in spite of the sac- rifices suffered’ by the labor move- ment of Mexico and in spite of the enormous strides ft had made in the last years—the CROM now counting a membership of some two millions— the leaders without dissembling or overvaluing the achievements of the past were fully conscious of the re- sponsibilities of the future, well aware of the enormity of their task if the work of the revolution would be a perfect work. Can't Go Back Now. “Tn Mexico, it is not possible:to go back,” concluded Morones. “Now in Mexico it will be a difficult matter to establish tyrannies. The oppress- ed masses have had a taste of their birthright. They have sensed what it means to be free, responsible hu- man beings. There can be no return to the old days,” sve Leek to Mexico, Francisco Perez Leiros, representa- tive from the Argentine Federation of Labor and member of the federal con- gress in his country said that not on- ly did Argentina but all thé South and Central American countries he knew or with whose peoples he had had spiritual contact looked to Mexico as the standard bearer ot the ideals ot all Latin) America, adding that “When I go back, I shall tell the ‘gau- chos’ that the men of the hills and Plains’of Mexico have fought for their freedgm and the herdsmen of the Ar- gentine Republic should do likewise,” Expresses Solidarity. In acknowledgement of the affirma- tions of unity and support the repre- sentatives of the organized workers of the various countries of Hurope and the Americas brot to the. work- ers of Mexico, the Mexican Federa- “on of Labor reasserted its belief in che solidarity of the world proletariat asking the visitors to carry back with them to the workers in other lands the message that while to some Mex- ico may seem a far away land, its working class has for them a feeling of honest, candid encouragement— spiritually and- Wl need be ~in their comuion st) c the re- sons ot the Snake, of the ro . (Copyright, 1926, by Upton Sinclair.) EVi se Hig Then, having said that very mag? nificently, the young idealist who was gradually and painfully evoly+ ing into a man of the world, went on to point out that as a matter of fact none of the eight would have much chance to bother Verne. His efficient blacklist system would see to it that they didn’t get work in the oil fields; and any organizing they could do would be of a pitiful sort.. On the other hand, Verne must realize that if he persisted: in trying to railroad these fellows to jail.there was going to be a long trial, and a lot of publicity of a kind the operators might find trouble- some, The testimony used would have to be “framed;” and he was going to do everything in his power to expose it, and to see that the public got the facts. What if it should occur ‘v the defendants’ law- yer,to subpoena Mr, Vernon Roscoe and ask what he knew about the Planting of spies on the Parad workers? “Oh, son!” cried Dad. ‘You wouldn’t do a dirty thing like that!” Bunny answered: “Of course I wouldn't. I said the lawyer might do “it. Wouldn’t you if you were in his place?” And Dad, very un- comfortable, said, alright, let the matter ride, and he would see what he could do with Verne. Vv. One outcome of these negotia- tions, Dad appealed to Vee Tracy: Couldn't she possibly do more to keep Bunny out of the hands of these awful reds? Why, he wasn’t thinking about a thing else! Vee said she would try, and she did, and it was a further strain upon their love and affection. For Bunny was beginning to know what he wanted now, and he didn’t want to be kept from it. _ Vee was hard at work on “The Princess of Patchouli.” It was a silly story, she would freely admit; yet her whole being was concen- trated upon making it real and vivid. If you asked her why, the answer would be, it was her profession; which meant that she was getting seven hundred a week, with the pos- sibility of increasing it to a thou- sand a week if she “made good.” But what did she want with the ‘ Plause and attention, as a means of getting more thousands for more weeks? It was a vicious circle—~ exactly like Dad’s oil wells, The wobbies had a song about it in their jungles: “We got to work to get the cash to buy the food to get the strength to go to work to get the cash to buy the food to get the strength to go to work—”and so on, as long as your breath held out.. © Vee wanted to talk about the pic- ture and the problems that arose day by day, and the various person- alities and their jealousies and vant ties, their loves and hates. Bunny, who loved her, would pretend to be interested, because it- would hurt her if he wasn't. And it was the same with the Hollywood parties; once they had been new and start- ling, but now they all seemed alike. Everybody was making a new pic- ture, but it would always be like the old. pictures, Nobody did anything original, but everybody followed fashions; the public’s taste ran society pictures, and nobody wou { look at a war picture—but presently the public would want war pictures, and after that costume picturés, Vee’s friends changed their bootleg- gers, but it was always the same stuff they drank, Also they changed their lovers; a certain man slept with a certain woman, and then presently it was a different woman -—but the more it changed, the more it was the same thing, 2 Bunny and Vee loved each other, just as passionately as ever. At Jeast they told themselves it was'as ever, but all the while the subtle chemistry of change was at work, Men and women are not bodies only, and cannot be satisfied with delights of the body only, Men and women are minds, and have to have harmony of ideas. Can they be bored with each other's fdeas, and still be Just as much in love? { and women are characters, and characters lead to acti what if they lead to diff ao tions? What if the man read a book, while the woman wants to go to a dance? aon Vee had been so considerate in matters of her adoring “Apple- sauce,” #0 careful lest Bunny should be jealous; and now Bunny made the irritating discovery that it was his turn to be careful! Vee had two enemies among women—and Bunny persisted in keeping them as his in- timates, That Socialist girl at the university—of course he had to see her there, but did he have to mak dates to goto Socialist with | Vee was ready to ve that he wasn’t in love with a com- mon little sweatshop Jewess; but it Vee wanted to be taken to @ “world premiere” that same even- ing of the Socialist lecturet =~ (Continued tomorrow.) is thousand a week? To buy-moreapere co