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Page Six THE DAILY WORKER Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill, Phone Monroe 4712 SUBSCRIPTION RATES ARTICLE. VI. 8y mail (in Chicago only): By mall (outside of Chicago): By WILLIAM F. DUNNE, $8.00 per r $4.50 six months $6.00 per year $3.50 six months HE dangerous doctrine which right $2.50 three months $2.00 three months |4 wing “ieadership and capitalist | ¢ Address all mail and make out checks to |spokesmen Join in preaching is our old | jenemy, “Identity of interest of labor | THE DAILY WORKER, 1113 Wi Washington Blvd. Chicago, Il, be capital,” now put forward as ene | Nd J, LOUIS ENGDAHL \ ...Biditors worker-employer co-operation,” or in WILLIAM F, DUNNE ¢"™* la still fairer guise as “union-manage- BERT MILLER .., Business Manager |ment co-operation.” | In the December issue of the Amer- ican Federationist, an editorial by President William Green entitled, eee pene Entered as second-class mail September 21, 1923, at the post-office at Chi- cago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. ‘ ee 290 Advertising rates on application | «Company Unions” (in which the head To RNagaaoa mee omatmrac ames aneccmen Naren ate Sas Wh cs jof the trade union movement puts for- ®.. @hes $ (ward reasons why capitalists should f Democracy mn Dixieland jdeal with the trade unions rather than 4,300,000 Negroes are disfranchised in southern states. form company unions) makes the fol-| lowing statements: Under various systems of union- management co-operation, workers : ee | This fact is now in the records of the United States senate and | a | it is no longer possible to gloss over this shameful suppression of the} racial unit which does the hardest, dirtiest and most necessary Work | have felt a responsibility and a part- in “Dixieland.” e | nership in the indystry which has | The details are at hand. They have been exposed as a result of| stimulated intellectual effort AND | The details are at hand. They neve been € om d peg | BROW GUMETANTIAL. GENEKInS one of the internal struggles of American capitalism and Negro or-| TO THE INDUSTRY. Prevention of ganizations, aided by the labor moyement, should make known to all | waste, saving of materials, better the world the denial by force to the supposedly free members of the; production methods, EVEN INVEN- | Negro race of the elementary right to take part in local, state and | Ente eee eer uae hie | ations " i s igl at is ; rei B ave been national elections—a right that is possessed and exercised by the | pare of hE Sarstieaes < Sonteibutioa, millions of mentally unfit white persons over 21 years of age. \“THEY HAVE GONE OUT TO | According to statements made in the senate on Monday, and! THEIR COMMUNITIES TO SO- | to which no denial was made, Alabama has disfranchised 400,000| LICIT TRADE FOR THEIR EM- | Negroes; Arkansas, 300,000; Florida, 200,000; Georgia, 600,000; PLOYER. Local union meetings se fi OE TREE 3 i 6: .| fave become discussion FORUMS Louisiana, 300,000; M sippi, ‘300,000; North Carolina, 200,000; | FOR PLANT PROBLEMS, produc- South Carolina, 350,000; Tennessee, 400,000; Texas, 800,000, and ing practical suggestions that are Virginia, 450,000. | carried into the shops for practical It is 61 years since the Civil War ended, yet Negroes in the! demonstration. National officers southern states are not citizens. They are ruled by a hostile race have contributed expert advice and : 7 rR direction. UNIONS WITH BANK- and class against whose cruelties they have not even the right of | ING SYSTEMS HAVE. GIVEN protest by ballot. They are robbed, tortured and murdered with! FiyaNcIAL HELP TO EM- still less pretense of legality than prevailed in the days of feudalism. | The magnificent periods of the capitalist and official labor ; spokesmen, the sonorous tributes to American democracy, the flag- waving and patrioteering, are meaningless enough to the white | working class of this country, but they are pure truths to them com-| facts of production. + The in- pared to the total lack of their practical application to the life of | dividual effort of the most enlighten- the southern Negro masses. Hl employer cannot maintain as The American labor movement cannot hold up its head as long/ aera Birtles aa as this condition prevails. Still more to its shame is the fact that it) unions. (Emphasis mine.) still supports the candidates of the democrat and republican par- H™™= we have an almost perfectly ties who—except when the rivalry for one reason or another is more/41 complete description of the “work- than usually intense—have a “gentleman’s agreement” to say noth- er-employer-union-management ing whatever about the submerged 4,300,000. For both the labor movement and the Negro masses a labor party is the way out of their bondage. In the meanwhile there must be a nation-wide agitation that will keep the facts of Negro suppres- sion before the American masses. PLOYERS IN DIFFICULT TIMES. THE WORKERS’ DEMANDS UN- DER THIS SYSTEM OF CO-OPER- ATION HAVE BEEN RESTRAIN- ED by better understanding of the co-op- eration” paradise. It requires no com- ment except to say that it is 100 per cent proof of the Communist charge that the policy of the present trade | union leadership has as its object the | transformation of unions into “effi- ¥ ciency agencies” of the capitalists, 4 I urge every worker in the United | States, whether he be a member of a Coolidge Economy and Cruisers [ses sete Be 9 sae The controversy now raging over the question of the ten addi-|the December issue of the American tional cruisers which President Coolidge has agreed to build, but for |Federationist and read carefully the which he is not ready to make a minimum appropriation of $005 ee i oe Tie pate 000,000, open up to the popular gaze the inner workings of the cap-| thar they will stimulate thought. In italist political machine. | telligent trade untontsts especially will Senators and congressmen of both republican and democrat |be delighted to know that they are parties are found supporting the cruiser-building project and offt- Wir wih Chae re ee cials of both parties are in opposition to it. Coolidge, trying to satis- likiwed tain Gat wear polee hat! fy both militarists and the middle-class elements who feel the heavy | makes local unions “discussion forums | burden of taxation for the upkeep of military and: naval forces, is for plant problems.” We are sure Iso | not meeting with much success. that as a Christmas present to the “Coolidge economy” is about the only common bond between ain Reb esting cig] more | the White House and the dissatisfied farmers. The rumblings from | igmands under vin die zd the west and middle west are not to be disregarded by a president operation have been restrained” will who wants to sueceed himself. evoke gladsome encomiums of this | The patriots, with visions of juicy machinery’and armament kind of labor leadership, | eontracts before their eyes, may rave about the inferior status Ak Bitbeng Diprscx act See the pgeadl| the navy, but there will be little doing in the line of appropriations ,,,), pocttepk é tlie peseoms de teneaes | wntil after 1928. American imperialism has all the naval equipment ation which is taking place in the 1a | it needs to intimidate the Latin-American peoples, it will not be bor movement under the control of! endangered by delay in adding to its war fleet and so it is that the Such labor agents of American im- jond howls from the war-mongers do not result in a raid on the ,P°rialism. treasury at this time. ‘ But if Coolidge is re-elected the militarists will get their cruisers and the farmers will get theirs—in the neck. In the meantime it is necessary to continue the economy farce | less? For instance, can anyone familiar | | with the labor movement in the pre- war period imagine such a statement as the following appearing in the local jemployer co-operation « policy. THE DAILY WORKER ist development, i.e. mate result. correspondence section of a labor jour- nal before the movement was de- bauched from the top down? Read this from the Cambridge, Ohio, correspondence in the December num- ber of The American Flint, official organ of the Fling Glass Workers’ Union: Walter Anderson is contemplating retiring from the glass workers and Joining the Pinkerton detective force as he has already had some ex- perience. Fs not very far apart.. When Brother Green brags that underhis policy “the workers’ demdndg . .;.. have been restrained,” and Brother. Anderson announces in his union Journal that he is joining the Pinkerton detective force as he has already- had some ex- perience,” there is something more than a geographica} proximity—there is a unity of ‘stoolpigeonism from above and below so*clean and com- plete that it cannot be mistaken. The chilling ooze of corruption from above seeps down. thra every crevice of the labor movement: » by: ‘TNERSHIP indndustry” is an- other euphemistic. catch-phrase used by both trage union officialdom and the capitalist press in describing the surrender of trade unions to the capitalists in pursuance of the worker- The New York Times considers this phrase especially apt and never overlooks an opportunity to use it. This hard- boiled capitalist sheet ds just as strong a supporter of “union-managment co- operation” and “partnership in indus- try” as are President Green and other apostles of “efi@iency unionism.” HE TIMES in a recent editorial makes a comparison between the |methods of arbitration under govern- ;ment supervision—the logical and in- evitable extension of the “union-man- agement co-operation” policy—and mil- itant unionism. It compares the out- come of the arbitration proceedings af- fecting trainmen and conductors on eastern lines with the outcome of the cloakmakers’ strike, and says; Two labor stories of importance stand out in the day’s news. They supply chronicle and comment on the rival methods of reason and war Is it any wonder that the labor aristocracy is becoming utterly shame- so that the bankrupt corn, cotton and wheat gorwers may not have | salt rubbed into their gaping wounds. - It is necessary to point out in this connection that only under | conditions prevailing in the United States, where the majority of | farmers and workers support the parties of the capitalists, could | such a crude “now you have them, and now you don’t” device—the political counterpart of the three shells and the pea whereby farm- ers were plundered at the county be successfully worked, Such deception is possible only\if farmers and workers still believe that capitalist parties and capitalist politicians will pro- tect their reaching is undoubtedly the Aswell bi lions of foreign-born workers now in as itis mildly stated in the bill, reg! | times and such places” when “in the Matter of Who Represents Pullman pas of the national defense so require. Porters Comes to Notice of Morrow, Mediator Under Watson-Parker Act collected over 1,000 affidavits to sup- port their claim of intimidation, interests. immigration into America of persons the potential immigrants’ previous po- litical and union activities before a visa is issued; that it would provide a method of importing foreign labor to lower wages, to break strikes or for The Pullman Company is still oe | ing to maintain the stand that the | wrcatanettin dus incterhy ten-ceisd Radian swe 2 ASWELL BILL IS WORST OF MANY TO USE F OREIGN-BORN FOR BOSSES’ USE By EDITH RUDQUIST. is Among the several proposed anti-alien laws the most drastic and far- employing class to catalogue and classify But it is not generally known that the bill is also | ers; that it would necessitate the establishment i, It is an attempt of the American into particular categories the mil- America and~to militarize them, or, istered aliens are “to report at such judgment of the president, the inter- an attempt to prevent undesirable to the American employ: of a system of checking up shall request the governor of each state to submit a coneise synopsis of AMBRIDGE, Ohio, and Coshocton, | the home of President Green, are | Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters does not represent their employes. | The union js asking for an adjustment of wages and conditions. It is asking that the rate of pay be changed from a mileage to an hourly basis. The company refnses to recognize its right | to speak for the porters, | The annual election of committees | in the company union was scheduled to begin on the second Tuesday in November, This was jumped ahead, and the election was conducted from | Oct, 23 to Nov, 9. The company claims | that 85 per cent of the porters yoted at this élection, thus substantiating | their claim that the company union !s | the proper channel thru which to con- | duct negotiations, | ‘The brotherhood refutes this claim | as to the percentage voting, and as-— The matter was recently brought in- formally before Edwin Morrow of the | mediation board set up by the Watson- Parker railroad act. It was not a public hearing. Morrow received in- formally the evidence submitted by the brotherhood to support thelr claim that they represent the employes, If the board rulos favorably in that mat- ‘ter, it will assume jurisdiction in the dispute, If tt decides that the com- pany union represents the men, it can- not deal further with the brotherhood. Milton P, Webster, the organizer for the brotherhood in the Chicago ats trict, reports that the Pullman Com- pany practically produced no evidence to support its claim for {ts own com- pany anion, intimidated and coerced, They have sorts that many who id vote were) The best way—sudsoribe today. direct use in any other industrial dis- |putes; that it would provide the | American employing class with free employment bureaus in every foreign city where America has a consulate; that the governor of each state would virtually become the “legalized” tool of the industrial interests. Break Down Safeguards. But more than this, the bill vir- tually contradicts former well-estab- | shed rules "of Jaw, e. g., that law which torbade the importing or hiring by contract of any laborer abroad, or that which in several states forbade the transportation of strikebreakers unless they had been previously in- formed of the character of, their com- ing “duties,” The section which is these provisions is the 19th: of state “Seo, 19, Tho secre! the resources of his state and the op- portunities open to immigrants in such state and shall further request the governor to submit monthly at stated times estimates of the number and type of immigrants that are deemed desirable as residents of such state. The secretary of state shall, upon the basis of such information and official reports and statistics, prepare state- ments from time to time (in such lan- guage as the secretary of state shall deem expedient) setting out condi- tions and opportunities in the several states, which statements shall be fur- nished to American consular officers, Bach alien applying to any such of- flcer for a visa shallBé given the op- portunity of readingethe statement prepared by the s of state and of selecting the p the United States tor which such Wien desires to 0, which place shall be named in ~ * / Introduction. HE purpose of these articles is to show by documentary evidence, whose authenticity no one can impugn, that the campaign against all progressive tendencies in the labor movement which was launched at the A. F. of L. convention In 1923 has entered a new phase in which there is a more open combination than ever before of the trade union officialdom, the capitalist press, the employers and the government. It will also be shown that the main motives which prompt the in- tensified attack, centering first on the Communists and second on the left wing, are (1) the desire of the capitalists to suppress all struggles which interfere with the development of American imperialist pros- perity and either destroy the trade unions or force them to a general dead level of docility, (2) the desire of the trade union officlaldom to force on the unions.a policy which will make of them the docile or- ganizations which the capitalists will accept, (3) the desire of both the capitalists and their labor agents to drive the Communists out of the unions and destroy their influence in the labor movement because they are the most conscious and best organized exponents of fighting unionism who are trying to rally all workers for struggle on a pro- gram of immediate and necessary demands. Finally, these articles will show that the policy of the trade union officialdom, of which the latest attack on the left wing is a logical re- sult, is based on one phase, and one phase alone, of American capital- its present temporary upward swing, and that because of this neglect of other fundamental factors, can bring nothing ebut disaster to the labor movement. The more “successful” this policy is, i, e. the more endorsement it receives from the masses now, the more disastrous will be the ulti- The.Gommunists and the organized left wing therefore are fighting the battle of the whole working class when they resist to the utmost the new offensive of the combined forces of American capitalism which, in the period of imperialism, minor exceptions the whole bloc of trade union officialdom. | ( include with some —W. F. D. in industry. A board of arbitration acting under the new railroad law awards an increase to the con- ductors and trainmen on eastern railroads, equivajent to a 7 per cent increase in wages, Simultaneously, a mass meeting of garment workers in New York City bitterly denounces ....a lead- ership which precipitated .... an unnecessary strike... . terminating in an admittedly disastrous defeat. ++.» The conflict was planned and let loose by the left wing element in the local unions. Arbitration wins, strikes lose—this is the burden of the duet sung by the right wing and capitalist press. I pro- pose to diverge here from the main line of my argument and deal briefly with the attempt of The Times, in which it is not alone by any means, to confuse issues by an analogy which is no analogy at all. bs the first place anyone who tries to make the wage problems of gar- ment workers appear to be the same as. those of conductors and trainmen is either ignorant or dishonest, Train- men and conductors, occupying strate- gic positions in a key industry, are accorded privileges by the capitalists which are denied to less favored sec- tions of the workers. But this is no reason why these workers should adopt arbitration as a method of secur- ing their demands. As a matter of fact, the greatest concession ever se- cured by these workers was gained by the threat of a general strike. (The eight-hour provisions of the Adamson jlaw ehacted in 1916.) TS 7% per cent increase in wages given by the mediation board, seems to be a great victory when it is stated in a lump sum as The Times does. But, figured out in dollars and cents per worker it dwindles surpris- ingly. To be exact: The average wage of these two groups of railway workers, according to the figures of the railroad labor board, was $5.71 per day in 1925. Based on a thirty-day month (this is far above the average, but I am in- clined to be generous) this would be a monthly income of $171.30. The boasted 7! per cent increase therefore shrinks to $12.74 per month—certainly representing no visa. No alien entering the United States after six months following the enactment of this act shall be deemed to have completed his registration un- der this act until he has reported at the office in the district in which is located the place named in his visa.” Would Provide Strikebreakers, The American industrialists have never been entirely satisfled with the im=zigration laws of this country and the different industrial interests have tried to get their own selfish view- points ‘expressed in various bills. One of the latest attempts 1s to give full authority to the president to regulate, restrict or enlarge the immigration quotas according to actual needs of the different industri The quoted section 19 of the Aswell bill is a step in the same direction, and it provides for speedy action in case of emer- gency, e, g., a big strike, when the governor in his official capacity is compelled to issue monthly to the state department a statement of the “industrial needs” in his state, and in reliance on his statement the neces- sary immigrants are to be brought over to break the strike, or for use generally when the capitalist class starts a campaign to lower wages, The last clause of the same section is nothing less than a form of modern industrial serfdom, which would bind the worker to the district stated in his “contract” (visa), These aspects of the Aswell bill call for the particular attention of every Council for the Foretgn-Born must be made to and warnings must The New Drive an Militant Trade Unonsm tremendous victory for unions which had demanded an increase of 20 per cent especially when we take Into consideration the fact that railway profits for thie year are estimated in round figures at $1,380,000,000, HE garment workers secured an increase of $3 per week and in addi- tion a reduction of hours from 44 to 42 for the first half of the life of the agreement and a 40-hour week for the last half, Neither are the garment workers’ ‘bound to any arbitration scheme—the union has retained its freedom of action. For-a trade union this is funda- mental. We see that The Times’ estimate of the two,.eyents is sadly lacking in veracity... The,garment workers, even tho led by..the.left wing to “an admit- | tedly, disastrous..defeat,” did consider- ably better..than the trainmen and jconducors.4n- spite of the privileges granted these» -key., workers by an anxious. imperialist system. BS ‘The Times is, ilke the official trade union leadership, concerned with “peaée in industry” and “part- nership in industry.” Cassius-like, it pretends friendship only to stab. As we haye seen, The Times professes to ‘|be worried greatly by the dissension in the union, but its greatest grief is reserved for the passing of the sub- pission of the New York Joint Board to the governor's commission. It says: The principle of arbitration, and beyond that, of CO-OPERATION FOR THE PROMOTION OF PEACE AND THE WELFARE OF THE IN- DUSTRY, SEEMED TO BE WELL ESTABLISHED. .... A noteworthy advance had been made TOWARD THAT PARTNERSHIP IN INDUS- TRY WHICH UNDERLIES THE SANEST THOUGHT. among both employers and workers. E can be certain that The Times will agree that the “sanest thought” in this direction among em- ployers is voiced equally well by President Green. The Times is for “partnership in in- dustry.” f ‘ So is the. American Federationist, Both publications, one typically cap- italist, the other typical of the official trade union press, denounce the Com- munists and the left wing because they warn the. workers of the danger of the policy expressed in this phrase and organize them for a policy of struggle. Official labor leadership and the or- gans of labor’s class enemies here show conchusiyely that they at least have established an “identity of in- ORR ose: SOK ty bus, ‘ This same collusion of reaction ap- pears in other fields. é (To be continued.) Read— CLASS COLLABORATION— HOW IT WORKS i 9 By Bertram D. Wolfe A. brilliant study of the . various niethods, by which the capitalist. class attempts to corrupt the labor move- ment and bribe its most important sections. Specific illustrations are given from the history of the Ameri- can labor movement,..The pamphlet is readable and valuable thruout. 10 cents, ef CLASS STRUGGLE vs. CLASS COLLABORATION By. Earl R. Browder A keen study ‘of modern class col- laboration schemes such ‘as the B. & O. Plan, Labor Banking ‘and Workers’ Education. An indispensable book for anyone who is interested in the modern developments in the labor movement: 10 cents country, especially the European, of the net that is being laid to trap. the foreign workers into American indus- trles as strikebreakers and to lower the in living standard, when- ever the bosses decide that the time tor lowering wages is ripe, The po erful influence of the labor. press in” ope must be mobilized for this purpo: , Our revolutionary com- radeg in the foréizn parliaments must use every: opportunity to raise their voices in condemnation and protest, warning against these sinister, designs and conspiracies, of the American -in- dustrial magnates. _ sh aI This question is by no means only an American issue, it is an issue which concerns, the .whole world’s proleta- +s pewe Bloom Threatens to Force Ford to Prove . WASHINGTON, Dec, 21.—It Henry Ford does not appear voluntarily to substantiate his charges that “the Jews control government finance, the federal reserve system, as well as in- ternational banking,” Rep, Sol Bloom, New York, will foree him to come be- fore the senate, Bloom threatens. The New York congressman introduced a resolution, in, the, house, .asking that Ford's charges against the Jew, which appear in his Dearborn Independent, de investigated. ple give 1® to his statements,” | (Gopyright, 1926, by Upton Sinclair.) So the time passed . pleasantly. Until at last Vee had got to feel perfectly at home in her Appie’s conception of royalty; she no longer had to ask questions, nor to stop and think, but knew instantly what to do—and forever after, in all her entrances to and exits from Holly- wood society she would be a little of a Harvard instructor's Princess of Patchouli. She was impatient now, wanting to see the sets, and to hear Tommy Paley call, “Camera!” Bunny also was loaded up with an- y8wers to all possible exam ques- tions, and ready to get back and ‘un- load them on his professors. Daa had run down to Toronto, and signed the last of the papers for his Cana- dian corporations; he had telegrams from Verne almost every day—the strikers, having held out for nearly foyr months, had learned their les- son, and the Federal Oil Board had written them a letter, advising them to go back to work as individuals, and promising there: would be no discrimination against union men, Then one day the steamer brought a telegram signed Annabelle,” ad- dressed to Bunny, and reading, “Spring lamb for dinner, come on home.” He explained what that meant, the strike was over; and so the occupants of the camp packed up, and Mr, Appleton Laurence went back to his fair Harvard, with woe in his heart and a packet of immor- tal sonnets in his suitcase, while Vee and Dad and Bunny and the secretary made themselves luxurious in compartments on a Canadian- Pacific train bound west. | CHAPTER XVI. The Killing. IL, Bunny passed his examinations, and was duly established as @ “grave old senior” in Southern Pa- cific University. And then he hunt- ed up his friends—and such a load of troubles as fell onto his shoul ders! Literally everybody had troubles! Rachel and Jacob Men- zies had come back from their sum- mer’s fruit picking, to find their two younger brothers, the “left wing- ers,” in the county jail. The police had raided a Communist m and arrested all the speakers, the organizers, and the literature sellers, and all who had red badges in their buttonholes. They had raided the Communist headquarters determined, so the newspapers ai- nounced, to root every Moscow agent out of the city. They had sorted the prisoners, and fined a few, and were holding the rest, including the Menzies boys, under that convenient universal charge, “suspicion of erim- inal syndicalism.” These foolish boys had made their own trouble, said Rachel; but still it was an outrage to arrest people for their beliefs; and it was tor- menting to think of your own flesh and blood shut up in those horrible cages. Bunny asked the bail—it was two thousand dollars pér brother. He began explaining his troubles with his father, and his own impotence; and Rachel said of course, she understood, they couldn't expect him to bail out the whole radical movement. And yet that did not entirely restore his peace of mind. i a Then Harry. Seager, whose bus!- ness college was on the rocks. The boycott had wrecked it, and Harry was trying to sell the debris. He was going to buy him a, walnut ranch; it would be harder to boy- cott walnuts, you couldn’t tell the “red” ones from the “white"! ~ And then Dan Irving, whose labor college was in almost as bad a : The orgy of arrests had trighte the old line labor leaders completely off. The college was still going, but it was in debt, and the head of it hadn’t bad any salary for several months. Bunny wrote a check for two hundred dollars, and went away debating the question that never would be settled—to what “extent had he a right to plunder his father for the benefit of his father’s mies? U From Irving he learned that Patil had got out of Jail, and was in Ange! City, together with Ruth, It wag a dirty deal the ol! workers had got, said Don; the operators had ote last use of the off board, te trick the men into a complete sur- render, They had promised the oi! : board there would be no discrimina- tion “against union men, but they had never had the least intention of keeping this promise. They had kept all the strikebreakers at and taken back just enough of the * strikers to make up their needs, the active union fellows were beg: ging jobs, and the oil industry was @ slave-yard of the “open shop.” (Continued Tomorrow) ° Everything, — Mustn't Grab